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COLUMBUS HERALD.
VOL. X.]
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‘it. All rule arid figure work double the above p. ices.
{.eoal Advertisements published a* tho usual
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All Sales regulated by law, must be made before
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tTtoming and 4 in the evening—those of Land in
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for six MONTHS.
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cop)’ of the bond or agreement) to make titles
i-o land, must he published three months.
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to sell the Land or Negroes of an,lnstate, four
MONTHS.
Notices bv Execute's or A Iministra’ors, to the Debt
ors and Creditors A ar Estate, for six weeks.
Sheriffs. Clerks or Court. Sc., will be allowed
the t’.xilai deduction
1 Letters on business, must b” post paid.
to entitle theiti to attention.
C’J.vl.vl ON WEALTH OF .HASS.VCHUSfc/A i S
IN THE YEAR. IS4O.
Resolves relating to Slaves ami the Slave
Trade, tii.d Hie admission ol new States
into the Uniou.
\\ iieuv.s, domestic slavery exists in toe
Dish u t Ol Ooiumbm, under the express nu
thorny ol Oongiess, which, at tut- time ut
ttie cession ot tlie District, re eracted ttie
tt.ave codes ol” Maryland and Virginia; ami
whereas, the sanction thus given to slavery,
amt Its Continued toleration at the seat Ol
Government, tbrui* a mauuest violation by
this naLon ol the first principles oi justice,
and nave a tend* uey to corrupt me moral
sense, and to lower (tie character ol the wlm.e
jhjoj te ot tlie United States ; and whereas,
Una nation can have no higher interest either
heio.e G id, o; m the eyes of lirtn, than the
establishing justice, and strengthening the just j
lontuhtnous ol nautmal honor: and whereas, j
slavery in me Disirict of Columbia, beuij, j
t ins u n.i non and Concern, and involving nation- !
a 1 r>Spousihility, it is the right ol tne Coin-}
it Hits'.vea (Ui of Massachusetts, to ivmon-UnMe
ngariist Utt* comm):i n iitic iiu i liie Ut’gradi
tiou ol rutin;. a! eiuructer :
Tiie re lore,
Re*iwl, I’hal Congress i light to exercise
i's acknowledged power, in ’lie immediate
.suj)pn'-M!*ii nt” slavery am! the slave trade,
within ilu Distiietol Cohimb;;).
And v. iiiv ts i\- the consv, Jririn of tin
■ S :ii -s Cong’es has ttie power to regu
late commerce with llrrign uations, nml he
tween the several States oi’ the Union, in ttie
exiTi is ot ivlire powe. Congress m the
V’ a 1S ; 18, i'ii!,isiied tin lurugn slave trade ;
ami vsj eas, a domestic slave trade, as un
jU'iitiatiie m jnineioe is the African slave
timle, ami scarcely less cruel ami inhuman
in practice, is now can ied on between the
several States :
Tlie.fcltire,
Uesol.ed, That, the domestic slave trade
on nt tube .iliolisned by Congress, without
del .y.
R ■solved. I'hai tip new State ought to be
admitted into the Union, whose Constitution
shall tolerate domestic slavery.
lte.sdived, I'hat our Senators in Congress
j; instructed, and oar Representatives be re
quested, to use turn utmost efforts to give
fit oi to the fur going resolves
It solved, That las Excellency the Govehi
or, be requested to forward a copy of these
resolves to each of the Senators an I repre
sentatives from Massachusetts m Congress,
ami to the govenors ol the several States, to
b- iiy then) laid before their respective legis
|s lures.
A sign of ‘irkin’ defeat. —We find the
follow ing ui tl',.* Wa hitigi ui correspondence !
ol ti e Augusta Constitutionalist. The mem- i
bi nr Georgia, is no doubt, the political;
harlequin, and famous Ji)n Crotb Dawson.
II s owS toe ‘ white leather, * and finds
that hard cider, after all. is not the thing it j
is *o acken no to tie/— Sav. Telegraph.
A he> o g>st*D was drainl die oilier day
b**'\v, na lVottesseaa and a distinguished;
G o g a member, in which liie Inter put upj
ln> p:ic or Harrison. The (Georgian was;
suffered to wimdntw tifs h >t, on at kmnvledg
sug he cum’- hat Van Boren would be;
re elected. I*l its does not look well lor the !
am*'ess it H irrison, at your June Convention.
B; th* w v. if ibis letter was not already
spu i out to > long, I shotiM furnish you some
Vinaous l icis about vour State Rights delega
te m coning out at the right end after alt—a
Icons .'to at: ui and. v i • ‘ ui be wished, inas
itnic >s h ere < prrtihar joy to me in the
convers on of heretieal political friends.
REPUBLICAN MEETING IN AUGUSTA
T.ie cal l tor ;i pulil e meeting in Augusta
opposed to Har ison ami Abolition, which we
see in the Constitutionalist of Thursday we
are glad to'perce ve, lets completely demol
ished <’lil party lines. Hie Republican State
Rights man. and the D n •lane Union man
have there joined hand m hand to ‘ preserve*
in their o\n expressive words, ‘the purity of
th ■ Constitution ami maintain the rights aud
interests of the South.’ The names o* John
P King, our C inner Senator in Congress,;
Thomas Glascock, J >hn P lirtizv. .1. G. Me- j
Worter, P. C. Guieu, E. Shims, John Shiv. I
Wm. Schley, VN . R. McLaws, Jimes Me
Laws, John Bones, A. Rhodes, Ur : th Slack.*
A. Read, and others which are appended to ;
the requisition, show thru the q mstion is not !
now a partisan one—it is emp laiic iliv. The
Democracy o ‘ the North an I South and
Vm Boren vs. Harris .n and Abolition! —
Savannah Telegraph.
‘Bragging.’—The Cwntr.il Gazette savs.
*The whigs m i do the bragoin •, hot the
democ- its will b? sure to do he voting. —Un
fortunatelv for the Whig papers, thev have
dece ved their ’rien Is so often hv their ealeu
lations. ihat they lave lost confidence in
them.’ Tha’ is the exact notch, Mr. Ford.—
Col Enquirer.
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, MAY 9, 1840.
*’ Y.ii Institution is one of the most dewldy hostility
existing against the principles and form of our Consti
tution. The nation is. at toil time, so strong and united
in its sentime ts, that it cannot be shaken at this mo
ment. Bu‘ suppose a series of untoward events show and
occur , sufficient to brim; inti doubt the competency of a
Republican Government ts meet a crisis of great d>m
ger or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the
I pub’ic functionaries; an institution like this penetrating
by its branches every pvt of the union, acting by com
mand and in phalanx, may in a critical moment, upset
the government I deem no government safe, which is
under the vaisalage of any sef constituted authorities,
or any other authority than that of the nation or its reg
ular funcli maries. iVhat an obdrvrtion. could n t this
Bank of the United States with all its branch banka,
he i t time of war ? It might dictate to us the peace tee
thou/d accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought we then to
give further growth to an institution to powerful, to
hostile? — Thomas Jefferson.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET.
ffOft PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
. JOHN FORSYTH.
TO THE HON. THOMAS F. FOS I ER :
Sir:—At the close of the communication I
had the honor to address to you, through the
columns of the last 1 Columbus Sentinel and
Herald,’ I stated that I would, during the
present week, submit to you some additional
reflections, on * the opinions and acts of Mr.
Van Buren upon the constitutionality and
expediency of a National Bank, and a tariff
tor protection; as also upon the recorded
opinions and official acts of Gen. Harrisor
touching the* great landmarks between the
two parties, winch have alternately prevailed,
and that, since the Convention which framed
the Constitution, have, with unceasing activi
ty, struggled lor dominion, and grasped at
tne heitu oi State—together with some gen
eral remarks, applicable to the existing con
dition ol the country, and its political hopes
and ie rs.’ I now proceed to the execution
ol that task
1 did not m my preceding, nor shall I in
inis communication, indulge in the usual in
• einpuaiice of political warfare, nor minister
to tne passions and prejudices of aspiring
politicians. I come to tins discussion with
the Sincere conviction, that the principles of
thus Administration are ttie principles of the
Constitution; and that their overthrow will
impair the strength, and may dissolve the
bauds that bind the body politic together.
In ttie investigation of the questions before
| us, clothing Useful certainly can arise by in
| dulgnig it the virulence of party spirit, and
tne violence of political animosities. In the
Ila rt tier examination ol the relative meritsofthe
! two candidates for ttie Presidency, and the
existing posture of our national affairs, 1 shall j
not deviate from the course i first prescribed.
Tne opinions of Mr. Van Buretr upon the
constitutionality and expediency of a Na
tional Bank are, I believe, questions of neither
doubt nor misapprehension. Indeed, ttie
o euruesa and explicitness of these opinions,
a id tue firmness with which he adheres te
hem, form the chief ground of opposition to
Ins re-election. On this point it cannot, there
fore, be necessary to adduce proof. For the
purpose, however, of impeaching the purity
of his motives; of adding to the irritation of
the public mind ; and, from interested views,
of giving increased strength to the unworthy
charges of Ins wavering conduct, and his in
stability of principle—reference is made to
hi3 application, many years since, and during
the existence of a National Bank, for the
location of a branch of that institution at
Albany. Slight allusion was made to this
fact, in your speech belbre the meeting of
the Slate lights party. I appeal to your
intelligence as a politician, and your candor
as a man, to say whether that applicati in in
itseif considered, can be tortured into an in
consistency with the principles which Mr.
Van Buien lias ever professed to maintain on
this subject—and whether acts similar in their
character, and equally involving a dereliction
ot - politic il fidelity, have not, at various peri
ods m the history of our country, met the ap
probation, end received the concurrence of
m n, who, in pubhc life, have never given an
anil-republican, or even an equivocal vote;
whose attachment to the principles - of the
Rep iblican parly ; whose perseverance in
the cause ot freedom: and whose uniform
activity m devising means to save the country
from federalism and from ruin, have never
been questioned. ! see nothing in the appli
cation of Mr. Van Buren, which should cre
ate distrust in his political integrity ; or, is in
consistent with his published opinions upon
die constitutionality and expediency of a Na
tional Bank. This institution was in exis
tence under t.;e authorized sanction ol the
Government of the United States—its charter
had many years to run—and if it conferred
bom fit? in the slightest degree, every section
of the Union was entitled to an equal parti
cipat.oti m them :—and Mr. Van Buren by
uniting in an application for the establish
m. nt of a branch at the capilol of his State,
neither sanctioned the violation of the Con
stitution, nor encouraged its continuance.
By parity of reasoning, you might, with the
same propriety, charge the very respectable
gentlemen who desired to participate in the
benefits, and who opposed the removal, of
the branch of the United States Bank re
! Centiy located in this city, with admit.mg, <>y
: these acts, the right of Congress to charter
; a National Institution. Some of them, and
among the most zealous in opposition to the
removal in question, would, I know, be star
’d and at even an imputation that their course
upon that occasion placed them among the
advocates ol a National Bank. Their move
ments were regulated by’ the existing condi
tion of things, which they had no agency in
creating, and in reference to which, when re
quir and to act, they would present an honest
and uncompromising opposition. Such pre
ci.sely was ttie situation of Mr. Van Buren;
ana such unquestionably the light in which
he viewed the matter.
1 WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS TO BE SELF-EVIDENT, THAT ALL MEN ARE BORN EQUAL.’
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 9, 1840.
Although no inference prejudicial to the]
consistency and correctness of Mr. Van H
ren upon the subject of a National Bank, can
be warranted by the circumstance in ques
tion —yet it is given as the foundation of the
assertion that fie began his political career on
the side of the Bank; and, upon such inci
dents, such accidental occurrences, wholly
unmeaning and immaterial in themselves, is
the reputation of this gentleman attempted to
be lorn to pieces, ar,d his influence and power
unde*mined. Have not members of Con
gress opposed to the exerfcise by the General
Government, of all constructive powers; and
whose votes have been uniformly in accord
ance with llieir opinions; when bills appro
priating money for objects not specified in the
Constitution, were under consideration, mov-
ed the introduction of amendments, xtend
mg the sphere of those appropriations, and
on their final passage, voted against the en
tire bills? And are not the reasons for this
course plausible, and something in this wise:
our opposition to this bill will be ineffectual;
a majority sustain it, and it must pass; let us
endeavor to distribute mo’e equally its bene
fits, if benefits are to be derived.’ Did the
members who thus reasoned, and who* made
a virtue of necessity,’ imagine for a moment
that they were acting in opposition to solemn
convictions of right, much less that their mo
tives would be assailed, and the charge of
their proclaimed to the world?
The breath of suspicion never sullied the pu
rity of their motives or the rectitude of their
conduct. Did Mr. Van Buren, by uniting in
the application for the location of a branch
at Albany, indicate his belief in the Constitu
tionality or expediency of a National Bank,
more significantly than the gsntiemen who
opposed the removal of the Insurance Bank
of Columbus (the property of the Bank of the
United States,) to Macon—or than the pow
er of Congress to make certain appropriations,
was admitted by the members who introdu
ced particular amendments, and then voted
against the power? lam uuabie to distin
guish the difference ; and yet, in the one case,
no censure attaches—no incompatibility be
tween principle and practice is discovered ;
and, in the other, a double front is manfested*
furnishing abundant reason to suspect the
purity ol intention, and the sincerity of polit
ical profession.
I have bestowed more attention upon this
point than I had intended, and certainly more
than was necessary to convince any unpre
judiced man, that, upon this question, Mr.
Van Buren has nothing to (ear—nothing to
regret. And it is exceedingly gratifying to 1
his friends, that, amidst all the heat of political
excitement, and With a determination to drag
hefore the “tight every act of his life, public
and private, his application for the location
of a branch at Albany, made many years
since, and before the question of the rccliarter
of a National Institution was agitated, is the
only solitary incident to which his unscrupu
lous enemies are able to point, in a political
career-of thirty years durati n, as evidencing
the slightest incompatibility with thu piinci
pies he now maintains upon the Constitution
ality ar.J expediency of a National Bank.
In closing this brand) of the enquiry, [ cam
not refrain from submitting to your perusal,
two short extracts from the admirable speech
of Mr. Van Buren, delivered in the Senate of
the United States, in 1827, on the right of the
Vice President to call to ordbr for words spo
ken m debate :
“ During the administration ofGen. Wash
ington, no acts of a strong character took
place, save the incoporation of the Batik of the
United Stales* that great pioneer of constitu
tional encroachments, together with the prin
ciples avowed in relation to the treaty making
power. I'he attachment ofGen. Washing
ton to the constitution, his consciousness of
the difficulty which had attended its establish
ment, and toe natural moderation of his Char
acter, coming in aid of the ff.m countenance
maintained by the anti-federalist of that day,
kept the spirit of encroachment and construc
tion within hounds, that, compared with its
present character, were reasonable. But in
the administration succeeding that of General
Washington. continuing through the yiars of
1797, *9B, ’99, it displayed itself in its true ar.d
most odious character, Its fruits we;‘e so
bitter and are so well remembered, that any
thing like a minute description of them would
be an act of supererogation. It was then that
the monarchical and aristocratical character
of the spit it he had described, was displayed
in unceasing efforts to Wrest from the States,
the powers that justly belonged to them, to
exeicise such as had never been conferred,
and to concentrate, a9 far as ; racticable, all
authority in the hands of the President.”
“ During Mr. Jefferson’s administration,
and, with a single exception, that of Mr.
Madison, the Government was administered
upon the principles which the fra triers of the
constitution avowed, and which their consti
| tuents ratified, and the people once again had
[confirmed. The charter of the Bank of the
! United States was, after a hard struggle,
[suffered to expire; and the conceded and
j well understood powers of the Gnvtrnmei t
j were found amply sufficient to enable il to
[ perform the great functions for which it was
! instituted. During a great portion of the time
, ttie country was blessed with a degree ol
prosperity and happiness without a parallel
in the world. At the close of Mr. Madison,s
administration anew bank was incorporated,
and received his reiuctant assent. It would
be shutting our eyes to (he truth to deny, oi
attempt to conceal, the fact, that that assent.
doming from ihe quarter it did, has had a
most powerful and far from salutary influence
on the subsequent course of the Government.
I.s author had himself, on a former occasion,
demonstrated the want of power in the Fed
eral Government to incorporate a bank, and
his assent was now placed on the express
ground that the recognition of authority of the
Government, in relation to the old bank, by
the State Governments and the courts, as well
as ihe people, had precluded the question of
constitutional ly Thus the power in ques
tion must stand as a successful interpolation
upon the text of the constitution. This-great
precursor was again followed by other at
tempts, but of a restricted and qualified char
acter, to extend the tame principle to other
topics of legislation; They were, however,
promptly defeated hv Mr Madison, who,
j upon all points, save the of the United
| States, preserved inviolate the great principles’
| upon which the revolution of 1800 was fuund-
I ed, and of which his own report upon the
then and s?di ,: i*n Lu.vtrwas (he exposition.
I One of the leading objections to Mr. Van
that he is in favor of-a high tariff'—
a tariff for protection ; and in reference to his
opinions upon this division of our national in
terests; I understood you to lay much stress
atid take particular exceptions. Mr. Van
Buren in 1832, when a Candidate fir the
Vice Presidency of the United States, ad
dressed a letter to some gentlemen in North
Carolina, containing < is views at length upon
this question. I commend to your attention
the following extract from that*communica
tion :
“I have at all times believed it to be the
sacred duty of those who are entrusted with
the administration of the Federal Govern
ment, to direct its operations in the tnannet
best calculated to distribute as equally as pos
sible, its burdens and blessings among the
several Stales and ttie people. My views
upon this subject were, several years ago,
spread before the prttple of this State, and
have since been widely diffused through the
medium of the public press. Mv * ct at
that time was to invite the attenuoq of my
immediate constituents to a dispassionttn con
sideration of the subject in its various bear
ings; being well assured that such an inves
tigation would bring them to a standard,
which, from its moderation and just ice, would
furnish the best guaranty for the true inter
est of all. If, as has been supposed, those
views have contributed in any degree to
produce a slate of feeling so much hi be tie
sired, I have reason to be gratified with the
result.
The approaching, and if the policy of the
present Executive is allowed to prevail, the
certain and speedy extinguishment of the
national debt, has presented an opportunity
for the more equitable adjustment of the Tar
iff, which has been already embraced bv Hie
adoption of a conciliatory measure, the spirit
of which will. I doubt not, continue to be
cherished by all who are not desirous of ad
vancing their private interest at the sacrifice
of those of the public, and who place a j ist
value upon the peace and harmony of the
Union.*
The protective system, and is proper ad
juslment, became a subject of frequent and
unnecessary consideration whilst I a
part of the cabinet; and the manner in wh ci.
tlie President proposed to carry into effect
the policy in relation to imports, recommend
ed in his previous messages, has since been
avowed, with that frankness which belongs
to his character. To this end he recommend
ed ‘a modification Os the Tariff"* whici
should produce a reduction of the revenue
to the wants of the Government, and an a I
justment of the duty upon imports, with
equal justice in relation to all our national in
terests, and to the counteraction of foreign
policy, so far as it ir.ay be injurious to those
interests.’
In these sentiments I fully concur; and I
have been thus explicit in the statement of
| them, that there may be ro room for misap
prehension as to my own views upon the sub
ject. A sincere and faithful application of
ttie o e principles to our legislation, unwarped
by private interest or political design ; a
restriction of the wants of the Government
to a simple and economical administration of
its’ affairs—the only administration which is
consistent With tlie purity and stability of the
republican system; a preference in encour
agement, given to such manufactures as are
essential to the national defence, and iis ex
tension to others in proportion as they are
adapted to our country, and of which the raw
ffiateHal is produced by ourselves; with a
proper respect to the rule which demands
that all taxes should he imposed in proper *
tion to the ability and condition of the con
tributors, would, I ant convinced, give ulti
mate satisfaction to a vast majority of the
people of the United States, ?nd to arrest
that spirit of discontent which is now unhap
pily prevalent, and which threatens such ex
tensive injury to the institutions of our coun
try.”
These views of Mr. Van Buren are so ful]
and explicit, and so entirely refute thechaige
that he is a high tariff man, that it would he
an act of supererogation in me to attempt to
add to their force and clearness. It is true
Mr. Van Buren voted lor the tariff'of 1824--
and again for another tariff’ in 1828 ; hut
what were the exculpatory circumstances un
der which, and t e indications of public opin
ion in conformity to Which these two votes
were given ; circumstances and indications
imperative in their character, and as binding
upofi the Senator as life mod direct expres
sion of legislative will? At the time Mr-
Van Buren entered Congress, and up to the
year 1824. no one acquainted with the politi
cal history of New York, and conversant
with the prevailing sentiments of the great
mass of the people of that State, upon the
agitating topics of that day, can doubt that
New York was essentially a tariff’ State—in
favor of the imposition of high
duties. Mr. Van Buren, although ‘at all times
adverse to the high tariff policy,’ was tilla
ble to resist the Current of public opinion in
his own State, and Was driven to the support
of the tariff of 1524. So thoroughly was lie
convinced of the impolicy and injustice of the
action of Congress upon this subject, and of
the unhappy influence a continued persever
ance in the same course, would exert through
out the Union—and equally solicitous to in
spire the people of New-York with correct
sentiments upon this important subject—that
we find Mr. Van Buren in the summer ol
1827, at a public meeting in Albany, ‘held
lor the purpose of appointing deiegaies to
attend the Harrisburg Convention,’ —endea
voring to moderate the demands of his con
stituents for high protective duties, and to
bring their wishes to the standard indicated
in the above extract of his letter to the North
Carolina gentlemen. In tnis attempt, we
learn from the authentic accounts of that
period, he was partially successful.
During the succeeding year, the subject
was again agitated in Congress, and a bill
more odious in its character, and imposing
additional restrictions upon importations, wa 3
submitted to its consideration. Apprised of
the sincere convictions ot Mr. Van Buren up
on this subject; of his settled objection to
high protective duties; and freshly rentern
heririg his efforts, in the preceding summer,
to infuse into the people a correct tone and
spirit; and to show them the partial and une
qual tendency of the measures they advoca
ted—fearful, too, that he might illustrate and
enforce in Congress his own more liberal
1 view’s; resolutions were introduced into the
; Legislature of New York, and immediately
~ r~ \ ■ n
passed with great unanimity, instructing ITT
Senators to support the tariff law then before
Congress. Iu obedience to tt ese expl.cil in
structions, which Mr. Van Buren, as a Sena
tor from the State of New York, and sensible
that they embodied the sentiments of a vast
majority of his constituents, could not disre
gard— he did vote for the tariff of 1828. We
have, however, in his letter of 1832, to the
North Carolina gentlemen, a clear exposition
of his opinions upon the tariff policy; and
an assurance of tlie course he will pursue, as
the head of the Nation, in the future adjust
ments of this perplexing subject, which, in
connexion with the gradual changes in public
opinion in his own State, crea ed through his
exertions and influence, sufficient to dispel all
apprehension of danger on this point,so long as
Van Buren occupies the Presidential
In eonfii mation of these views, I cite
you to the ioiiowmg remarks of a citizen of
the State of New York, of distinguished in
tegrity and talents :
“ Mr. Van Buren’s personal feelings have
been at all times adverse to the hgh tariff”
pol cy ; and while lie has always endeavored,
to the discharge ofhis fficial duties, to edrry
into effect the wishes ofhis immediate con
suiuents, he has left no proper occasion un
improved to moderate their demands, and
to briii; their wishes to the standard spoken
ot m the above extract. It is not to be doubled
that Ins efforts in this respect have largely
contribute.i to the change of public opinion,
which has taken place in his own State, on
tins nterestmg subject. In the month oi July,
1827, he attended a meeting held in ihe city
ol Albany, for the purpose of appointing del
egan-s to attend the Harrisburg Convention ;
and at dressed the meeting ori the Whole sub
ject, ami particularly in explanation of the
course pit vtously pursued by himself. This
speech, winch was published and extensively
cuculaied, ultimately produced great effect
on public sentiment in New York. In voting
for the tarifflawol 1828, he acted in obedience
to explicit instructions from the Legislature
ot his State; and although, as Col. Benton
correctly stated in lus late letter, he felt much
repugnance to many of the provisions of ‘.hat
bill lit did nut feel him-elf at liberty to disre
gard the wishes and directions ofhis cons it
uents. On this point I have only to add, that
no man acquainted with public opinion as it
then existed in New York, could doubt the
actual cunf.rtnity of the instructions referred
to, to ttie sentiments of the great body of the
People. I was my seif, at ihe time, a mem
ber of the Assembly, and although I had re
’ Refused m December, 1827, to sign a memo
riaMo Congress, praying lor additional pro
tective duties, which was circulated among* 1
my constituents, and very generally signed
by them, I was yet so entirely satisfied of the
unanimity and 2eal with winch they had em
barked in the eff’u't, that I felt myself bound
to vote, arid did accor singly vote, for the
resolution of instructions. Whether either
of us erred, in thus conforming to the wishes
of those whose interests were committed to
our care, is a point which 1 am content to
leave without comment to youi decision.
1 am aware that these opinions and acts
of Mr. Van Bureu in reference to the tariffs
of 1524 and 1828, have been severely criti
cised ; md that the remotest borders of the
country have resounded with the charges of
sinister motives, of double dealing and dis
honesty of purpose. It has been said that he
f s ever been a high tariti man; and
* voting for the restrictions of 1521 and 1823,
he but yielded to the deliberate conviction s
of lus judgment. Where are the proofs ? If
they existed, would not Iris enemies who have
never slumbered at their posis —who have
pursued him with a hatred which no time
has cooled, nor no m emiity concealed —have
exhibited them to the world—ha ve proclaim
ed his mfamv, and warned the people of their
danger? No one who has not fallen a vic
tim to insanity, will believe, if the evidences
of this tergiversation of principle—this obli
quity of conduct, ever bad being, they would
have been so long buried in oblivion, No
discerning nrrid can resist the persuasion,
that all the assertions I have noticed, are
baseless fabrications, conjured up by preju
dice and enmity, to deceive the public, and
answer the purposes of proud and unprinci.-
pled ambition.
I have now finished my retrospect of the
public and po! ticai course of Mr. Van Buren;
and I ask you to point me to the Staiesman,
who has passed through the same scenes and
trials, and whose political life has been of
equal duration—whose attachment to the ori
ginal principles of the revolution has been
more ardent and uniform—whose services in
the cause of the republican party have been
•more useful and efficient, and Who better de-
es the applause and gratitude of
patriot, and -the general admiration of his
country. lam persuaded-that these impro
per attempts to and. tract from the celebrity
and merit of Mr. Van Buren will be readily
perceived by intelligent men—that the good
sense of die people of this couniry will detect
the interested views of Ins enemies, and re
ject with disdain the impression* these at
tempts were mltrded to produce.
In the further prosecution of the task before
me, I proceed to lay before you, • the rtco. ti
ed opinions anil official actsol e'en. Harrison,
touching the great landmarks between the
two parties, wldch have alternately prevailed,
and that, since the Convention which framed
; die Constitution, have, with unceasing activ
! .tv, s ruvgied 1• >r dom uion, and grasped at
lhe helm o! State.’ I shall notice them in the
same order in which l presented the express
ed opinions and official course of Mr. Van
Buren.
I cannot attribute your silence in regard
to the hp:niod& and acts of Gen. Harrison
upon the power of the General Goverhmenl
to make Internal improvements, to any other
cause than the want of time, and your ina
bility irom previous indisposition, to examine
the whole merits 1 the controversy—altho’
some fariher ligt.t upon this point wag, I
thought, necessary, to a correct undergtand
irigofthe whole question, especially as you
had crested the impression that Mr. Van
Buren 1 bad voted over and over again for
Internal Improvements.’ ]n my communi
cation of last week, I cited numerous instan
ces in which Gen Harrison had recognised
hv bis votes. the un.imited power of Con
gress to make Interna Improvements. In
addition, I refer you to the Wowing propo
sitions upon the subject which were before
Congress, when Gen. Harmon was a mem
ber of the House of Representatives, and
which asserted the right of Con ;ress over
the subject in the most exceptionable form.
“ On the iSth of March, 1818, resolutions
brought forward :
‘l. That Congress has power under the
Constitution to appropriate money fir the
construction of post roads, military and other
roads, and of canals, and for the improve
ment of watercourses.’
On the vote being taken, it vras decided in
tlie affirmative, ayes 90, noes 75. IlarriMjn
amongst the ayes.
‘2. That Congress has power under the
Constitution to construct post roads, and mili
tary roads, provided, that private property
be not taken for public use without just com
pensation’—[32 ayts, 84 nous. Harrisoo
amongst the yeas,
‘3 That Congress has power under the
Constitution to construct roads and canals
necessary for commerce between the Slates,
provided that private properly be not taken
for public purposes without just compensa
tion.’ [7l ayes, 95 noes. Harrison amongst
the ayes.]
‘4. That Congress liss power under the
Constitution to construct canals for military
purposes, provided that no p-ivate property
be taken lor any such purposes, without just
compensation being made therefor.’ [ayes
31. noes 83. Harrison amongst the ayes ]
You will grant, I imagine, without the
exhibition of farther proof, that, in reference
to the power of Congress over the whole
subjtclof Internal Improvements, in all its
phases—the opinions of General Harrison
admit neither of doubt nor misconception.—
And you will grant too, I doubt not, that the
Republican party of this country, and espe
cially of the South, ha* uniformly presented
the most determined opposition to the exer
cise of this power by Congress, nsa direct
and flagrant Violation of the Constitution.
Dining the administrations of Washington
and the elder Adams, the subject of Internal
Improvements remained untouched ; and no
discussions arose relative to the exercise of
this power hy the Genera! Government. On
the accession of Mr. Jefferson to office,
the aid of Congress was invoked for works
of this description, and we find Mr. Jefferson,
in his Message of December, 1808, assert
ing that ‘ the right of Congress to make
roads, and improve water courses,’ ‘ teas not
enumerated among the powers of Congress .’
‘Mr. Madison not only denied the power,
but ‘ placed his veto upon the bill providing
means for the construction of roads and canals,
and the improvement of water courses .’ Mr.
Monroe entertained similar opinions; and,
m 1822, ‘placed his veto upon the act for
the erection of Toll gates, and the collection
of Tolls on the Cumberland road.’ General
Jackson, by his well known veto upon the
Mavsville Road Bill, settled Ihe question dur
ing his administration. Mr. John Quincy
Adams alone, of all our Chief Magistrates,
recommended and encouraged appropriations
lor Internal Improvements, nnd sought to
make the system a part of the permanent
policy of tlie country ; —and in this attempt,
lie received the unwavering and cordial sup
port of Gen. Harrison—whose voles in favor
of projects of this kind, during the admin
istration of the second Adams, are specified
in mv lormer communication. How far the
administration of the second Adams adhered
to the doctrines of 1798, and 1300, —and the
-estimation in which it was held by the repub
licans of the country—-by the State Rights
men of Georgia, I shall leave entirely to your
decision.
The adherence of General Harrison to the
principles and measures of the Son, may have
been strengthened by a knowledge* oi, end
an acquiescence in, the kindred views and
acts of the father. The administrations of
the two Adams’s were correct and striking
exponents of the oppressive and unconstitu
tional doctrines of the Federal party —of that
party which has Bought every occasion to
arm the Executive, not only with all the pow
er which the Constitution fauly gave; but
with all that could be extracted from it by
construction —of that party, which, while in
power, created new sources of influence ma
nifestly contrary to the letter of the instru
ment,-odious to its spirit, and dangerous to
the freedom of the people. Have you any
doubt as to the position of Gen Harrison in
relerence to these two administrations, and
Phis cordial concurrence in the leading meas
ores ofjiotli ? If so, I beg you to examine
the following evidences upon this subject;
“ The first office of any impo; lance which
Gen. H. ever held was that of ‘ Secretary of
the Territory Northwest of the liver Ohio,’
conferred him by John Adams, then
President of the I nitpd” States, on the 20tn
of June, 1798—[See Executive Journal, vol
1. p. 282. J
Geneiai Harrison was afterwards returned
as a delegate to the House of Heprcsenta
jives-in Congress from the Northwestern Ter
ritorv, dflegate .dur-Hrg
se-si ni” >f up to the 12tho! M.t’y
1800, on ivh eh day lie was nominated to tpe
Sen ie by John Adams, then President of the
United Slates to hr Governor of the Indiana
Territory—-[St e Executive Jour&ej, vol. 1.
p. 353.}
It wnl be remembered that it was during
that year (1800) that the cor,test between tW?
Federal and Ileptibl can parties, in the then
pending Presidential Ele- t-,n between John
Adams an i Thomas Jtjferson, and vv icb
terminated in the electron of the latter in the
fall of that year, had reached its highest
point of excitement; and raged vfith its great
est fury and violence. The black cockade
was the insignia of distinction worn bv the |
Federalists,’ and nnVersa proscription fron j
office <>f all who differed with them in politi
cal sent inn m was the order of the dav. It
was at that tithe ihat Gen. Harrison was a
favorite with John A sms, and was ap
pointed by him and a Federal Senate to be
j • Governor of th* Indiana Territory.’
In the year 1826 Mr. John Randolph of
Virginia and Gen. Harrison met in the Sen
ate of the United States, and in a debate in
ihat body on the 20if, March of that yeai
(1826) -eporied in trie National Intelligence!
nt the time, ar.d preserved in Gales and Sea
to ’ 4 Concessional Debates,’ vob.2. part 1
p. 359, to wit: Mr. Randolph said—
Now, sir. the only difference between the
gentleman from Ohio (Gen. Harrison) and
i mysei! is this —and it ;s vital—tharf gentleman
jand myself difler fundamentally and totally,
and did differ when we first took our scats ui
Congress—he ns a Delegate from the Tern
lory Northwest ,f the river Ohio, I as a mem
ber of the other House from the Slate of
Virginia ; he was an open, zealous, frank sup
porter of the sedition law and black cockade
Administration; and 1 was a a zealous, frank,
and open 3n opponent of the black coekadc
and sedition law Administration. We difler
fundamentally and totally—we never can
agree about measures or about men—l do
not mean to dictate to the gentleman—let trs
agree to differ as gentlemen ought to do, es
pecially natives of the same State, who are
antip ‘des]to each other in politics. He, I ac
knowledge, just now, the zenith and 1 the
nadir, bet unless sh re is something faUa in
the philosophy of the schoos, in the courso
of time even these will change their places.’
On the same day General Hamsun replied
to the charge of Mr. Rsndolp >. in the follow
ing language, reported in the National Intel
ligencer at the time, and preserved in Gale*
and Seaton's * Congressional Debates.’ vel.
2, part 1, p. 864 365 Jo wii;
‘ln the course of tins debate Mr. Harrison 1
said, that he could not refrain from making
his acknowledgments to the gemlkman fmrr
Virginia fir the notice lie had been pleased to
take ot him. He has been pleased to gay,
that in the administration of Mr. Adams, I
was a Federalist, and he comes to that ena
ction from the course pursued by me in
1799-1800. At that session, the gentleman
and myself met for the first time—ha in the*
station ot Represetative fiom Virginia, and I
in the more humble one of Delegate from the
Northwestern Territory. Having no vote, I
did not think it proper*to take part tn the dis
cussion of any of the great political questions
which divided the two parties. My business
was to procure the passage of the bills which
l had introduced for the benefit of the peopl*
l represented. Thegenileman had no means
of knowing my political principles, unless ho
obtained them from private conversation.—
Asl was upon terms of intimacy wi’fv the
gentleman, it is very probable that he might
have heard me express sentiments favorable
to the then Administration. I certainly felt
them—so far, at least, as to this course pur
sued by it in relation to the Government of
Fiance. Nor, said Mr. H., was I unsupported
in that opinion by those who had a right to
control my actions, if not my opinions. In no
part ot the country were those measurt‘3 more
decidedly approbated than by my immediate
constituents—the Legislature of the North
western Territory, as the address of that body
to the President, during that session, will
show. For Mr. Adams, said Mr. H., I en
tertained at that time, and have ever since
entertained, the greatest respect. I believe
him to be an honest man and true patriot,
and his conduct during that session proved
him to he such. This opinion I know, said*
Mr. H., was entertained by those two’ able
and upright statesmen, John Marshall and
James A. Bayard. (To the question asked
by Mr Randolph, whether Mr. FI. recollected
a conversation between Mr- Nicholas and
himsell, in relation to the negroes and politics
of Virginia, Mr. H. answered : I recollect it
perfectly well, hut can this be adduced as an
evidence of my favoring the Sedition Law?’ “)
I desire your particular attention to the
remarks of Gsn. Harrison in the Senate
made as late as 1820, long after the tempora
ry agitations attending the measures of the
elder Adams had subsided—when time bad
been given for cool and calm reflection—and
the verdict of the people had been an unqnal
i died condemnation of those measures. Can
arty evidence be clearer, or place in bolder
relief the strong federal bias and attachments
of Gen. Harrison? Let us dissect his re
marks. Mr, Randolph ‘might have heard
me express sentiments favorable to the then
administration —l certainly felt them ! For
Mr. Adams I entertained at that time, and
ha ve ever since enteriained, the greatest re
spect Ibe iev# him to be an honest than,
and pure patriot; and his conduct during
that session proved him to he such. This
opinion I know was entertained by those two
able and upright Statesmen, John Marshal
and -lames A. Bayard.’ What stranger ex
pressions would you ask any man to employ
to convince you of hi3 attachment to particu
lar men, or particular measures? Would it
not he considered harsh and unreasonable,
at the present moment, to desire stronger
pledges of any candidate for office, than those
voluntarily tendered by General Harrison,
of his devotion so the measures of the elder
Adams? He is happy, too, (in 1826!) (o’
have been sustained in his views of the cor
rectness of the policy of John Adams, by
John Marshall and James A. Bayard—two
able and upright statesmen I admit, but wl.at
political creed did they advocate? Were
they not uniform end consistent members of
the Hamiltonian school? A school which
proposed a strong General Government, with
a President and Senate for life. Judge Mar
shall was go long before the country in art
elevated judicial station; and fd-j federal prin
ciples are so well known and undersfood. tlm*
any recapitulation of them is wholly unneces-
sary. \ou havt>, I doubt not, a vivid recol
lection of fus decisions affecting the sovereign
r.ghts of the State of Georgia ; and to coun
teractllieir pernicious tendency and influence,
I think as Chairman of the Judiciary Com
mittee in the House of Representatives dT the
United Stales, you advocated a repeal of thd
25th section of the Judiciary act. Os James
A. Biynrd, the other gentleman with whom
Gen. Harrison was happy to he associated
in political sen! mtnl, less is known. The
following statement will throw some light
upon the doctrines of that gentleman :
“Mr. Bayard was a member of the Hou'Pe
oi Representatives in Congiess from tho
State ot Delaware in 1799, JA’D VOTED
FOR THE SEDITION LA W. (See J.mr
nal ol the House ot Representatives, reorint
j vol. 3. p. 3791.) Mr Baya-d waa a member
; ‘he House from D- la ware, and voted fo 4
Aaron Bur- against Thomas Jeffei son to be
President of ihe United States!”
In the course of your political reading, you
have undoubtedly seen the celebrated speech
of Mr. Janies A. Bayard, ‘delivered in the
House of Represcmativea of the United
States, Febroary 13, ISO 2, on the Judiciary
act.’ Would you suppose so warm ah ad
mirer of Mr. Bayard as Gen. Harrison, and
one eo thoroughly impressed with the eorrect
iess of the political views * f that gentleman,
as to n 1 dorse them in a pubi ,€ speech as lare
•is 1826! was ignorant of any of the material
incidents in his pv~ c nte; or that this speech
delivered upon an important occasion,-auff’
fNO. 12.