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in the midst of great political excitement,,
was not fresh in the recollect ‘on of Gen. Har
rison, when he referred to the support of the
elder Adams by Mr. Bayard, as an evidence
of the correctness of his own political prefer
ences, during the dark days of 1796—7 and
8? That speech is now before me, and J
hesitate not to say, that the principles it con
tains, and the measures it advocates, will ex
cite the sensibility and high indignation ut the
people of this country, so long as they retain
a recollection of past perils and public trou
bles, in thc'early day* Os our Independence.
Permit me to place be'ore you one or two
extracts :
“ I pray to God I may be mistaken in the
opinion I entertain as to the designs of gen
tlemen to whom lam opposed. Those de
signs I believe hostile to the powers of this
government. State pride extinguishes a tia
t tonal sentiment. W hatever is taken from
this government is given to the slates.”
* t * #
“After, Mr. Chairman, the honorable mem
ber had exhausted one quiver of arrows
against the late executive, he opened another,
equally poisoned, against the, judiciary. He
has told us, sir, that when the power of the
government was rapidly passing from federal
hands, after we had heard the thundering
roice of the people which dismissed us fiom
their service, we erected a judiciary, which
we expected would afford us the shelter of an
inviolable sanctuary. The gentleman is de
ceived. We knew better, sir, the characters
who were to succeed us; and ice knew that
nothing teas s<Kred in the eyes of infidels. No,
sir, I never had a thought that any thing be
longing to the federal government was holy
in the eyes ol those gentlemen. I could nev
er, therefore, imagine that a sanctuary could
be built up which would not be violated. I
believe these gentlemen regard public opinion
because their power depends upon it; hut I
believe they respect no existing establishment
of the government, and if public opinion
could be brought to support them, I have no
doubt they would annihilate the whole.”
And yet Gen. Harrison endorses the politi
cal orthodoxy of a gentleman, who thus
characterized Mr. Jefferson, and the party
which brought him into power, f shall con
tent myself with one more extract, showing
the doctrine held by Mr. Bayard in relation
to the rights of States :
“ But, sir, how do you derive any evidence
of the a mb tion of the judges from their deci
sion, that the states under our federal compact
were compellable to do justice? Can it be
shown, or even said, that the judgment of the
court was a false construction of the constitu
tion ? The policy of later times, on this point,
has altered the constitution, and, in my opin
ion, has obliterated its fairest feature. 1 am
taught by my principles, that no power ought
to be superior to justice. It is not that I wish
to see the states humbled in dust and ashes ;
it is not that I wish to see the pride of any man
flattered by their degradation ; but it is that
I wish to see the great and small, the sover
eign and subject, bow at the altar of justice,
and submit to those obligations from which
the Deity himself is not exempt. What was
the effect of this provision in the-constitution ?
ICjprevented the states being the judges in
their own cause, and deprived them of the
power of denying justice. Is there a principle
of ethics more clear, than that a man ought
not to be a judge in his oWn cause? and is
not the principle equally strong when applied,
not to one man, but to a collective body ? It
was ihe happiness of our situation which
enabled us to force the greatest state to
submit to the yoke of justice ; and ii would
have teen the glory of the country in the re
motest times, if the principle in the constitution
had been maintained.”
To show you beyond cavil or doubt, that
Gen. Harrison is not what his unblushing eu
logists wish the world to believe, that his
admiration for John Marshall and James A.
Bayard was sincere—and that he yet espou
ses the political sentiments of the latter in all
their length and breadth, —I ask you to
peruse carefully the following extract from
the speech of Gen. Harrison, delivered at a
public meeting in 1853 :
“I have thus, fellow citizens, endeavored
<o explain to you the princ pies upon which
the Government of our Union is formed. 1
recommend to you, however, the Proclama
tion of the President of the United States,’is
sued oo the KTth of December last, and the
speeches of Mr. Webster, delivered in the
Senate of the United States, at the last session
of Congress, in answer to the arguments of
Mr. Calhoun, as containing the most eloquent
and satisfactory exposition of those principles
that have recently been published. By issu
ing that Proclamation, 1 think General Jack
son has rendered a service to his country of
greater magnitude than his splendid victory
at New Orleans.”
’ The most eloquent and satisfactory exposi
tion of 4 the principles upon u hick the Gov
ernment of our Union is formed ,’ is contained
in the Proclamation of Gen. Jackson !! Thi
is the publicly expressed opinion of Gen. Har
mon. What are the principles of the Proc
lamation ? At a meeting of the States Rights
party of Georgia, composed of the most dis
tinguished Republicans from every part of
the Stale, held at Athens, in November, 1833.
and at which meeting the State Rights party
of this State received its present organization,
and made a declaration of its political faith .
the following were asserted to be the princi
ples of the Proclamation r
l< Ist. It maintains that the Slates of which
this Confederacy is composed, never had a
sepal ate existence ; for that, hum the moment
they ceased to be dependent on Great Bri
tain, they formed one nation, and have so
continued.
2J. That a state in the exercise of its le
gitimate powers, has r.ot the right to decide
upon the constitutionality of an act of Con
gress, and to protect the citizens from the op
eration of an unconstitutional act, and to
maintain within her limits, the
rights and liberties appertaining to a sover
eign state.
SJ. That the States have no right to ac
cede from the union under any circumstances
whatever; inasmuch as secession would de:
fcTROY THE CNITY CA THE NATION. \
4th. That the people of the twenty-four
states constitute on: ; eople.
sth. That the members of Congress 4
all representatives of the United States; net \
representatives of the particular state, from
i chichthey come,’ and that they are not ‘ ac ]
countable to it for any art done in the per
formance of their legislative functions .’
6ih. That the states have ‘not retained;
their entire soveri ignty.’
7th. Thai tiic allegiance of our citizens is;
ilue to the Utt ted States 4 in the first instance
and not to their respective states.
These arc the doctrines of the Proclama-I
lion, and they have, at the special instance j
of the President, produced Hie Force B II f r
tfieir complete execution. This in?e ! ing doth
solemnly protest aga nst them, and as solemn -
Jv dcny'thvir legitimaie deduction from the
compact which established the Federal Go
vernment; an! that the Association r.ow
formed will resist their, in eveiy proper man
ner.
r To this end, they Resolve, a fiat the pre
sent meeting be organised into an Asso m
tinn to b* and. nominated * I HE. biAIE
RIGHTS’ PARTY OF GEORGIA,’ and
recommend meetings in all the counties for
the purpose of constituting similar associations,
to be connected with that which will be formed
at Milledgeviile, as the Central Association.”
I am very certain you will agree with me
that the State Rights party of Georgia is,
just now, in a queer predicament—in rather
a deplorable situation. Having firmed an
association ‘ to counteract the principles of
the Proclamation, and to obtain a repeal of
the Force BiiP—this parly has resolved ‘so
lemnly to protest against them and ‘to
resist them in every proper manner’—bv
elevating to the Chief Magistracy of the
United States, the man who declared that
Gen. Jackson, ‘ by issuing that
had rendered a service to his country of great
er magnitude than his splendid victory a 1
New Orleans.’ Among the gentlemen who
composed the Committee, which framed the
preamble arid resolutions adopted at the
Athens meeting, were the Hon. Richard W.
Habersham, the Hon. Lott Warren and the
Hon. Absalom H. Chappell; all of whom
are now understood to be the ardent support
ers of Gen. Harrison. It would solve a pro
blem in political philosophy, if these gentle
men Wi;uld explain how they expect to work
out the political salvation of the country,
according to their understanding of it—how
the Republic is to be revolutionized, and
purged of all impurities—delivered from a/
state of sin and misery into erne of perfect
tranquility and bliss; by transferring the reins
of power to one, whose every act has been
at variance with the constitutional policy
they advocate, and ungrateful to the essential
principles of our civil institutions.
From the close of the administration Os the
eider Adams, through a period .of some eigh
teen years, General Harrison was employed
in comparatively unimportant civil stations,
or engaged in the military service of his coun
try. The precise character of his martial
exploits, and the bravery and skill he dis
played in the armies of the Republic; are
questions open to discussion, and, probably
will never be settled to the entire satisfaction
of the public mind. Hit; qualities as a com
mander, and bis courage as a warrior, are
not properly connected with the subject 1
am discussing—and I shall, therefore, omit
any detail of the renowned military achieve
ments of the modern Scipio
\ou visited Mr. Van Buren’s tariff votes
with severe censure. I did not hear you
make any allusion to !he opinions and votes
of General Harrison on this important sub
ject. Allow me to supply this omission :
“In 1827, he voted in the Senate against
reducing the duty on Coffee from 5 to 3 cents
per pound. There were 13 nays, and Gen
eral Harrison was one. On the reduction on
Teas, he was among S nays. On the hioh
Tariff of 1828, which almost drove our citfc
zens mad, he voted for it, without any
structions from the Legislature of Ohio.
In June 1831, he delivered a speech in
Ohio, in which he says :
‘ It has been uniformly asserted by the op
nents of the Tariff, that the establishment ol
manufactories here would destroy the markets
for our produce abroad. But when has it
been, that any foreign power would take
fiom us any article bin from neci ssity ? When
they have no bread of their own raising, they
receive our flour. At present, we have two
markets ;. one at home, which we have crea
ted for ohrselves; and the other abroad,
which circumstances have given us. If we
had net created a home market, and if cir
cumstances had not created one for us abroad,
we should have no market for our products,
and they -would now be retting on our hands,
as they were a few years since. I believe
that not one happened, and that not ohe of
(he advantages which were promised from it,
but have been realized ; and nothing but the*
folly of abandoning if,can bring us back to the
hard times through which we have passed.’ ”
Gen. Harrison, you will certainly admit,
is quite explicit on this point. You will please
to observe that tills speech was delivered be
fore the compromise bill was passed, forced
through Congress by the attitude of South
Carolina, and the alarming condition of the
country—and that it contains an unqualified
approval of the original bill of 1928—that
bill of abominations, a3 it has been aptly
termed—a bill for which Gen. Harrison voted,
and to which he gave his zealous support—
going so far even as to assert, in public
speeches, that it icould be folly to abandon it,
at the very moment when the action of South
Carolim, and (he alarming aspect of our
public affairs, had roused the earnest appre
hensions of patriotic men ; and created, in
quarters not prone to despondency, or unne
cessarily alarmed by the momentary ebulli
tions of political excitement, well grounded
fears for the safety of the Republic.
I come now to the imperishable monument
of Harrison’s glory—-his vole on the Missou
ri question. Fort Meigs and Fort Stephen
son—Thames and Tippecanoe, hide vour di
minished heads! The convulsions of the
revolution; the turbulence of war,- the lau*
rels won upon the fifeld of batt'e; the gory
bed of the warrior, are lost and forgotten in
| the more splendid achievement of the 19th
jof February, ISI9. On the I'4th day of that
; month, the following amendment to the bill
} authorizing the admission of Missouri as a
j State, was introduced by Mr. Talmndge of
• New York, the personal and political friend
of Dewitt Clinton; and the implacable foe of
Mr. Van Burtn : . _
1 t-WTifi■ That
the further introduction ofslavery, or invol
untary servitude be prohibited, except for the
punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall
have been fully convicted, and that all chil
dren born within the said State after the ad
i mission thereof into the Union, shall be free/
[at the age of twenty-five years.’” w—^
amendment passed, Gen. Harrison
j voting against it. The bill so changed, was
; sent to the Senate for the concurrence of
; that body. The amendment of Mr. Tali
j madge was stricken out, and the bill returned
to the House in its original form. The sub
’ sequent course of Gen. Harrison in Congress
j during that session, and, in the Ohio Senate,
| the year succeeding, authorises the belief that
the following extract from the letter of Mr.
S Gates, an abolition member of the present
; Congress, from New York, is entirely correct
i in its statements:
“ Mr. Clay seemed to think that if a good
j sound report coo'd go orut ol the country
j now, it would alwut use op Abolition, and I
j have no doubt many really flattered them
selves it will he so. But you in the North
wi l not fee! so. It is only tl e 4 dark hour
which precedes the dawn.’ I hazard nothing
in predicting that the rule now adopted in the
House is (he last gas which will ever pass an
‘ American Congress. The cause ol Abolition
cannot be put (■-£-#, and 1
trust an
it from ruin by tie indiscretion or ts JfiemJs, ;
whether that shall consist in going too fast or J
too slow. seen by the last j
Harrison is ac- j
tually a an Abolition society, and
in 1822, claimed not to be in favor of slavery
at all, and excused himself ibr his votes on I
the Missouri and Arkansas questions, on the :
ground of Constitutional obligations, which,
consistisstly with his oath to support the !
constitution, he thought he could not disre-
He also claims that he was the firstj
member of Congress to propose tire probibi- i
tion of slavery forever in the Territory above
Missouri. While he has been the means of j
liberating many slaves , he has never placed one
in bondage.
Whether these explanations, taken in con- I
flection with the fact that his Vincennes
speech was delivered at a time when the prin-:
ciples of modern Abolition were imperlecily
understood in Ohio, will render him so far
an acceptable Abolitionist in your section, as
to induce them to vote for him in preference to
Van Buren, who has thrown himself so fully
into the embraces of the South, to secure the
slaveholding influence, I am of course unable
to predict.”
After the return of the bill in its original
form to the House of Representatives, Mr.
John W. Taylor of New York, an ancient
federalist, the friend of Mr. Clinton, and the
enemy of Mr. Van Buren, moved to amend
Eissouri bili as follows: fBL
hat neither slavery, nor involuntary
ide, shall hereait£r be introduced into
any part of the Territories of the United
States, lying North of 38 degrees and thirty
minutes of North latitude.”
On the introduction of this amendment
Gen. Harrison said :
‘•He assented to the expediency of establish
ing some such line of discrimination, but for
reasons which he explained at large, proposed
a different one, by way of amendment to the
amendment, as follows: That all that part
ol the present Territory of Missouri lying
North of a line to be rim due West from the
mouth of the river de Moines, to the territo
rial boundary of the Un ted Stales, shall form
a part of the territory of Michigan ; and the
laws now in lorce in the said territory, as well
as the ordinance of Congress prohibiting sla
very or involuntary servitude in said territory
of Michigan, shall be in force in that part of
the Missouri territory lying Nortlr of said
East and West line.
This amendment conceded the whole ques
tion ol ‘constitutional pi wer.’ Mr. Philip P.
Barbour said immediately in reply to General
Ha rrison, ‘that lie was opposed to the amend
ment, and to all others of a similar character,
and spoke with much earnestness against the
proposition at seme length, as partial and in
expedient—arguing that if the principle was
wrong in itself, and, the question had been dis
cussed on principle alone , it ought not to be
withheld from one part of the Territory, and
applied to another. That it was legislating
partially by applying a rule to one portion,
and a different rule to another portion of citi
zens, having equal rights and placed under
similar circumstances. Ifthe rule was wrong
at the 35:h degree of latitude, it was equally
so at the 40th.’ ” Jr
beg you to observe that Gen. Harrison,
by the introduction of his amendment, con
ceded the constitutional question, and so far
as the South was concerned, might as- well
have voted for the unlimited restriction of Mr.
Tallmadge.
Owing lo disagreement between (lie Senate
and House of Representatives, no further ac
tion on the question was bad during that ses
sion ; and with it, closed the service of Gen.
Harrison. During that summer, he was
elected a member of the Senate of Ohio. I
beg you to observe his course in that body>
while the subject of the admission of Mis
souri was still before Congress, and with th£‘
avowed intention of influencing the action of
thatrijody upon this momentous question. %
The third day of January, 1820, Mr?
Thompson brought the Missouri question
into the Senate of Ohio. General Harrison
made various propositions to commit, to
amend and refer to a Select Committee.
With a raanitest intention to present his
views, he adopted portions of the proposition
of Mr. Thompson, and moved to strikeout
and insert, (obviously to the end) that the
preamble and resolutions, as advocated'by
him, might express with fullness and pre
cision his own opinions upon the question
they discuss. This document, so approved
by General Harrison, and advocated by him
on the 3d day of January, IS2O, in the Sen
ate of Ohio, is in the following words:
‘Whereas the existence of slavery in cur
country,lias ever been deemed a great moral
and political evil, and in its tendency directly
Calculated to impair our naiional character,
and materially affect cur national happiness;
and inasmuch as the extension of a slave pop
ulation in the United States is fraught with
ti e most fearful consequences to Hie perma
nency and durability of our Republican
institutions—and whereas, the subject of the
admission of slavery in the new State of
Missouri is at this time before the Congress
of the United States; therefore
4 ResSlved, That our Senators and Repre
sentatives be requested to use their utmost
exertions and take every means to prevent
the extension of slavery within the Territory
of the United States, West of the Mississip
pi, and the new States to be formed within
|j that Territory, which the Constitution and
jlhe treaties made under it will allow.’” Ak
Tt appears from these accounts of the pro
ceedings on the Missouri case in 1819, in Con
gress, and in 1820, in the Senate of Ohio—
and they are authentic, that Gen. Harrison
retired at the close of the session of the form,
er year, and was, therefore, not a member of
Congress when the final vote was taken on
the admission of Missouri. It appears, too,
that the only solitary act in this drama per
, formed by him, was simply to vote against
\t t e amendment of Mr. Tallmadge. Even
this poor service to the South was cancelled
by the subsequent conduct of Gen. Harrison,
in the same session—on Uie return of the bill
Ho the House with the amendment expunged.
He introduced himself the amendment, em
braced in the above extract, intending by its■
adoption to accomplish indirectly, what the
plainest convictions of right and of duty had;
induced him to oppose when presented in a
plain and direct form. After having attach-!
cd a large portion of the then Missouri Ter-1
ritory to Michigan, t he was willing to adm.l
the remainder as the State of Missouii, with-;
out any restriction.—that is, he was willing,!
a6 Mr. Philip P. Barbour told him, to com-;
promise; to yield the constitutional question;!
which, as I have before observed, was the;
chief, the all important question to the south.;
This, however, is not the worst feature in
the case. Gen. Harrison returned to Ohio,
j
his term of service having expired in Con-!
gress, srnd was elected a member of the Sen
ate of that Slate; and on the SJ of January J
IS2O, before Hie final action of Congress on
the admission of Missouri; we find him intro
ducing and urging the adoption of a pream- i
bJc and resolutions, of the most objectionable’
character, intended and designed to control,
if possible, the action of Congress on the
momentous question then agitating the coun
cils of the nation.
You have heard, I presume, that great
excitement prevailed on the return of Gen.
Harrison to Ohio, at the close of the session
! of 1819; and that he was driven from Con
! gress in consequence of his vote against the
amendment of Mr. Talmadge; and was
; succeeded by Mr. Gazley. No such; tiling;
j no such thing. Gen. Harrison was succeeded
in the Congress of 1820-1, by Mr. Ross;
to enable him to operate more efficiently and
successfully in the matter, than he could pos
Uibly do in Congress, he exchanged his seat
in the National Legislature tor one in the
i Senate of Ohio; fully sensible that the spirit of
1 abolition was rife in that State ; and that he
could bring it to bear with greater force and
directness in its application to the Missouri
case, through the action of the Legislature
of the powerful State of Ohio.
You are not unapprized that attempts
have been made to mislead the public mind
by a misrepresentation of the actual circum
stances of that period ; and that, by an ob
stinate perseverance in lhi3 course, gross in
justice has been done to the good sense and
discernment of the people. It has been said
Jhat Gen. Harrison was indignantly driven
mom Congress j and that, under the pressme
ofthese peculiar circumstances,
he was excluded from the confidence of the
people, and from participation in the honors
and emoluments of public offices. How far
these assertions are sustained by the current
events of that period, the above statements
will fully disclose.
It is true that in 1822, Gen. Harrison was
a candidate for Congress from the Cincinnati
district, and that lie was defeated by Mr.
Gazley. Although the anti-slavery feeling in
Ohio maintained its accustomed influence, the
particular excitement engendered by the Mis
souri question, had subsided—and anothef
an j a different question decided the fate of
General Harrison at that election. General
Jackson had been nominated for
and was then prominently before the country
for that elevated station. It is probably with
in your recollection that the Cincinnatti Con
gressional district has been almost uninter
ruptedly, since 1822, when Mr. Gazley de
feated General Harrison, a Jackson district,
and represented in Congress by the most un
compromising Jackson men, with only one
or two intermissions, up to this hour. Gen.
Harrison, true to his ancient principles and
his ancient friends, was a'Strenuous supporter
of John Quincy Adams, and subsequently
one of the electors who gave the vote of Ohio
to that gentleman. I ask you if Genera!
Harrison had been defeated for his slavery
feelings—for his vote on the Missouri ques
tion, if he would so soon have been selected by
an anti-slavery, a federal Legislature , for a
seat in the Senate of the Union.
Does not the past political course of Gem
Harrison, as evidenced by his action on the
Missouri question in Congress, and in the
Legislature of Ohio, authorize the belief that
he ‘did join an Abolition society at 19 years
of age,’ and that he has ‘since faithfully ful
filled the obligations he then Came under’—
that he has ‘ever been the ardent friend of
human liberty I —that he ‘ would rejoice to see
the day when an American sun would not
look down frn a slave’—that he would freely
‘apply the surplus revenue of the United
States to the purchase of slaves,’ —and that j
on leaving the soil of his native State, lie did
his God that he had gotten rid of
Virg'nia politics and Virginia negroes.’
I have already extended this communica
tion to an unreasonable length, and must,
therefore, omit many of the reflections and
considerations it was my purpose to submit.
Enough, however, I think has been shown to
prove the utter disregard of Gen. Harrison
tor the welfare of the Government, and the
principles of virtuous freedom—lhat, if eleva
ted to the Presidential Chair, his incapacity
and injudicious administration of the Govern
ment, will involve the Country in a train of
evils that will terminate in its ruin—ancf that
enlightened system of national policy which
had its origin in the principles that prevailed
at the revo utien, will be prematurely termi
nated by the hands of intemperate foes, and
the cause’ we espouse overwhelmed in its in
fancy, while federalism rises triumphant on
its ruins. No Partisan.
POSTPONE!* SALE.
WILL be sold on the first Tuesday in JUNE
next,before the Court House door in Ilia tovrn
of Lumpkin, .Stewart county, the following property to
wit:
l.ot of Land No. 42, in the 23d district of Stewart
county, as the property of David G. Rodgers, to satis
fy sundry Jifas issued out of a justices court of Stew
art county, in favor of James M. Milner, and others vs.
JjFhcffiasE. llodgers, David G. Rodgers and Wiihard
indorser.
I Also, the north half of Lot No. 104, in the town of
Florence, in square G. as the property of Benjamin
Gardner, to satisfy oris fi /a'issued out of Stewart in
ferior court in favor of William Fort vs. said Gardner.
ROBERT RIVES, Stiff.
May 1, 1340.
j
MORTGAGE SALE'S.
At the same place on the first Tuesday in
June next will be sold;
Three slaves, to-wit.- Luke, a man about 34 years
old; Will, a man about 30 yea*rs old, and Bettv, a wo
man about 35 years old, as the property of TV. W.
Eilands, to satisfy a mortgage A sa issued out of Srew
art superior court, in favor of Easan Allin, vs. said
Eilands, Property pointed out in said Ji ft.
Also, lot No. 176, in the 19th district of Stewart
county, and also, lot No. 2, in square letter Y. and;
No. 4 in square letter Z, in the town of Lumpkin, lc- j
vied on to satisfy a mortgage Ji fa in favor of Leroy j
M, Wiley, Parish & Cos. vs. Mason H. Bush. Pro- ’
perty pointed out in said fifa.
R, RIVES, Sh’ff.
April 1, IS4O.
EXECCTOK’S SALE.
BY virtue of” an order of the Inferior Court of
Randolph county, when sitting for ordinary pur
! poses; w ill be sold before the court house door in the
j town of Cuthbert, on the first Tuesday in JULY next,
j the following property, to wit: Riley; a man and a
! blacksmith, about 39 years old, Marthd, a woman,
: about 16 years old, and Sarah, a womsn, about 14
! years old, sold as the property of Thofinas Reynolds,
deceased, sold f.r the purpose of a distribution among
j tlie legatees. Terms made known on the day of sale.
THOS. P. REYNOLDS,Ez’r.
May 2, 1840. 12 ts
. :
: : : . .
POSTPONED
ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE.
AGREEABLY to an order of the Inferior Court
of Randolph county, while sitting for ordinary
; purposes, will be sold befjro the court house door in
I the town of Lumpkin, Stewart county, on the first;
Tuesday in Julv next, one house anu lot in the village j
: of Florence. Sold as the property of E. F. Sing, de- I
; ceased, for the benefit of the heirs and creditors of said
deceased. Terms made known on the day of sale.
E. W. M. RICE, AdmunStta’or. j
Cuthbert,Ga. May 1,1840. 1-2 t j
1 DISSOiiIITIOX. j
Trl E copartnership ex sung between the undersisn- I
ed is this day dissolved by mutual consent. The
i unsettled business will be attended to by W. W.
| Pool, using the name of the concern, if necessary, in
1 reference to the concern. W. \V. POOL,
March 28. 3t F, P. McCRARY.
SENTINEL & HERALD.!
COLUMBUS,'MAY 9, 1840* j
“ Tins Institution is one of the most deadly hostility .
ending against the principles and form of our Consti- j
lution. The nation is, at this time, so strong and united j
in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this mo- J
menl. But suppose a series o f untoward events should
occur , sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a I
Republican Government to meet a crisis of great dan
ger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the :
public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating j
by its branches every part of the union, acting by com * i
mand and in phalanx, may in a critical moment, upset
I deem no government safe, which is ‘
Hflp the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities , j
or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg- ‘
ular functionaries. IVhat an obstruction could not this i
Bank of the United States, u ith all its branch banks , j
i>e in time of soar ? It might dictate to us the peace we ,
should accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought we then to j
give further growth to an institution so powerful, so \
hostile? —Thomas Jefferson.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET, i
FOR PRESIDES'!’,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
JOHN FORSYTH.
We received in due time the account J
o! the proceedings of the democratic meeting
held ;n Lumpkin on the 19th of April, to make !
arrangements to be represented in the Balti- I
more Convenhon ; but the manuscript, by
some afccident, tvas misplaced. It shall have
a place next week.
POLITICAL MEETINGS.
Our town readers arc apprized
that a notice was posted at different
places in this City* some ten or
twelve days since, stating that a
meeting of the State Rights party,
without reference to the opinions
entertained by its members on tbe
Presidential question, would be held
on a day and hour certain, to dis
cuss the respective merits and qua
lifications of Mr. Van Btifen and
Gen. Harrison. The meeting was
held accordingly, and the subjects
before ft discussed at great length,
and with much ability, by Mr. John
H. Howard, Mr. Thomas F. Foster,
and Mr. Seaborn Jones—the first
tfnd last of these gentlemen sup
porting the pretensions of Mr. Van
Burcn, and the third, urging a re
ference of all matters and things
pertaining to the controversy, to the
State Rights Convention soon to
assemble, for its decision. The
lateness of the hour at which Col.
Jones concluded his remarks, and
a disposition being manifested to
continue the discussion, it was pro
posed to adjourn to a day not dis
tant,- when the discussion might he
resumed. It being intimated that
the Hon. Julius C. Alford would
passthrough this City on his way to
Washington City, on Wednesday
the 6th of May, and had consented
to address his fellow citizens of Co
lumbus on that day, the meeting
was adjourned to assemble ngnin on
the 6th of May, at 10 A. M. Tiius
slood matters a’t the dissolution of
the first meeting.
°
Wednesday, tho 6th of May, nr- ;
rived, and found C6l. Alford in the I
[City, and prepared to discharge his
| engagement. The gentlemen who!
had invited Col. Alford to visit this
City, and make a speech, intimated,
and so the printed notice issued by
(hem run, that the arrangements
relative to the speech of Col. Alford,
had no reference to the adjourned
meeting of the State Rights party.
With this arrangement and dispo
sition of the orator, no one, so fai
as we saw or understood, was incli
ned, or sought fa Interfere. At the
hour appointed, Col. Alford repaired j
lo the Market House, (as in times
of old, the people came up to the
Market Houses, to discuss the mo
mentous questions which affected
their rights and interests,) attended
by tbe Mayor of the City, (whom
we are very sorry to see in the ranks
of our political foes,) and a very
respectable escort. A large and
intelligent concourse had already
assembled, and were awaiting the
arrival of Col. Alford. He was in-j
troduced to tbe meeting in a very {
concise and appropriate manner by i
the Mayor, and immediately com- j
mcnced bis remarks* And here we :
have an amusing incident to relate.
Col. Alford, in the very outset,
begged to know if he was to be an
swered, and if such w ere the case,
he would thank the gentlemen to
itakeascat near him. Col. Jones
land Col. Howard intimated their
willingness to engage in the discus
sion. This then changed the char
acter of the meeting. Col. Alford
i himself invited discussion. Col.
j Jones nor Col. Howard w’ent to the
i meeting with any other intention
than to listen,. The arrange
ments were, after Col. Alford had
concluded and retired, to organise!
the adjourned meeting, and proceed j
with the discussion. V\Col. j
Alford began and ended his speech ;;
and here comes the sublime ot
the affair :
The moment Cos!. Alford conclu-j
jded, significant looks were exchan
ged, and, with the quickness of
lightning, the word was passed
‘All Harrison men retire;’ and the
celerity and elegance with which
the order was executed, drew from
i us a sigh of regret that such and i s-,
; c i pli we and soldiers should en-1
| list under the banner of the Ilet o of
I Tippecanoe.
| ft seems, however, that a goodly J
i number of the hearers of Col. Al
i ford, were \an Buren men; and
Col. Jones being loudly called for,
! mounted the rostrum,-and proceed
ed ; and how far he succeeded in . {
answering the and ec Ia mat i o nos
I Col. Alford, vve are content to leave
to the candid judgment of his hear
iefs. w
j COL. ALFORD’S SPEECH.
\\ e listened very attentively to’
The speech of this gentleman deli- i
| vcred at the Market House on I
Wednesday last, and out of the de
clamation with which it abounded,
we discovered the following points; j
j Ist. Col. Alford stated that ‘ Mr. j
I Van Buren was a blue light fede- i
jrnlist, and opposed to the war.’—
:Wc really thought this charge was i
exploded. The more candid among!
I the Whig papers, have admitted its ;
; utter falsity. In order, however, to
I place the thing beyond question, we I
!submit the following remarks, made
by Mr. Tallmadge, a Senator in
i Congress from New York, and now
the hitter personal and political foe
of Mr. Van Burcn, at a public
meeting in Albany some years since! i
“The war in 1812, between tbe United j
Slates and Great Britain, found him in the
Senate of Ihis State. Il was here that his
talents shone most conspicuous. Beset by
foes without and enemies within; the coun
try presented to the eye of the patriot a :
most gloomy prospect. Unaided, or but par
tially aided by the General Government, we
were called upon to provide the means to
repel the invader both by sea and by land.
The patriotic Tompkins was then at the
head of the State ; and with ah eye that ne
ver slept and a seal that never tired, he de
voted himself to the service of hrs country.
No man rendered more efficient aid than Mr.
Van Buren. In yonder Senate Chamber his
eloquence was often heard in favor of provi
ding means and of granting supplies to carry
On the war; to feed and clot lie the half starved
and half clad soldiery ; while some of his pre
sent persecutors were openly rejoicing at the
defeat of our arms, and secretly imploring
success on the enemy.”
2d. Col. Alford stated that Mr.
Van Burcn was a high tariff man,
and his proof was this: Mr. Van
Buren delivered n speech in Albany,
some years since, in which he re
marked ‘ that it could not he suppo
sed he was unwilling to unite in all
suitable measures for the pro
tection of domestic manufactures,
as he was himself a large wool
grower.’ We have not the speech,
and can, therefore, only conclude
that Col. Alford read that portion
of it, which bore strongest in favor
of his assertion that Mr. Van Buren
Was a high tariff man. It is aston
ishing how wofully political preju
dices may distort a man’s percep
tions. Now, it seems to us, taking
into consideration the time, place
and circumstances, that apprehen
sions were entertained that Mr. Van
Buren was hot a high tariff man;
and in order to show tiie people of
his State, that, in his wishes to a
dopt only suitable measures ; or,
in other words, such measures as the
Constitution authorized, and the in
terests of the w hole country deman
ded, lie was uninfluenced by per
sonal considerations, as lie was
j himself a wool grower, with a large
capital infested in it. We .are tin-,
j able to draw any other inference
! from the isolated remark quotod bv
Col. Alford ; and we doubt not a
perusal of the entire speech would
sustain our impression.
Bd. Col. Alford stated that the
President declared himself, in his
last message, to he ‘ a component
part of the Legislative power and
asked, in the most emphatic man
ner, if the State Rights party was
prepared to support a man who
advanced such horrible doctrine.—
j We presume Col. Alford alluded to
the following passage in the last
annual message of 31 r. Van Buren :
“By the provisions’ of the Constitution, it is
only in consequence of appropriations made
bylaw, that money can be drawn from the
Treasury; no instance has occurred since the
establishment of the Government in which
the Executive, though a component part of
the Legislative power, has interposed an ob
jection to an appropriation bill on the sole
| ground of its extravagance. His duty in
I this respect has been Considered fulfilled by
j requesting such appropriations only as (he
| public service may be reasonably expected to
| require. In the present earnest direction of
l the pubic mind towards this subject, both
j the Executive and the Legislature have evi
j Jer.ce of the strict responsibility (o which they
will beheld; and while I anY coneiaus of my
(own anxious efforts to perforin with fidelity
| this portion of ,my public fur.c ions, it is a
[satisfaction tome to be able to count on a
cordial co-operation from you.,’
Well, bear with ns a moment,
and we will show that, in this in
j stance, Col. Alford, in his zeal to
|traduce Mr. Van Buren, struck the
i wrong place. The President says,
money can only he drawn from
I the Treasury, in consequence of
appropriations made by law.—
What are the requisites to consti
tute a law of the United States, or
‘of Congress, if you please ? Jts pas
sage by both houses of Congress,’
land the approval of the
jPresi den t. Is he not then ‘ a
| component part of the legislative’
| power,’ so far as approval or dis
approval goes ? Is he not obliged
to approve or disapprove every act
j—every bill, before it can become
a law, except in one event, which
has no bearing on tbe present ques-
tion? Arid was it not in reference
;to the single power of approval or
disapproval, conferred- on the Pre
sident by the Constitution, and
j which be is bound, by the requisi
tions of that instrument, to execute
in every case; and not that he was
a part of the Legislature in fr o
min g laws, and mrng Ii mg w’rth
the Congress in effecting their pas
sage, as Col. Alford asserted—that
the President used the language
that he was * a component part of
the Legislative power r’
It is very unfortunate f. ; the
ffause Col. Alford advocate, that
he attracted public attention at al
to this passage in the message of
[the President. It reflects infinite
credit on 31 r. Van Buren. JJ C Sn \s
j although no President has refused
ito sanction a bill, si nply on the
ground of extravagance, (reserving
for good reasons, the exercise of
the veto power for laws plainly in
fracting tho Constitution,) yet he
j urges upon Congress the necessity
land propriety of abstaining froiff
j extravagant appropriations, and not
jto go too far, or he may he con
strained, contrary to former presc
jdent, to interpose his veto, ns n
component part of the legislative
power.’
4lh. Col. Alford stated that the
warmest friends of Mr. Van Buren
did not claim honesty for him; and
that the Great Globe at Washing
| ton, and all its satellites throughout
[the country, supported him solely
on the ground of his c u n n i nir!’
Oh ! Col. Alford—Oh !
sth. Col. Alford dwelt at great
length upon the fact that Mnj. Joel
Cratvford had written a letter ur
ging the claims of Gen. Harrison.
Now, we have a very high regard
for Major Crawford—for his inte
grity as a man, and his honesty ns
a politician ; hut we are unable to
discover in his letter any other, or
higher recommendation of General
Harrison, than the suitableness of
his physical proportions; the pro
priety ot his oeportment ; his age
and the color of bis hair.
We have done w ith the speech of
Col. Alford, and will barely remark,
in conclusion, that the happiness
enjoyed by our opponents during
its delivery, afforded us no dissatis
faction-—-and that when tbe cogno
men was applied to our side, by the
Orator, of ‘Morns Multicaulis, Jack
son, Van Buren, Proclamation,
Force Bill democrats,’ the relish
was very great, and the applause
unbounded.
MASSACHUSETTS RESOLVES.
It has been asserted that the
Abolitionists of the North hold the
balance ot power, and arc acting in
concert with the whigs ; and that
wherever the Whigs have had the
ascendancy in the State Legisla
tures, resolutions have been passed,
asserting the right of petition, and
sanctioning the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia. See
the Massachusetts resolves on our
first page.
A SUSPICIOUS SIGN.
Certificates have been furnijicd
by the Federalists that Gen. Jinrii
son is n republican of (he Jefferso
nian school. Judge Burnett, of
Ohio, a Hartford Convention tory,
is a warm supporter of the Tippe
canoe Hero, and vouches for his
democracy. ‘There is something
wrong in this.
VIRGINIA ELEC i IONS.
We expected by the mail of this
morning to have received full re
turn? from Virginia; or, at least,
sufficient information to have ena
bled us to have formed something
like an accurate opinion of the real
facts of the case. No Richmond
papers were received, and wc arc,
therefore, compelled to postpone
until next week, a full and detailed
acton ht.
Enough is known, however, to
state that the Whigs this year, as
last, have the Legislature, with the
gain of a very few members. What
difference there will he in the ag
gregate vote of the whole Slate is
not yet ascertained ; as I fie election
of members of the Legislature, un
der the peculiar laws of Virginia,
does not furnish an accurate test.
We should not fie surprized, not
withstanding the sound and fury of
our opponents, if we held our own
in that State. The gentlemen of
the Whig party hereabouts are very
unsafe thermometers. IVot used to
success, whenever I hey gain partial
and temporary triumphs, their joy
manifests itself in the most extra
ordinary demonstrations, and their
flights from the sublime to the ridi
culous, and from the latter to the
former, surpass description.
NEW YORK.
We understand some of our liar
son friends laugh at the idea of the
Empire State voting for Van Bu
ren. Now we cannot say that wo
ever reposed any very great confi
dence in the political calculations of
these gentlemen, as we have *een
their figures fail so often heretofore.
As to New York, no .State in the
Enicri is more certain to vote for
!Van Buren; and as an evidence
that this'opinion lias been all along
entertained by the leading Whigs
in that State, do our readers wish
any better evidence than the outra
o-eous and high handed
introduced into and carried through
its Legislature, te answer present
purposes, to operate on existing
prejudices, ami to unite as many ns
possible of the Various interests in
lhat State in favor of Harrison ?
First came the Registry Law, in
tended to break down the demo
crats of tbe City—next the law
giving to slaves the right of trial by
jury, to secure the abolition interest
—and tbe resolutions disapproving
of the rejection of abolition petitions-