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ccmiemen, that the effccl of deposing tho
public mooev in bat k. was to lend it to those
hst utions, generally Without interest, to be
„ se j aa a part of their capital, and that they
lent it out upon interest to their customers,
thereby largely increasing the profits oi the
stockholders. ‘ Thus the few were enabled to
enricii themselves by using the money which ]
belonged ty the many, and the public funds’
were in fact drawn from the Treasury, with- j
out an appropriation in Congress, in clear
violation of the spirit of a constitutional pro
hibition.
The manner in which this abuse crept into
the goverement and fastened itself upon the ,
country with the acquiescence ot the whole j
people, is teaching an impressive lesson, the
necessity of perpetual vigilance and energy in
selecting and resisting the first encroachments,,
however seemingly trilling, upon the principles ,
of our government. F ruin the deposit eof the |
public money in banks, it did not necessarily j
lbliow that the banks should use it. Its use ,
was never until lately, and then only to a limit
ed extent, directly authorized by an act of the
government. But 33 the banks were m ie
Habit of using deposites; they silently treated
those of the Government hke those of private
cilizens, and the government as silently ac
quiesced in the practice. As lor many years
the revenuesofthe government were moderate,
and the surplus was wanted to pay the princi
pal and interest of the public debt, the amount
loaned out by the banks was comparatively
small, and the profits of the stockholders less
considerable. But in the progress of the Gov
ernment its revenues increased, and the amount
unexpended became greater, until it amounted
to five, ten, and after the extinguishment of the
public debt, to nearly thirty millions. The
disastrous effects now became apparent. An
extensive interest had sprung up deriving
wealth from the useofthe people’s money, and
having powerful inducements so to act upon
the government as to increase the source of
their income. Their influence was first direct
ly felt in interferences to prevent the payment
of the public debt; then in efforts, through the
use of the public press, and in attempts tose
cure the influence ofleadiug politicians and of
men in authority, to procure a prolongation of
their chartered privileges; and finally in panic
and pressure inflicted upon the country with
the hope of controlling the action of the govern
ment tliroug the alarms and the sufferings of
the people. By shifting the deposites from
one great institutions many smaller ones, the
unity ot this interest was destroyed, hut not its
power. Though enfeebled, it still existed in
a force which the boldest might fear, and lias
made itself felt in the contest of the last few
years. But the intelligence and virtue of our
people have triumphed over art, panic and
pressure, and the act ofdeliverance is this day
consummated. i
It is hoped that the business of the country
will no longer be disturbed by the struggles
of the banking interest to get possession of
the money of the people, that they may make
a profit out of its use, but that they will settle
down contented with the use of that which
legitimately belongs to them, leaving the
funds of the government to be kept and ex
pended according to the letter and spirit of the
constitution. But should it be otherwise, the
intelligence and firmness of our people are
equal to any emergency. They now under
stand the whole subject. They see no reason
why they should be taxed to raise money for
such a purpose. They see that its effect is to
build on a rich privileged order at their
expense to control the government and des
troy all equality among the people. Seeing
all this, and that the plan for which that inter
est has so long struggled to the derangement
of the business of the country, is in palpable
violation of the spirit of tha constitution, their
firmness will be equal to every effort necessa
ry to prevent its re-establishment.
In the progress of our Government the
most gratifying evidences have been furnished
that our people are, in intelligence, integrity
and determined resolution, equal to the “task
of self-government. In that administration
which has been appropriately named ‘ the
reign of terror,’ so appropriately thatmen of
all parties now repudiate its acts, and are
prompt to redress, as far as they can, the
wrongs it inflicted, the force of statute law
and the arm ol Judiciary were called in to aid
the influence of the Executive and the advo
oa'esof a strong Government, in putting down
.he rising spirit o! the people, and controlling
the current of public opinion ; hut all these
combined powers were exerted in vain. The
Sampson of Democracy burst the chords
which were already hound around its limbs,
and in the election of Mr. Jefferson vindicates
its principles, its firmness, and ils power. A
web more artfully contrived, composed of a
high protective tariff, a system of internal
improvements, and a National Bank, was
then twined around the sleeping giant in the
vain hope oi subjecting him forever to the
dominion and will of the ambitious and grasp
ing few; and you have seen how he has
scattered the whole to the winds when roused
by the warning voice of the honest and intre
pid Jackson. Again, in the triumph of li e
Independent Treasury, we witness the tri
umph of the popular intelligence and firmness
over the arts, arguments, appliances and
alarms of the interested few who desire to
enrich themselves by the use of the public
money—another and most gratifying evidence
ihat the people, when aroused, are competent
to maintain any just principle, and correct
any abuse however sanctioned by preceden!
or sustained in wealth.
On these evidences of popular intelligence
and firmness, the Republican patriot tests
with well grounded faith, that all means
which may be used to mislead or intimidate
the people, now or hereafter, into a surrender
of their Constitution and their liberties, will,
as they ever have done, meet with a signal
and withering rebuke.
I am, gentlemen, with thanks for the friend
I.v spirit in which you have individually per
formed the duty assigned to you, very res
pectfully your friend and obedient servant.
M. VAN nr REN.
To Messrs. John M M‘Calla,T. M. Hickey,
B. Taylor and G. \Y. Johnson, Ecqs.
Committee.
A FACT OR TWO.
* Farts are chiels that winna ding
And douna be disputed ’ — Bumf.
The following statistics will meet the Whig
sophistry ‘ anent’ low prices, by Which that
wily crew are endeavoring to pocket the
votes of our sturdy and hard toiled farmers.
‘ The average price of flour per barrel, in
Philadelphia, during the present Administra
tion, has exceeded 87 00; during Genera!
Jackson’s last term, it was 86 16 ; during his
first term, $5 63; during Mr. Adams’s term,
it was 8a 14 ; and during Mr. Monroe’s last
term, it was $5 95.’
‘1 lie following is worth preserving as a
monument of the manner in which the banks
have been in the habit of sporting with (lie
welfare ol the country. Truly it was high
time that, either the Independent Treasury or
pome other Independent thing should nnplv a
corrective to such a wanton and atrocious
exercise of outrageous power.
‘ln ISi 6, t tie amount of currency was 811
per heat) of the whole population : 07 in IS 19,
§5 in 1339, 66 in 1834, 67 in 1535, 63 in
1839, and $lO in January, 1837.
‘ In 1819, the amount of paper an 1 specie
in circulation, was over seventy millions o r
dollars; in 1820, less than forty-eight millions.
In 1833, the bank circulation was sixty-five
millions; in 183-1, ninety-four millions, and in
January, 1537, no less than one hundred and
forty-nine millions!’
In 1 534 a carpenter’s wages was $1 50 per
.diem, an I flour $5 75 per barrc’; in 1337,,
his, wages 81 75, and flour §9 75 per barrel.
Thus in js-'i. he co.tl'J earn more than a :
barrel and a half of flour every week, and in
1337, very little more than a barrel, though’
receiving a higher nominal amount of wages;
and yet when the Whigs go fishing for votes,
one of the most alluring baits i3 the present
low rates of wages; but their delusive and
destructive tackle will be pretty well known
j before the right fishing time arrives.— JVU
’ liamsburg Democrat.
SENTINEL & HERALD.
COLUMBUS, AUGUSTS, IS4O.
I “ Thin Institution is one of the most deadly hostility
existing against the principles and form of our Consti
i tution. The nation it, at this time , so strong and united
;in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this rno
; merit. Bui suppose a scries of untoward events should
I occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of a
j Republican Government to meet a crisis of great dan
\ger. or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the
\ public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating
i by its branches every part of the union, acting by com
i mand and in phalanx, may in a critical moment, upset
the government. I deem no government safe, which is
under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities,
or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg
ular functionaries. IVhat an obstruction could nut this
Bank of the United Stales, wkh all ils branch batiks,
be in lime of war ? It might dictate to us the peace we
should accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought we then to
give further growth to an institution so powerful , so
hostile ? — Thomas Jefferson.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN FORSYTH.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND
VICE-PRESIDENT.
WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
JOHN BATES, of Murray.
MILNER ECHOLS, of Walton.
SAMUEL BEALL, of Wilkinson.
WILLIAM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes.
•SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee.
EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark.
JAMES ANDERSON, of Bmke.
FOR CONGRESS.
ROBERT W. TOOLER,
D. C. CAMPBELL,
A. IVERSON,
JUNIUS HILLYER,
JOSrAH S. PATTERSON,
JOHN H. LUMPKIN,
E. J. BLACK,
WALTER T. COLQUITT,
M. A. COOPER.
We are authorised to announce
Colonel ALEXANDER MDOU
GALD a candidate for the Senate,
and THOMAS WATSON Esq.
and THOMAS LIVINGSTON
Esq. candidates for the House of
Representatives of the Georgia
Legislature at the election in Octo
ber next in Muscogee county.
To the above names it would af
ford us pleasure to see added that
of Colonel JOHN L. LEWIS.—
Private considerations ought to
yield to public duty at a moment ot
danger. The solicitations of his
numerous friends should be no long
er resisted.
MR. VAN BUREN’S LETTER
To the Democratic Committee at
While Sulphur Spring ■, Kentucky.
For this document, which will be
found in today’s Sentinel & Herald,
wo bespeak the attentive perusal of
the reader. It breathes the spirit of
a patriot, alive alike to the indepen
dence of* his country, and tho civil
liberty of the citizen. His idea of
freedom is not to confer privileges
for life on the few, and to bind the
tongue and tiie pen of the many,
rendering the right of discussion mi
a\ai!abie, and the ballot-box a
motivcty, hut to leave private right
unshackled in every respect except
\Uiat is imperiously demanded to he
abridged by the existence of social
order and the security of property.
I he Constitution he takes for his
gtiiue, not constructively hut literal
ly, and has labored, not unsuccess
fuliy, to reduce the government to
tiie limits set to it by the granting
power. In addition to all this, we
hate hrs solemn pledge that he will
veto any act that Congress may a
nopt interfering with slave-property
in any of the States or Territories.
He is moreover a man of resplen
dent talents, suasive and polished
manners, moral habits and irre
proachable character. In short,
qualified in every respect to dis
charge the duties ofthe high station
that he now fills with credit to him
self and benefit to his country.
\\ hat a contrast L presented by
his competitor. In early life the
supporter of tho alien and sedition
| laws, and actually wearing that
j odious badge of aristocracy, the
1 black cockade, we find William
) Henry Harrison, opposed to equal
; rights, the freedom of the press and
! right of discussion—though opposed
to the slavery ofthe blacks, and de
sirous of appropriating the whole
surplus revenue to their emancipa
tion, vet he, without remorse or re
luctance, sanctions a law consigning
the unfortunate while, to slavery,
i if unable to pay the costs of the pros
ecution—as if the black were a ho
ling naturally superior to the white,
and entitled to special respect and
immunities—at one and the same
time courting the suffrage of the ah
olitinnists and of the slaveholders of
; the South, he sacrifices candor to
ambition, and stoops dishonorably,
to dissimulation. In addition to his
| advocacy of a protective tariff, in
ternal improvement, and national j
bank, he has repeatedly declared!
j that, if elected, he will veto no hill’
passed by a majority of both branch-!
j es ol congress, thus evincing a total;
| disregard of the solemnities of an
joa*h, and leav’rg the mineii v in
every ca*e a” ‘he mercy of ihe ma-|
jerity—notwi !i landing* he number ;
.ol his years, tvlrn the weary pil-j
[grim of life is solemnly occupied!
[ vi it ri pondering on eternity an 1 that j
droid Prose: ee hefme which it is!
j he lot of all mankind sooner or la
iter to appear, lie is identified with!
the hoary street-brawler impreca
ting, in the name of the Almighty,
his personal enemies and such per
sons as incur his displeasure. His
advanced age, his dotage, may to
some extent, he urged in exculpa
tion,hut such an apology operates as
a pow erful reason for excluding him
from tho highest trust that can he
delegated by a free people. But,
say his partisans, his high military
talents and splendid victories have
some claim on the gratitude of the
nation. That the battle of the
Thames was splendid in execution
and important in consequence, no
one will deny; but it was fought on
ly by a port ion of his army not under
his supervision but that of the two
Johnsons, so that the amount of
censure or praise that he deserves
for that affair serves very little in
establishing his military reputation.
The defence ofFort Meigs, to be the
most charitable, is equally undeci
sive of the commander’s ability—
and the battle of Tippecanoe, in
which much personal bravery was
exhibited by the white troops, was
certainly not a victory hut repulse.
The Indians were not pursued nor
prisoners taken from them—their
towns were not destroyed nor were
they intimidated so much as to sue
for peace. So far from its being a
successful demonstration, his army
without loss of time retraced its
steps, leaving the object of the expe
dition unaccomplished. Indeed tiie
memory of his battles had been so
nearly forgotten by tho public, that
his name was seldom seen in print
or heard in conversation, until he
was brought out by the abolitionists
and federal whigs a candidate for
the presidency. Yet were his mili
tary career as brilliant as the whigs
fictitiously describe it, surely it
would afford no evidence of his ca
pacity to discharge the functions of
Chief Magistrate ofthe Union. In
deed, many of his notions savor too
strongly of the camp. Ilis beii g
averse to the reduction of the large
standing army under the elder Ad
ams, the large proportion of the mi
litia which he endeavored to have
annually in camp for the purpose of
discipline of whom the officers were
to receive pay hut the privates none,
and the immense taxation that
would be requisite to put into oper
ation his scheme of having a milita
ry instructor in each primary school
in the country in addition to the
military academies embraced in the
project, prove him to he as misera
ble a financier as he is a republican,
as shattered in mind as he is in bo
dy, and as visionary as he is decep
tions.
Though the following volunteer
toast, designed for the Democratic
Dinner given last week in Columbus,
has no name to indicate its author,
vve think proper to publish it, not
only on account of its intrinsic worth,
hut its allusion to a circumstance
that transpired some three or four
weeks ago at Salem, Alabama:
“Martin Van Buren, the cctbbage-boy of
Kinderkook, the Senator of New York, the
Secretary of State, the recalled Minister to
England, the Vice President of the United
States, and now the Chief Magistrate of the
Union—may he continue to enjoy the confi
dence of the American people.”
About the time above mentioned,
a political discussion took place at
Salem, in which partisans of some
intellectual repute of both parties
engaged. One of the canvassers,,
a certain ex-judge, rather more dis
tinguished by his plastic disposition
in pursuit of office, than fidelity to
creed, extent of knowledge, or pro
fundity of thought, obtained the
stump, and made his set to against
the administration. He candidly
believed, he said, Mr. Van Buren
to he no abolitionist; because it was
not more than six weeks since lie
shook hands with him, and that lie
is a good-looking fat old Dutchman;
but as Martin Van Buren’s father
was so poor as to be forced to grow
cabbages and sell them to raise
money to defray the expenses of his
son’s education, he could not vote
for the cabbage hoy, and conse
quently Martin Van Buren is an
abolitionist—or, in other words,
Martin Van Buren being a good
looking fat old Dutchman, and hav
ing siot more than six weeks before
shaken hands with his honor, can
not possibly he an abolitionist; hat
Martin Van Buren being a cabbage
boy, or at least educated from the
proceeds of a cabbage garden, and
his honor being determined to vote
for no man of an origin so ignoble,
must he an abolitionist.
By what process of ratiocination
his honor arrived at conclusions so
jopposite, we are unable to deter-
I mine; hut suppose it must have been
! chiefly through the medium of one
lor botli ofthe extra senses with
! which he boasts to he endowed: for
| his honor has repeatedly and exult
jingly confessed that he was taken
! from the labors of the cotton-field
Ito which he had been trained, by
! his uncle, expressly on account of
‘his possessing “seven senses” being
i two mote than fall to the lot of oth
ei human beings.
We will not dilate on the impu
dence of a man trained to hoe cot
|ton upbraiding another for having
I dug round cabbage-plants; nor will
!we apply tnoxa to the cringing
! treachery that, under guise of re
spect and friendship, smuggles it
’ self into t!ie house and hospitality
Jof a man for the sole purpose of
defaming and injuring him. But
vve cannot, without contempt, min
gled with indignation, hear a man,
sprung from the stubbie and stalk,
adducing obscure ancestry and ag
ricultural pursuits (the most ancient
and honorable of all, being the first
allotted by the Almighty for oui
primitive parents,) as working im
mutable degradation, and legiti
mately excluding from morality,
honor, talent and trust, especially
when the allegations are hazarded
before a large body of farmers.
Such assumptions are, on the part
of the speaker, an acknowledgment
of his own infamy and his ancestors’
disgrace, while they furnish evidence
of his being an impostor in attempt
ing to occupy a station in society for
which, by his confession, pedigree
and pursuit have disqualified him—
a confession that he considers his
parentage and early avocations as
preparing him to he the pliant, soul
less and ignominious serf of a ty
rant, and, by parity of reason, that
he deems his auditors incapacitated
for refined feelings, general knowl
edge, private trust or public honor,
or rather that, created for menial
ends, their backs have been made
for the whip and their limbs for
chains. It moreover denies the
civil equality of members of the
white or Caucassian race, and ar
raigns the wisdom of God in plac
ing in Eden the first man to “ dress
it and keep it.” To the spirit that
could concoct such sentiments every
ray of science must he offensive and
the fruit of liberty bitter and loath
some. Yet such are the apostles
of federal whiggery, and it is by
such agents that the government is
to be redeemed, freedom conserved,
the price of cotton to he enhanced,
and our citizens rendered wealthy
and happy.
FEDERAL WHIG TACTICS.
The different changes that the
federal whig presses have from one
end of the Union to the other rung
on the subjects of the subtreasury
law, Mr. Poinsett’s report for or
ganizing the militia, the expendi
tures on the President’s house, the
law for taking the census, etc., etc.,
notwithstanding the full and explicit
exposures of the falsehood, prove
incontestibly that truth is not the
weapon of their choice, nor the
honor and prosperity of the country
the object of their desire. False
hood, no matter how absurd and
ridiculous soever, is their sole de
pendence; and it must he confessed
that they have reduced its propaga
tion to a science. Detect any one
of their misrepresentations, and
append tho evidence, —ah! they ex
claim, the writer of the certificate
or affidavit is obscure or disreputa
ble, and therefore not worthy of
credence—or if respectable, dear
me, the paper in which the docu
ment appears is so given to fibbing,
that every gesitccl man is bound to
consider it a forgery—or if the
statement is so preposterous as to
carry with it conclusive proof of its
spuriousness, bless my life, is the
response, you would not judge in
tellectual phenomena by the same
rules you would test inert manner.
The exposure is disregarded, the
falsehood is reiterated and circula
ted until in some instances the fab
ricator thoroughly believes his own
falsehood. Knowing however that
the hahit of telling fibs has a ten
dency to lessen the narrator in
the estimation of society, by the
most dishonorable arts they occa
sionally get admission for some of
their misrepresentations into the
columns of the democratic prints,
with the design of charging their
opponents with a disregard of truth
and thus dividing the odium with
them. The following two articles,
tho first from the Savannah Re
publican, and the second from the
Savannah Daily Telegraph, illus
trate the point:
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Columbus, to
his friend in this city, dated. 2Q th inst.
“The supporters of Harrison and Tyler in this city,
whtxjwere formerly connected with the Union Party,
to the number of one hundred, have determined to pub
lish a “counter call,” with a view of inducing their
friends throughout the Slate, to meet at Macon during
the great August Convention—not separately, or dis
tinctly, but to participate in common with their feliow
citizens in the arrangements for the campaign. It has
been considered proper to pursue this course here, in
order to counteract the influence ofthe late Convention
in MJledgeville. The disaffected State Right’s men
here, do not number fifty. In the adjoining Counties,
the changes are at leastybw to one in favor of Harri
son. 1 was yesterday at a large meeting in Harris,
and wis assured by the prominent men, that it was
impossible for Van to get n ore than three hundred out
of thirteen hundred votes of the County. Advices from
Heard, Upson, Talbot, Stewart, Marion, Sumter,
Crawford, Lee and Early, of a gain of from 20 to 150
in each. In Stewart, seveniy Union men have de
clared themselves in iavor of Reform; and as an evi
dence-of their zeal, have nearly ail subscribed for the
Enquirer. In Upson, there are 20'. changes. In
Troup, the loss is not as great as was anticipated: she
will not fall far short of her majority. A letter from
New Echota today received, states that the changes
in Cherokee are in favor of Harribon. The truth is,
if we are not greatly deceived, the State is safe.”
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Columbus , to
his friend in this City, dated 20th inst.
“Tiie supporters of Harrison and Tyler in this city
are completely used up. The members of the State
Rights party at Mifledgeville drove the last naiiin their
coffin; since that time, at least, one hundred of that
party who, before the meeting were opposed to Van
Buren, have come out heart and soul for him. Some
few, reckless and disappointed spints who are seeking
for office, talk about getting up a ‘ Counter Call,” of
those formerly of the Union party, but now for Harri
son, but it will be no go, for there are not ten of them
in the whole city. In Stewart, Marion and Harris
counties, ail adjoining, it is thought the changes are at
least jour to one foi Van Buren. I was last week at one
of the largest meetings ever in held Harris county;it was
heid in consequence of a call extended to all parties,
and a Harrison man was as rare an article as a white
crows Some of the most influential men in the county
assured me that without a doubt, Van Buren would get
one thousand out of the thirteen hundred votes ofthe
county. I have nearly travelled through Heard, Up
son. Talbot, Stewart, Marion, Sumter, Lee and Early,
and from all 1 could iearn, Van Buren lias gained from
fifty to twm hundred in each. In Stewart county, one
hundred State Rights men have declared themselves
for Van Buren. The Columbus Herald is daily re
ceiving a large accession of subscribers from the State j
Rights party, and the Enquirer, the Harrison paper, is j
losing them m the same ratio* In Upson, there are two J
hundred changes. We will, beyond a doubt, carry ;
Troup, whrdti, at the last eleitioa gave a State RMus
• ajwity of out thousand.
A letter received from iTabershain county today,
states, that changes are daily taking plae for Van
Buren in Cherokee county, which without doubt, will
give him a majority of 3 a oOCO; if so, and I do not
uoubt it, w© will give X an, in this State, the small ma->
jority often thousand.
On comparison of style and mat
ter, it will be perceived that tire two
extracts, though contradictory in
import, are evidently from one pen,
and were no doubt written in Co
lumbus. The extract from the
Republican contains so many gross
falsehoods that the writer seems to
have anticipated danger in reaction,
unless he succeeded through the
agency of a third person, in coupling
a Van Buren paper in Savannah
with untruths almost as glaring.—
lie has not failed in his project ;
and we should not at all he sur
prised to find him or some co-vvork
er preferring charges against the
Van Buren party for having been
the dupe of his deception, or in
other words for having given cur
rency to his misrepresentations.—
His concealment may haply he yet
penetrated, and his merits obtain
unenviable celebrity. Ts the editor
of the Telegraph probe the matter,
and succeed in procuring the origin
al from which the published extract
has been taken, and transmit it to
us in Columbus, we believe that
with hut little trouble we shall he
able to identify the hand writing,
and, if we know ourselves, shall en
tertain no hesitation in giving pub
licity to the name of the author,
without regard to rank or station.
The brimstone whiggics, howev
er, evince occasionally considerable
discrimination in the distribution of
their precious ware. For the in
spection of the public they have one
set of falsehoods, and for the ex
tremely ignorant another. Os the
latter description, the following
from the Savannah Daily Tele
graph of the 30th ult., will serve as
a sample :
THE LAST FEDERAL LIE.
We were yesterday astounded by hearing a story
which is busily circulated by the Harrisonitcs It. is
neither more nor less than this— " That a Court-Mar
tial was held some time since in Florida. That the
members of the Court were seven negroes —th it the
prisoner was a WHITE MAN; that the Court of Ne
groes found him guilty of whipping a black man; and
sentenced the white man to death! That the white
man applied to the President, to save him from the ne
groes, and that Pres dent Martin Van Buren, re
fused to do so, and approved the sentence ! In con
sequence of all this. the pool- white man, was taken to
New Orleans, and there he was hung!'. l .’
The individual to whom this story was told, lives in
Yamacraw, and being not at all conversant with such
matters, at first actually believed the odious and vil
lanous tale; but he now knows the truth, and con
temns its authors.
What chanco is there of fair play with a party who
use such means to acoomplish their ends? None.
On their own heads, however, the bolts they forge
will fall. Truth is powerful and wi.l prevai l’
Such exposures, one would think,
must work reformation, or at least
cause the hard ciderites to be more
circumspect in exhibiting their mer
chandize. But it is otherwise.
From their stieet orators harangu
ing a crowd around a lamp-post, to
their dedaimers on the floor of Con
gress falsehood is the only weapon
they wield in assault and defence.
To deprive them of it, would be to
render them as harmless as a claw
less crab or tailless scorpion. It is
consequently not surprising that
they cling to it as desperately as a
man drowning in the middle of the
Atlantic grasps a floating oar.
Let the old hoy have his own. —On
the3oth ult. Mr. Thomas C. Connol
ly culled atthccompting room of the
Sentinel and Herald, and inquired
whether the editor were in the office.
The individual having charge of the
mechanical department informed
him that the editor was not in town;
at which Mr. Connolly expressed
regret, observing that he (Mr. C.)
had an article which he had pro
cured to he written by a gentlman
in Columbus, and which he wished
to he inserted editorially in the Sen
tinel and Herald, that he might ap
pear authorised to respond, over
his own proper signature, to the in
terrogatories it contained. The
reason he assigned for the step was
his not having been well treated, by
some members of his own political
party, in relation to the establish
ment of the Alabama State Register.
The individual whom he was ad
dressing replied, that, although it
was a delicate point to commit an j
editor for that which he had not
seen, yet if Mr. Connolly had been
‘treated in the manner he stated, and
was, as he professed, desirous that
the public should pass sentence on
the affair, he, the individual having
charge of the mechanical depait
ment, would assume the responsi
bility of inserting the article in the
mode lie wished. Connolly depart
ed, expressing his thanks for the
favor. His article, in the shape so
licited, appeared in the sheet of
next morning. In the evening of
that day, Mr. Connolly came to the
office of the Sentinel and Herald
with what he denominated W\scurd,
which he observed was intended for
publicity in the Argus of the sth in
stant, and which he wished to read
to the person having charge of the
mechanical department of the Sen
tinel and Herald. Having read it,
he laughingly remarked that it was
very ambiguous, yet would he under
stood by those alluded to in it—that
he had been badly treated, had in
vested several hundred dollars,
‘which ho could not get refunded,
though he was anxious to return to
Maryland, and that the appearence
of his card, he hoped, would make
them so angry that they would pay
him ti}). Wednesday morning
came, hut in t he Argus nothing from
Mr. Counelly appeared. ‘■'Not so
with regard to the Register. That
sheet contained a notice over his
signature, disclaiming all partici
pation in the editorial department,
hut rather approbatory of it. The
same paper too was garnished by
an editorial of the true pole-cat spe
cies, anathematizing the Sentinel
and Herald for the very article writ
ten at the dictation of Mr. Connolly
and published in the Sentinel and
Herald at his solicitation. It is
true that not being an admirer of the
skunk family, we set very little val
ue ou the caresses of the nominal
editor of that paper, and are per
fectly willing that he should gambol
about and squirt his filth at a respec
table distance. But as Mr. Con
nolly could not hear the thought of
having the fetid rhapsodies and vul
gar denunciations ofthe skunk of
the Alabama State Register impu
ted to him, we are disinclined to re
main the dupe of a fox and have his
hair dangling about us. Let the
animals fully understand one anoth
er, and in their own way settle the
difference.
Since the above was in type, we
have received through the hands of
a third person, the following note
from Mr. Connolly. Though so
delphic ns to he almost unintelligi
ble, enough remains to convey the
idea that the article which he pre
sented to this office and which was
published in the mode he desired
impugns the honor of those of
his party with whom he has had a
pecuniary or personal misunder
standing, and that it would in him
be injustice and ingratitude were lie
to let it pass uncontradicted. That
the public may estimate the worth
of Mr. Connolly in regard to injus
tice and ingratitude towards his
compatiiots, it is right that they
should he apprized that the article
which appeared in the Sentinel and
Herald, trumpeting his merits and
insinuating his wrongs, is in matter
and language his own production,
and not written hut only transcribed
by the gentleman whom he repre
sented as the author; and conse
quently to Mr. Connolly alone be
long all its beauties and defects.
As he has figured on the stage, he
will fully understand the apothegm
that we are pleased with good com
edy, hut despise low farce.
To the Editors of the Columbus Sentinel and Herald.
Gentlemen —At the conclusion of the ar
ticle published in your paper of last week, in
which you were so kind as to express your,
self in terms of approbation ofrr.y past course,
there are some allusions which it is my duty
to reply to —I therefore beg leave to state
that my separation from the Alabama State
Register was entirely my own act, and that
such persons as ever extended towards me
the smallest aid in establishing that Journal,
did so, as I believe, from the best and most
honorable motives. Although fixed and de
termined in the political preferences I have 1
heretofore publicly expressed, I regret to ad- ■
mil that a misunderstanding has occurred be- .
tween myself and individuals of my party
whom I once thought 1 could not 100 highly
r.specl (and which a sense of what is due to ‘
myself will preclude my making any effort to
correct); but to permit the honor of such in
dividuals to he impugned when it is in my
power to prevent it, would be an exhibition
of injustice and ingratitude of which 1 trust
lam incapable.
As the present will probabiv prove the last
time my name shall appear bclore the public,
connected with this or any kindred subject,
permit me to thank you tor the compliments
you have been pleased to bestow upon me,
and to assure you that 1 should feel far less
reluctance in departing from the field of po
litics if with others I could believe it necessa
ry to bury all feelings of private regard to
ward those we are on this subject obliged to
contend with.
Yours truly and respectfully,
THOMAS C. CONNOLLY.
Columbus, August 7th, 1840.
FEDERAL WHIG VERACITY.
The Columbus Enquirer, true to
falsehood, accuses Martin Van Bu
ren as opposing the war contempla
ted against England in 1811, while
a member of the House of Repre
sentatives of the State of New York.
Rut the truth is that Van Buren has
never been a member of the Repre
sentative branch of that State. He
became a senator for the first time
in 1812. lu that year he did pub
lish an address-to the people of that
[State in relation to the war. It is
[dated Mrach 1), 1812, and is deci
sive as to the part he acted, lie be
gins: _ I
“Fellow-citizens, your country is at war,
and Great Britain is her enemy. Jndu'ge us
in a brief examination of tbe causes which
have led to it; and brief as from the nccessa
ry limits of an address it must be, —we yet
hope it will be found sufficient to convince
every hones’ man, of the high justice and in
dispensible necessity of the attitude which our
government has taken, of the sacred duty of
every real American to support it in that at
titude and of the parricidal views of those who
refuse to do so. 55
Such was the federalism of Mr.
Van Buren and such hi? opposition
to tbe war against England. An
address more ardently democratic
did not, during tbe whole contest, is
sue from the American press.
What faith or confidence can be re
posed in editors, even though one
be a preacher and the other a long
faced stalking ghost of a layman,
who, in the very teeth of such evi
dence, would propagate so foul a
slander? Never did a coolly in the!
streets of Madras fib with less com
punction or more independence of
blushes. All that can, in extenua
tion he said, is that with them false
hood is constitutional.
DESERTION.—In a letter, da
ted Luarens, loth July, 1840, in re
ply to an invitation to attend a pub
lic dinner at SandorsviUe, the ven
erable George M* Troup says, that
he finds kimselj deserted by the party
to which he projessed to belong. The
mere desertion from a leader, unless
accompanied by abandonment of
principle, is a matter of small mo
ment; because leaders ought to be
made for parties, and not parties
for leaders. In the present instance,
however, the majority of his party
have, by association with ultra-fed
eralists and abolitionists, abandoned
principle, and justified the old man’s
lamentation. \\ hat confidence can
he placed in a party that vibrate be
tween extremes like the pendulum
of a clock, and doff their creed with
as little regret as a man pulls off a
dirty garment?
Notwithstanding the express de
claration ot the Attorncj General
°} ! he States, of the district
Sohutoi at the scat ot Government,
and ot Lieutenant llooc himself,
the Coinmbus Enquirer still declares
that Lieutenant Ilooe was convict
ed on negro evidence. ’Flic roles
of evidence have no influence on
that print, nor the precepts of mor
ality. It evinces a thorough inde
pendence of truth and subservien
cy to the spirit of evil.
Cherokee Circuit. —The Western
Georgian cf the 29th ult. says that
Harrison will receive a support in
the Cherokee Ciruuit. hut it will be
tle slimmest that was ever given it
candidate for any office since the
Circuit was allowed to poll a vote.
Yet our brimstone whiggics strut,
flap their wings and crow that Har
rison is the master-rooster in our
mountain region.
Alabama. —Concerning the resis t
of the elections in A abama, ac
counts are so contradictory, that uc
can say hut little. In Russell, as
was expected, the whole federal
ticket succeeded, Mangh m heat
ing Johnson, for the lower house,
143. In 1838, Abercrombie heat
Crowell for the same office 160,
which as to the relative strength of
the two parties, shows a decrease
in two years 0f37 votes in the whig
gies. From the other counties we
await authentic information.
Louisiana. —At the resuit ot ihe elect ions
in this Stale the federal whigs have shouted
victory and sung paeans. And what is the
real state ofthe case ? Os die representatives
to Congress, who have, for a number of years
past, been all whig*, we have gained one,
General Dawson, obtained a majority in the
Senate ofthe State, and reduced the whig ma
jority in joint ballot, which was seventeen, to
two. This is what the federal whigs mean as
victory.
The Tm]. —The Calhoun Jockey
Club at >St. Joseph, Florida, desig
nate the second Tuesday in Febru
ary next for the commencement if
tlse races on the Calhoun Course.
They guarantee the following purs
es: First day, one mile heats,
—second duV, two mile hems, $4(6)
—third da), three mile heats, BGGO
—fouithday, four mi e heats,s> t
—fifth day, one mile heats, three
best in five, proprietor’s purse f Fil).
Os the club John D. Gr y is presi
dent, 11. F. Simmons, first \ ice pres
ident, Ilez. 11. Wood, second vice
president, Peter \V. Gautier jun.
secretary, and Crawford Sprewl,
proprietor.
DE MOOR A TIG M E ETi NG.
The following are the volunteer toasts giv
en at the Democratic dinner in Columbus, on
the 23*h ult. blit which were, for want of
space, left out of our lasi sheet. The letters
from distinguished individuals, invited to
attend the dinner hut prevented by various
consideratii ns, follow the toasts.
By John D. Howell. Our Northern Van
Buren friends, dyed in wool, whose unbend
ing integrity resists the influence of a United
States’ Bank, and the unmeaning appeals of
Hard Cider and Log Cabins.
By E. C. Bandy. Messrs. Colquitt, Coop
er and Black, native plants sprung from the
soil of Georgia. As public servants they
have faithfully and fearlessly discharged their
duties; we will use ali honorable means to
re-elect them.
By P. H. Nolen. The Republican Demo
crats of New York that have welcomed the
honorable Waller T. Colquitt, our fellow cit
izen, with open arms and floated to the breeze
over old Tammany, the Democratic flag of
Georgia. May they always concede with us
in Southern rights and principles, and tell
to woild that American citizens, free and en
lightened, can never choose William Henry
Harrison, a man that wou’d sell a free white
I person for debt, to te President of one of the
j giealest and most republican countries now
lon the face of the earth. No, for the eagle
! eye of Democracy points to the beacon of
freedom—
The land of ihe free,
And the home of the brave.
Bv Reuben J. Crews. Privileged orders,
the growth of foreign soil. The tree can
not live in the land of the free and the home
of the brave, hut like Jonah’s gourd shall he
withered and die under the meridian suri of
tqua! rights.
B. J. T. Nelson. General William Henry
Harrison, the political cameleon of North A
merica. Witii one hand for the Abolitionists,
and another for the South, and heart for him
self, but his brain for noorie, he, though per
haps entitled to pity in private, is, in public,
only a fit object of derision.
By James M. Hughes. The Eagle, the
emblem of American liberty. May her
wings never he tarnished by the foul atmos
phere of a blue light Federal Administration.
By B. V. Iverson. Martin Van Buren.
We admire him as a gentleman, a statesman
and patriot, and the principles of his admin
istration demand the vote of every true Re
publican.
By Wilev E. Jones. The Hon. Walter
T. Colquitt, Mark A. Cooper and Edward J.
Black, Republicans of the first order. The
people of Georgia nwe them gratitude for
their able and intrepid advocacy of the true
principles of the Constitution of the United
States during the past session of Congress.
Georgia patriots will not withhold from them
their votes on the first Monday in October
next.
By Dr. Smith Geld Martin, of Coweta. The
[ Independent Treasury ami the Constitution,
[like the Siamese twins, they ire one; when
ever disconnected a disso’mi- wiil follow'.
Colquitt, Black and Cooper up. 1 • - hill end da! ( :
Old Tip and his partv are ofi mr. :i <_• > ’ —
Van Buren and Democracy cm - - • i!i ?avr,
And lay young Whis* and'i ri ’ •in thagrav’