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‘•ITc liitd l)cp acquainted with
M ARTI N VA N DU HEN for liven- 1
ly-eiglit years; und Hint ior the last
twenty years he luul heen on terras
of the greatest intimacy —and it ga ve
him pleasure to state that m the!
whole of his political conn, ctions he
never knew one more npiight to
:rmc.j)!e or of purer morals, and
very few possessing talent of a high
er order than Martin Van Buren.
No stronger advocate of the war
policy was to be found in 150 U. and
no abler defender of it in 1812, than
Martin Van Bureti. He spoke of
ivhat he knew und v. hat he fell to
he true, and of which he entertained
not the least doubt.”
[From the Columbia South Carolinian J
LEi I'KR FROM GEN. IV,’DU FFIli.
Mfi Pemberton:— My attention lias been
called by an article in the Southern Chroni
cle, extacled from the Charleston Courier,
signed an ‘Unchanged Nulltfier,’ to the pub
lished account of the proceedings at Abbeville
Court House, on the l b of July last, and a
report of some remarks made by me on that
occasion, in answer to a cal! from my limner
constituents. Not choosing that my opin
ions, however unimportant, should tie nnsun
d ;: stood, I lee* myself called upon to explain
the relation in winch 1 stood to these proceed
ings, and to correct an error, doubtless unin
tentional, in the report of mv remaiks. I
arrived at Abbeville Court House, a few
hours belbre the meeting, and having been
requested to preside, looked over the toasts
prepared lor die occasion. There being one
diicclly opposed to my opinion, I requested
the committee to omit it. They staled that
it was the decided opinion of the District, and
I did not conceive that I bad any right to
press my objection farther. This was not
the toast to Gen. Jackson; but 1 state the
fact, to show how false would be the infer
ence, that 1 entertained every sentiment ex
p eased by the me ling. The toast to G- n.
Jackson, simply announcing the name, and j
wishing good health to u General who had j
rendered distinguished military services to j
his country, and is now in retirement, did
not even attract my attention. Certain it i3,
ibat I would not hesitate to drink that toast,
on any occasion, ‘unchanged’ as I am, and
ever shall be, as to Gen. Jackson’s adminis
tration, and particularly his co operation
with the National Republican and Tariff
partv, headed by Mr. Webster, in the exc
el hie attempt to consummate llieir oppres
sive exactions in the blood of South Carolina.
Rut this writer no doubt deems it quite consis
ts it and patriotic, for an ‘Unchanged Nullifi
or,’ in company with Mr. Rives of Virginia,
au.-l Mr. Bell of Tennessee, who voted lor
subjugating Somh-Carolina, by military force,
to draw the sword and throw away the
scabbard, in the cause of Gen. Harrison, the
nominee and representative of the high tariff
coinolkl ition par tv, and who publicly decla
red that Gen. Jackson acquired more glory,
by his notorious Proclamation, than by bis
grot victory at New Orleans—while a pri
vate ctizen, standing entirely aloof from the
disgusting scramble tor office, cannot evetl
concur in a sentiment of common civility to a
retired President, whose administration he
disapproved, without committing political
‘suicide,’ and incurring the charge of apos
tacy !
As to the report of my remarks ; instead of
expressing mv surprise ‘ that any Southern
man, with republican principles,’could hesi
tate to support Mr. Van Boren, either ‘ cor
dially’ or coldly, I expressed my surprise that
any Southern statesman, knowing the aus
p ces under which Gen. Harrison was nomi
nated, the men w! o nominated him, and the
principles and measure ■> which lie ami they,
as National Republicans , had uniformly sup
ported, could give him their support.
As to Mr. Van Boren, I stated that his
conduct, since his election to the Presidency,
hid greatly changed my former opinion of
him ; that he had boidlv avowed, and firmly
maintained, the great principles o’ the South,
at the hazard of his popularity at the North,
ifhile his opponent practised, and open y
avowed, the non committal policy, for which
Mr. Van Bnren was formerly denounced;
descending at the same time to the disrepu
table duplicity of writing letters to the North
to conciliate the Abolitionists, and to the
South, to app ase the apprehensions of the
slaveholders; in each case imposing an in
inne ion, that the letter should not he pub
lished. Bull slated, in so many words, that
though I decidedly preferred the election of
Mr. Van B iren, it was not that l loved Van
Boren more, but Harrison less.’ And I will
now add, that so far from being surprised
that any Southern man should not cordially
■support Mr. Van Bnren, I highly respec; the
motives of those Nulliliers, who, with Judge j
Harper, would prefer that the State shall!
give a blank vote, than that she should vote
f>r either Van Buren or Gen. Harrison. For
several years after the tei munition of the con
test of nullification, I occupied a similar
ground ; but the sound principles upon which
Mr. Van Boren, in his several Messages and
letters, and his whole party, in the manifesto
of the Baltimore Convention, have staked
their political fortunes, have brought me to
the conclusion, that this avowed neutrality in
politics, would now be a position dictated
rather by just resentment than sober reason.
On lire subject of the Sob-Treasury and a
National Bank, I spoke in the same measured
terms, that I did in a letter published more
’ban two years ago; believing that both par
ties placed an extravagant estimate on the
benefits or evils likely to result from the for
mer measure. I stated that 1 believed the
refusal to recharter the old bank of the Uni
ted State*—a measure for which the whole
South, Whigs and Democrats, were more
rt soonsihle than General Jackson, as their
votes decided it—was a great public mislbr
uine, as I predicted it would lead to a blind
clamor for a similar institution, which would ‘
now baa mere party machine, and which |
would be utterly impotent, either to retorm j
the currency, or give relief to the embarrassed !
portion of the community: That ; bank with
a capital of 35 or even 50 millions of dollars,!
could not possibly control 1,000 banks, with |
a capital of 400 millions; and that, if it could,
it must be by compelling the State banks |
suddenly to contract their circulation, to anj
extent, that would greatly increase thesufi'er ;
ings of the indebted classes: Thai, in the ab- ■
pence of a National Bank, the Sub-Treasury ;
was the only remaining alternative, unless we !
returned to the notorious pet bank system, j
which gave to the Federal Executive a more
dangerous and corrupting influence than 3iiv i
scheme ever suggested, and which had been J
e mdemned by experience, and denounced by
both parties in succession : That though I did |
not believe the Sub-Treasury system would
give us a sound and uniform currency, it
would certainly wit! draw from the banks
that stimulus to excessive issues, which the
u<eof ilk? public funds, as private capital, bad
produced to so rujnousan extent in 1837, am!
thus tend greatly to prevent fluctuations in
tlie currency : And, finally* that I believed
•he currency of the United States had become
t o vast and complicated a svstem, now es
sentially depending upon ihe sovereign States’
of the Confederacy, to be regulated by a
Federal Bank, or by any other exertion of
Federal authority; and that each Slate would
have to take care of its own currency ; That
the great evil was not-so much, the difference
between the currency of the and fferent Stab s,
at the same tirn, as the difference in the
value of the currency oft! c same Slat**, at
different time#: That the former produced.
< n!v an inconvenience to merchants and tra
vdters —ttio exchange always conforming
substantially to the intrinsic difference In the
values offtie respective currencies—while the
latter produced the gross i> justice o! comp -l
iing debtors to pay, in u scarce and dear cur
lency, what they contracted to pay when it
was cheap and abundant: That the idea
entertained by some, that the cotton planter
paid the difference in the exchange between
the North and South, was almost precisely
the reverse of the lact, for if they sold their
cotton here the purchaser added the differ
ence ot exchange to the price of the cotton ;
ami it they shipped it, they could sell the bills
drawn against it, at a premium equal to the
id fference of exchange; and that almost every
p'anter obtained a premium upon one ihou
sand dollars worth of cotton, where he paid
a premium upon one hundred dollors worth
of merch in ii°t?: But that, in fact, there was
neither u gain in the one case nor a loss in
the othci; the apparent exchange being
merely the difference between ihe values of
the different currencies.
Having made these explanations due to
truth, I avail myself of the occasion to remark,
that the unjust imputations and low-minded
personalities in which this ‘ Unchanged Nul
iifier has so recklessly indulged, and which
but too plainly disclose the cloven foot of
Ilarnsonism, is but a fair specimen of the
malignant spirit in which I have been assailed
by the partizans of Gen, Harrison, from all
quarters, ever since the publication of my
letter to the Milledgevilie meeting. In addi
tion to the assaults contained in the public
prints. 1 have received by almost every mail,
anonymous letters of the most vulgar and
scurrilous character, and newspapers sealed
up in the form of letters, to increase the post
age. And I must say, that if this is the spirit
that is to animate the administration of Gen.
Harrison, God save the country from such a
calamity. Indeed, I can conscientiously de
clare, that 1 never have known a set of politi
cians in this country, so violent and unscru
pulous in their measures and means, as the
Whig agitators and editors, since they have
rallied under the banner of Gen. Harrison—
a banner daubed over with ridiculous em
| blem*, but having no solitary principle inscri
bed upon it. It is with them a pure and ttn
! disguised scramble for office —in other words,
for the ‘ spoils of victory’—having in this, as
in other respects, adopted the tactics hereto
fore ascribed to Mr. Van Buren. In fact,
the first ti.ing that disgusted me with the pro
ceedings of this party, was the procession at
Baltimore. When I saw Mr. Webster, the
great idol and representative of the joint
stock and monied aristocracy of the North,
•figuring at the head of a pageant, distinguish
ed by the emblems of log cabins and c : der
barrels; appealing to ike nr st vulgar preju
dices of the people, and offering a direct insult
to the understanding of every poor roan in
the United St >tes, I could feel no othpr senti
ment but that of deep disgust. And whi n I
saw, thus prefigured, the position Mr. Web
ster was to occupy in the councils or G- n.
Harrison, I could not but recollect his dccla
ration in the Senate, that he would he in the
front rank of the crusade to subjugate South
Carolina; and his bitter opposition to the
hold and manly part acted bv Mr. Clay, in
producing the tariff compromise. And te
membering his recent declaration, of an in
terition to revive the question of a Protective
Tariff, regardless of the compromise, I could
cot but ask myself, ‘ what has the South U>
expect from such an administration ?’
Gen. Harrison has publicly avowed, that
Mr. Webslei’s speech, in which he affirmed
that the federal constitution was created by
the people of the United States as an aggre
gate mass —thus reducing the sovereign States
of the Confeda acy to mere dependent corpn
rat ions contained his constitutional creed.
He also declared, in his Vii cennea speech,
that ‘it had long heen an object near to bis
hear),’ to see the whole surplus revenue ap
propriated to the purchase and emancipation
of our slaves; and that he hoped to see the
day, when tiie American sun would not look
down upon a slave.’ In the face of there
avowals. I may well wonder, how can any
Southern man give him his support? Here
is Consolidation, in ins largest extent, and
Abolitionism in the most dangerous o*’ all the
forms which this infernal monster can assume.
It is the very form in which we shall have to
meet it.
To be sure, Gen. Harrison proposes that
this should be done with the consent of the
respective States, in which tbe slaves lo he
emancipated may be held. But what seen
rity does this furnish ? Y~ou offer an irresis
tible bribe, to Virginia, Maryland, and Ken
tucky, and console us by the consideration
that they will not be compelled to take it!
Let this polr.y he adopted, and in five years,
the price of negroes will rise fifty per cent.,
and these three (States be drawn over to the
interests and policy of the Northern manufac
turers and abolitionists. What a enmpre
| hensive scheme, of bribery! A high tariff
I will be necessary to raise a large surplus re
i venue. The manufacturers will of course
support it, aided by the States of Virginia,
Maryland and Kentucky. Will the cotton
growing States consent to hold their rights
by such a tenure ? How would they be af
fecied by this scheme? The productions of
their industry would he subjected to high and
oppressive duties, to raise a fund to bribe and
buy up their more Northern associates.—
While these duties would depress the value
of (heir staple, this appropriation of the pro
ceeds would enhance tiie cost of the labor that
produces it. The price of cotton would fail,
and that of skives would fall, and that of
slaves would rise, until the slave-holding
States would be compelled, in succession, to
abandon the cultivation of their great staple.
Now we have Mr. Van Buren’s public and
solemn declaration, that lie regards this scheme
as unconstitutional, and would interpose his
veto to arrest it: We have, on the contrary,
reasonable ground to presume, that Gen. Har
rison would recommend it to Congress, as he
has referred to his Vincennes speech, among
jothers, as an answer to all present inquiries,
in regard to what we may expect from him.
;if elected President. And here, Sir, l n usl
notice one of the reck'ess charges repeatedly
j urged against me. Though G n, Harrison’s
j notorious Committee distinctly declared, in nn
jsteer to ct letter written to him , that, in con
| fortuity to the policy of the Harrisburg Con
! vent ion, he would answer no inquiries, as to
j his political opinions, further than to refer to
| his former speeches and letters; and though
’ the General himst If confirmed this declaration,
jin a letter explaining the authority of Major
j Gwvnn, and in a verba! communication made
jto a Committee front Kentucky—yet, since
j public opinion has partly driven him from this
j untenable position, his partisans have the un- ’
j blushing effrontery to deny that fie ever as- |
j sumed it, and to charge me with uttering n
calumny, because I spoke of it in the terms it j
‘deserved. We are told that his speeches ami
! ‘etters answer every conceivable question.—
Let us see:
‘Would you, if elected President, reeom
mend Congress to appropriate all the surplus
revenue to purchase and emancipate our
slaves?’ .
‘Would you sign a bill increasing the Ta
r fl} to provide a large surplus for this pur
pose?”
Do these speeches and letters answer these
question'? GEO. M DUFFIE.
From the H’ashingtnii Globe.
THE Ml SUE PRESENTATIONS OF THE
INTELLIGENCER, AND THE HON. MR.
PHELPS. IN’ REGARD TO THE MILITIA j
BILL, ONGE MORE.
We were very well assured, when the
Whig members of Congress proposed to get |
up a newspaper in tl ii s city, to do the ti rp/
Wink #f their party, under the imprtss*t*n that
the National Intelligencer Would not answer
lor that purpose, they were greatly mistaken
m regard to the character ot its conductors;
and its course for some, time-past has proved
that we were correct. It is earning for itstli
a reputation for zeal in the practice of the
tricks and shufffng of its party which the most
abandoned of its fellow prints might envy.
In that paper of Saturday last, there is an
other attempt to keep up the false issue made
by the Whigs in regard to the President’s con
nection with the plan for the reorganization
of Ihe milifia; and an effort is made to .screen
Mr. Phelps from the effects of the falsehood of
which we convicted him in our article, a few
days since, by softening down the statement
contained in his letter, that we published in
that article. The Intelligencer says:
‘"Mr. Fhetps state?, in the letter which we publish
ed on the ldta mstaru. that ‘very early’ in the
lale session of Congress, a bill from the Secietary
of War cor cerniii” the militia was laid beti re the
Senate committee on that subject. Whether it was
so tale as the 1 lih of January, or, accoiding to some
accounts, on the first week <f the session, by whom
it was iruTismated to the committee, and at whose in
stance it was so transmitted, Mr. Phelps can proba
bly tell, if he thinks it worth while.”
In this, the most material part of Mr.
Phelps’s statement —that which is relied onto
prove that the President, notwithstanding his
positive assertion lo tiie contrary, had actually
seen ami recommended the detailed plan of
the Secretary ol War—is omitted. Speaking
of the bill referred to above, Mr, Phelps as
serts: ‘that bill, which, I suppose, accompa
nied the annual communication ol the Stcie
tarv ol War to Congress, was, in all its im
portant features, identical with the plan com
municated by the Secretary to the committee
of (lie House of Representatives, under date
of die 20th of March last. The hill to which
I allude was for some time ihe subject of in
quiry by the committee. What has become
of it, or why it has not been printed, I know
not; but that such a bill was reported and
submitted with the annual report, is not to he
questioned.’ We asserted that the whole of
this statement was false, and proved it to be
so, by the history we gave of tire origin of ihe
bill, and its transmission to the committee.—
We showed, beyond the shadow of a doubt
in any honorable mind, that a call was made
on the Secretary of War, by the chairman of
the committee, on ihe 11 th of January, and
that, in compliance with this call, the Secreta
ry prepared the bill, or canted it. lo he pre
pared, and transmitted it lo the chairman, on
the 28th of the same month.
In the quotation we have made above from
the Intelligencer, it is insinuated that our
statement is not true, and that, if Mr. Phelps
chooses,j-he can probably tell a different story.
Having told one, and a most unfounded one,
we very much fear he would readily tell anoth
er, if he finds he can’do it with a little less
danger of exposure. -But we now make the
dist rict and unqualified assertion that the biii
wa; not sttit with ‘the President’s message
and the Secretary’s annual report to Congress
—it at it was not sent ‘ very early in the ses
sion i —that it was not sent tiil the 28th of Jan
uary, 18-10; and we defy the Intelligencer,
and Mr. Phelps, and the Federal Whig Ex
< cutive Committee to boot, to prove to the
contrary. The evidence we have already
given is amply sufficient to establish the truth
if our assertions; but, as the Editors of the
Intelligencer are hard to satisfy, we will fur
nish them with a little more. We now add
a statement of Major Samuel Cooper, one of
the assistant Adjutants General of the army,
who, with another officer of the at my, was
charged hv the Secretary of War with the
duty of arranging and cmhi dying the details
of his plan, and by whom the bill in question
teas actually prepared for the committee, in con
foimity with the plan-
Washington , Avgust 1 >4O.
Having been charged by the Secretary of War. in
ci.rjunctionwith.Caj.it. De Hart of the aurij-, to pre
pale the provisions of Lis bill for the better 01 grniza
ticn of tier militia,-according to the views suggested
by the Secretary, and to compare the same with the
existing mi ilia laws, wtih a view to j-tuain such ot
the n as might be deemed expedient; ard also to refer
to the various plans on the f eme sulject which r !
different times l ad been submitted to Congress; 1
hertby declare that the first and or-ginal dtef’ of ihe
Secretary’s plan “as notj slid cienilv con p!< ted to be
submitted lo kim before the latter pert of January,
1840. S. COOPER.
Assistant Adjutant. GenH. V■ S. A.
This puts the stamp of clear and positive
falsehood upon the slatemenlsof Mr. I-’h(l;s,
and conclusively settles the point at issue.
We have now some remarks to make on
the part of ti e Intelligencer’s art de that fol
lows what we have given him above. It con
tinues thus: •
“Any disclosures on this subject wiii probably swell
the evidence already existing of tcrr-iversalion and
duplicity on the pari of high officers of the Govern
ment in regard to this awkward business of ihe m li
tia bill, but they cannot vary llie facts which were ‘.he
main subject of our commentary, viz: Th. t the Pre
sident of the bribed Slates seta lo Congress, with a
strong recommendation, a plan of the Secretary of
War for ike organization of the militia of the United
Staten, which plan is dated November 50, 1839, end
had been b sere ihe President thiec weeks prior to
his trail* missu nos it to Ci npress; t>i,d that. when
a'ked. ‘Do you approve Mr. Poinsett’*scheme for the
organization of ihe militia?’ he savsithsd ‘not only
never been submitted to him. but was not even matured,
until n.ore to an three months after tlic message it as sent
to'Congress ;’ and goi son to discus a report which
Mr. Poir.sett made on the ZCth of 31each as il that
were the first and only ‘plan’in itie case. We char
acterized this subteif'ige. i?i the President's own lan
guage, ns an ‘ attempt to deceive* the people; ;r and ex
pressed our convict ion, also in his own language, that
the people would ‘ coniir.ee those whet thus attempt in
operate upon their credulity rs the folly of sc hu g to
accomplish in this country political objects by such dis
creditable mean.:.’ If any tiling could add strength to
this conviction, it would be the fact, after a fortnight’s
deliberation on the view which we presented, the hes t
that toe official defenders of the President can do is
to repeat the subteifngo. Hot the prop c are not, in
th s wav, to be diverted fre m ir juty. The organs
ntav talk till deemsday about the report of the twen
tieth March 1840. ‘I he main question is the report of
the ihirtt nth of November. 1839. In his message,
sent to Congress on the ?4th cf Decent! er, 1839 the
President says of this report of £Cth Nt vembtr , 1639,
made by the Secretary of W ar. I cannot recommend
too strongly to your consideration ike plan svbn.it/cd by
that officer for the organization of the militia of the
Untied S alts ’ The people desire to hear what fur
ther he has to say about this plan, before they dt.-cuss
any other plan with him.”
•'Proof is not wanting, of a date < veil earlier ‘!:r,u
the Message of December, 1839, to show the tine
jpa'ermtof this plan; and much might be said oi its
character and objects. But. as the Globe says: ‘lt
is not our purpose at this time to discuss the me: its or
deme:its of the Secretary’s [President’s] plan;’ and,
indeed, the public judgment ort the subject iias been to
decidedly and unequivocally pronounced to leave any
occasion for comment. ‘1 he question now before
the people, and, so far as in us iies. it shall not he
slurred over, is the character, not of the plan itself,
but ot the defence which the President has sc’ up for
himself against nts own recommendation of it. Un
less we git'iitlv mistake the temper of t e American
people, there is that in the defence which would be
fatal to even a good cause, and would destroy popu
larity far greater than any that Mr. Van Buret) has
ever possessed.” •
Here are grave charges of ‘tergiversation
anil duplicity on the part of high officers of the
Government,’ and against tie President par
ticularly of ‘subterfuge,’ and an ‘attempt to
: deceive the people.’ We will prove them ns
J foul, unfounded, and malicious, as they are
grave. The whole object of the Intelligencer,
j both in its late and former article, is to show
that the President is guilty of these charges,
because, in answering the question, ‘do you
approve of Mr. Poinsett’s plan for the organ
ization ol the militia.” instead of that gentle
man’s outline or suggestion of bis plan, con
tained in his annual report, the President re
fers to and discusses what is in diet ‘Mr.
P .i use it’s plan,’viz: that which was submit
ted hv him to the House of Representatives on
the 20th March last.
They seek to accomplish this object by
quoting- that part of Mr. Poinsett’s report
which embraces this outline, and which was j
submitted to the Pre ident, by an endeavor;
to show that this is his plan, and bv quoting i
the passagp in the President’s annual message j
in which be recommends this outline to. the I
consideration of Congress; and they hence j
ass rt that the President, in endorsing ‘tie!
statement, in M r . Poinsett’s letter to Mr 1
RitchU* tlat Ins plan was sent direct io Con-,
gress, wuhott being submitted to him; and |
that, ‘with it. or its details, lie had nothing to
do;’ and in saying that he had been charged
with expressing, n, j.; s annual message, his
! approbation ol'a pfo:: ‘which not only had j
j neve r been subun ted to bitm hut was not
i even noticed until more than thjee monthsaf-’
Iter the message was sent to Congress,’and 1
consequently guilty of ‘a subterfuge,’ and of
an ‘attempt lo dec five the people.’.
The ff s; quesli- n is, which is ‘Mr. Poinsett’s
plan’—tiie meagre outline in his annual re
j poi t, or his extended ami Complete projrt , laid
j befoie Congress on tbfe 20, h March.” it is be
yond ‘ spineiithat it, is tne latter.
The next.‘question is, what, as Mr. Poin
sett’s plan, has been misrepresented and found
fault with y tilt Whigs?
I’ cannot be What is contained in his annu
al report, because many of the most promi
nent of the Opposition presses spoke of it in
terms of comaieudation. We select a few,
and quote what they said upon the subject.
The Baltimore Patriot, one of the fiercest of
the Witig press, accompanied its publication
of the Secretary’s teporl with the following
comment:
“ We publish today in extenso the report of the Sec
retary of War. It is quite an interesting document,
ar.d, while it imparls much information, throws out
several suggestions, among which are the reorganiza
tion cf the militiainfpdepaitmenn, and to have 200.
000 men under arms ready for any emergency. This
is something of the French system, and o hat m that
country are caKcd she national guards. In style and
manner, the report is decidedly good, and in all re
spects superior to ‘.'no message of the President, and
the report of Mr. Woodbury. Better than all, there
is not a partictyot Loco Foco demagoguism in it; and
if the reader were kept from a knowledge of the
writer, he would infer that it was THE PRODUC
TION OF SOME LIBERAL AND ENLIGHT
ENED WHIG, and that glorious party were alrea
dy in possession of the Government.”
The New York Journalof Cummerce, be
sides publishing the report, gave an outline of
the plan of militia organization, und said:
“To.this plan, in it essential features, WE GIVE
OUR MOST CORDIAL AND HEARTY AS
SENT. In substance, we have recommended it over
and over again. It .-ill be a vast saving of time and
demoralization, and vvili add much to the real efficien
cy of the militia,”
The New York Commercial AJvertiser was
delighted with the report and its suggestions.
It spoke thus:
“Reportof the Secretary of IVar. —This document
will be found at length m die preceding columns of
the present paper. It is an admirable document—
able in ils composition—clear in its statements—well
compacted, aid abounding in wise suggestions. ‘1 he
plan for the reorganization of the militia strikes us.
though on hasty reflection, as one of the best sugges
tions ever put forth upon that sutject.”
The New York America n a Iso published the
report, ami accompanied it with a briefoom
ment, saying:
“Suggestion generally of the report s tikes us ar well
coßsidercr;, and indicating an earnest feeling for the
honor end efficiency of the army.”
We pre.-uim thaV+t will not be denied that
these papers arefair expositions ol Whig sen
timent, nor tijat we ate correct in saying, it
was not liit hutline it* the Secretary’s report
that has generally been found fault with by
that party. Mr. Rives, indeed, in his letter,
a part if übich the Intelligencer quotes,
whoiiy misrepresented it, and what the Presi
dent said in his message in regatd to it, and
expressed himself ip holy horror at the fright
ful hobgoblin which his own imagi.na.ion had
conjured up. We are content to leave him
to the terrib’e castigation conferred upon him
by ‘Viudex,’ whose scotching criticisms nei
ther he nor dur rcadeis will soon forget.
It is therefore beyond question the comp'ete
projfct of Mr. Poinsett, laid before Congress
kv himself, which has been found fault with,
and the President charged with approving,
because the details of the plan have in almost
all i; stances been brought forward and relied
on to sustain the objections made to it. The
President l as not only been directly charged
by terry of the Whig papers with giving his
approbation to the whole of Mr.Toinsett’s
tic (ailed platp hut, in many insfat.cts, one or
more of the provisions of the detailed plan J
have beet) separate y held uplo the people as
having been approved by hint. The course
pursued by tie renegade Duff’ Green in this
matter, is a fair sample of that of the whole
Whig press. In an article of his, addressed
to the ‘oiiglnal Jackson men,’ and which we
saw for the fiisjLjjme in the Now Yo:k Amer
ica nos the im|wu-iant, he fust quotes ihe
passage in ‘JwPWfsidentVi message, to show
that he strongly recommended a plan of the
Secretary of War; and then, lo exhibit what
the plan thus recommended was, i,c goes on
to give an analysis of the whole of Mr. Poin
sett’s plan of the 20;h of March, almost every
provison of which, particularly those held
forth for especial reprobation, is embraced
either in the existing ttvihiia laws, oir in the
plans recommended by Generals Knox and
Harrison. The plan, then, of the Secretary
of War, and which the President has been
generally charged with nppioving, is that of
the 20ili of March : and he was consequently
fully justified in ail he said in his letter to the
gentlemen ift.Virginia. It is not the Presi
dent, then, but the immaculate editors of the
Intelligencer, who are guilty-df a ‘subterfuge,’
and ’an attempt to dect ive the people.’ The
countiy was in a critical position with refer
ence to our Northeastern boundary, from
which we, might suddenly be plunged into a
war with one of the most powetful nations on
j the face of the earth. We were totally un
prepared for such an event; and it was ihe
imperativeTuty of ihe .President to call the
attention of Congress to tie most effective
jantl important modes of preparation known
| tjo him. Amongst others was an efficient or
ganization of the militia,* present one be-
I ing admitted in all lends to he almost worse
than useless. The Secretary of War sug
gested the ouiiine of a plan, which seemed to
|be a great in provtmc ot on the existing or
ganization, and all others which had
proposed; and the President strongly re
cotmmrded Cong tew a to give its considers
linn to it. He did not reci mmend that body :
to adopt, but to consider, the plan suggested
bv the Secretary, thus performing the duty
devolved upon him, by calling their attention
to it, in st King language, and leaving with
;htm, as it was proper he should do, the
• cspofisibiltiy of dec ling upon and adopting
tiie most cfllctual and tne least objectionable
plan.
Wl lat/he Intelligencer means by its oh-j
scute huffs and insinuations, we are at a loss
to understand, hut we think we have clearly
demonsiiJMed the falsehood ofevery statement
openly made.
The inert inn of Mr. Poinsett’s army of
i 200,000 qften, in a letter of one of the Harrison
leaders iiiilhis City, reminds us ol another and
still more}powerful army with which the poli-
I cs of the country were threatened at the last
Session of Congress. Mr. Clay said in the
Senate that thete were 300,000 bankrupts
i waiting with intense anxiety for the relief pro
! posed by|the Whig voluntary bankrupt Bill—
that beautiful measure that proposed the ab
olition of contracts whenever it suited the
debtor. A;s the Whigs have this army on
J ihtir sidi, they ought in conscience to leave
i the other alone, especially as their army is
! made up of real, talking, bullying, hard hating
l men, and Mr. Poinsett’s consists of a very
• harmless arid unmeaning congregation <tjj>
[shadow.--—not even men in buckram, but the
j whole ett .’ v and substance of the thing hav
jmg for its support no stronger earth'y mate
! rtal than three columns of a newsp-q er. But
| the Whigs are never enthusiastic kniL’hts-er
! rant, till they got bogged in their dreams
! among jack n‘mni~rn; ami wailing marsh
j rass. — Charleston Mercury.
I
Ferment.—The Abolitionists have carried this state,
! and the federal whig, < f Georgia hail it as a whig vtc
iiof v .—W ; : s the difference between federal whig,
gisia m the fjoti'h i abciiuoukm i* tic Nc-rii ?
ISENTINEL & HERALDi]
COLUMBUS, SEPT. 17, IS4O.
’ “ Tais Institution is one of the most deadly hostility
i exist. g against the principles and fotm of our Consti
tution. The notion is, at Inis time.so strong and -united
‘tin us sentiments, that it cannot hesnaken at this mo
ment. But suppose a &eri s of untoward everts should j
j occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the compnh ncy of V
Republican Government to meet a crisis of great don-’
| ger, or to unhinge the co-fide net cf the people in tht
| public functionaries ; an institution tike this penetrating
j by ,ts iranches every part oj the union, acting by amt
j mand and in phalanx-, may iu u critical moment, upset
the government. I deem no government safe, which is
under the vassalage of any self constituted authorities,
or any other authority than that of the nation, or its reg
: ularfunctionaries. IVhat an obstruction could n t this
j Bank of the United Stairs, with all its branch banks.
jbe in time us war / It might dictatt to us the peace wi
should accept, or withdraw its aid. Ought ice then to
give further growth to an institution so powerful , so
hostile ?— Thomas Jefferson.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN FORSYTH.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND
VICE-PRESIDENT.
WILLIAM B. BULLOCH, cf Chatham.
JOHN BATES, of Murray.
MILNEII ECHOLS, of Walton.
SAMUEL BEALL, of Wilkinson.
WILLIAM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper.
SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOMAS WOOTTEN, of Wilkes.
SEABORN JONES, of Muscogee.
EDWARD HARDEN, of Clark.
JAMES ANDERSON, of Burke.
FOR CONGRESS.
ROBERT W.POOLER,
D. C. CAMPBELL*
A. IVERSON,
JUNIUS HILLYER,
JOS IAH S. PATTERSON,
JOHN 11. LUMPKIN,
E. J. BLACK,
WALTER T. COLQUITT,
M. A. COOPER.
HARRISON AND ABOLITIONISM.
A New Orleans paper of the 2d instant
contains the following :
‘Letters received in this city from Opelousas state
that tour hundred negroes had planned an insurrection
in the parish of Lafayette, which was to have taken
place at Vertnillionvilie, on the night of the 22d ult.
Most providentially a negro belonging to Mr. Mercier.
told his master of the circumstance, and the principal
ringleaders to the number of 20, were imtnedially ar
rested nine of whom,were sentenced to be hung on the
27th ult. We have since heard that four white aboli
tionists, who instigated the negroes to revolt, have
been arrested and placed in confinement.’
Such occurrences are to be expected, so*
long as tiie miscreant amalgamation's of
the North and of the West shall
•their operations. Nothing short of constant
vigilance, backed by energy and prudence,
can protect the Smith from this worse than
piratical species of warfare. No punishment
can be too rigorous for the emissaries and
their principals engaged in stirring up a race
ignorant and ferocious to assassination and
massacre. They have placed themselves
beyond the pale ol hum arf sympathy as’,fully
as the wolf, the hyena and the.tiger.)_ Yet the
leaders of the federal whigs in the South not
only fraternize with them politically, but are
actually anti busily engaged in operating
with all the arts of deception and falsehood
to place the executive power of the United
Slates in the hands of an abolitionist, Gene
ral WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.
Vt e aie aware that he has by contemptible !
prevarication and falsehood endeavored, in
i his correspondence with Svipjiyrn politicians,
jto evade the charge. In his address ‘to Inc
public,’ when a candidate for Congress in
1322, (and which he endorsed in his letter to
i hurslon and others on the 2d of June last,)
he says,
‘ I ant accused of bring fi ict. lly to slavery. From
my eurlifci-t y< uth to the present moment. I have been
the at don t Irirud of human iibcttv At tl e age of
EIGHTEEN I became a MEMBER of an ABO
LITION feOCIETY, estabiislitd at Richmond the
object of which was to ameliorate The condition of
slaves, at.d PROoURE their FREEDOM by EV
ERY LEGAI. MEANS. My venerable friend,
Judge Gatch. of Clermont county, was also a member
of this society, and has lately given m a certificate
that I was one. The obligations which I then came
mater I have faithfully performed.
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.’
As recently as the end of February or I e
ginnit.g of March last, while on board of the
steamboat Benjamin Franklin, he avowed
himsell an abolitionist, in the presence of Mr.
Israel Brown, jun. druggist, of Cincinnati,
and of Lieutena it Davis, of Frederick uouniy.
Virginia. In his Cheviot speech, too, lie de
clares, ‘ that it has long been nn object ne ri
my heart to see the whole surplus revenue
appropriated to that object,’ [emancipation;]
and boasts thus: ‘I was the first person to
introduce into Congress the proposition that
all the country above Missouri, which, having
no inhabitants, was free from the objection
made to Missouri and Arkansas, should never
have slavery admitted into it.’
Yet in his letter to Governor Owen, of
North Carolina, dated Cincinnati, February
10, 1840, he says, ‘ You ask me whether 1
now am, or ever have been a member of an
abolition society. I answer decidedly NO !’
On tbe first of June, 1840, in his letter to
Mr. Lyons, of Richmond, Virginia, lie thus
prevaricntingly modifies his disclaimer, arid i
attempts to explain away his address of 1822:
“tn answer to the inquiry, why I used the werd j
‘abolition,’ in designating a society of which I v.as a ;
member in Richmond, in t! e year 1191. instead oft
the word ‘humane,’ which is known !o be the one j
i by which the society was really distinguished, ail that I
I can say upon the subject is, that if 1 did really
teim ii an Abolition Sueieiy, a fact, which t can still ,
hardly believe, [for 1 have not been able to see the.!
paper containing mv address to t!:e pe<>- lo es the dis- 1
irict in 1822 ] it must, have been from forgetfulness, 1
which might easily happen after a lapse cf thirty-one j
years. At any rate, the word abclilion was not un- J
derstood to mean in 1822 what.it now means. There
can be no doubt thai the soc ety of which Mr. Tarlton
Pleasants was a member, and which, in his pnbiica- ■
tion in ihe Richmond Whig, he calls ihe ‘Humane
Society of Richmond,’ [and bv this title Judge Gatch,
who gave me the certificate in 1822. also designated ;
it.j was the same of which I was a member. Mr.
Pleasants was a member in 1797, and ; iri 1791. Mr. :
Robert Pleasants was the prt ub nt at the forme, pe- ;
riod, as he was when f was admitted.”
Unfortunately for the General’s veracity as
well as the character of his principles, the
Constitution of this very society was recently
found among the papers of the late Thomas
Sl*p!ey, and, through an abolition newspaper)
lias found its way to the public. It proves
conclusively by title, diction and spirit, that
the society was an abolition society, .and that
an ultra character. We insert it :
CONSTITUTION OF THE VIRGINIA*
SOCIET Y.
For promoting ‘He Abolition of Slavery., the Re
lief of Free Negroes, or others, untawiully held ii
bondage, and other Humane Purposes.
From a full belief that “Ihe Lord’s mercy is over J
ail lus works.” that he created mankind of every Ua- !
lion, language, and color, equally free, and that slave- |
ry in ail its forms, in ail its degr > *s, is an outrageous j
violation, and an odious desndation of human nature: i
That it is inconsistent with the precepts of the Gospel, j
ut ‘‘doing to others as we would they *! c.rdd do unto !
us;” and that it is not only a moral, but a political j
evil, which tends, wherever it prevails, to deprave the j
morals of the people, weaken the bands of society, j
discourage trades ini manufactures'. and rather pro-!
rnoles. ar bilrarv po 1- . • r than so .o re i! e j"-i r i< hts atid j
liberties of pcujfeiiid; Naii#vinf, •! <*, tfc< go- 1
cicituA |1 ready established in e*Urr pails of the wcrltl.
for promoting ih* abolition of si a v try and the skive
trade, have bt n os real advantage in manifesting die
unrilitetus policy of the one; and the iniquity of n<
other—WE, Till bULSGKIEERB, in humbly
hope of contributing our mite to the cause ot humani
ty, and the promotion of righteousness i:i the earth,
h,,ve associated ourselves, unci r die title ui •* .'iivM
Viroixia Society for prom ting the abolition of |
slavery, nod the relit sos free negroes, or otlu rs un
lawfully held in bondage, and other humane pur
i HOSES.”
For effecting the these purposes, the so lowing C u>
Lsvitoton is adopted:
I. The officers of the Society shall coi ‘
‘of a Fre-ident, Vice President, Secretary, Treasurer,
i nme acting committee men, and two co respondirg
I members, in the limits of each district court, ail .f
; whom,’ exccp the acting committee, sh..!l beau final p..
i chosen by bailot.
j 2. Tile President, or in lits absence, the YLe
j President, si all pres'de in all meetings, at.d subscribe
i all the public acts .f the society, who. n.oretvt r. si all
have the power to cal! a special meeting cf the socit
i ty, whenever he shall judge it necessary, or whenever
. rix members of the acting committee shall concur in
| requiring it
3. The Secretary shall keep fair rec t ils cf t! e
l proceedings of the society, and shall cause to be pub
lished, from time to time, such proceedings or resolu
tions as the society may order, cr the President, wi.h
the*acting committee, may direct.
4. The Treasurer shall receive all donations, mo
neys. or securities, belonging to the society, and .'-hull
pay all orders signed bv the President cr V c Presi
dent, which orders shall be bis vouchers for expendi
tures. He shall, before he enters on his efiiee, give
b aid for the faithful discharge of his Hu.y. for two hun
dred pounds, or such larger sum as the Presiia in and
acting commitee shall ftoin time to tune think rioht.
5. if the Presidtnt and Vice President, Set; etary,
or Treasury, be absent at any of the meetings, the si>
cirty may elect others to act pro tempore, or should any
of the officers above named resign c r be di-placed, the
society shall till the vacancy in :he mode presetihed
by the first article.
’ 6. The Act ng Committee shall transact such busi
ness as shall occur in the recess of the society,and re
port the same at each balf-ve:uly m, cling. 4 hey
shall have a right, with the concutence cf the Presi
dent and Vice Pie ident, to draw upon the Tteasuiy
for such sums of money as shall be necessary to tarry
on the business of their appointment. They shall
also act as an electing committee, and theii approba
tion in writing shall be an admission to sue* persons
as shall sign the constitution if the Society: five ot
whom shall be a quorum. After their first election,
! at each succeeding yearly meeting, threc-of their num
ber shall be relieved from duty, and three others shall
he elected to succeed them.
7. In all cases where persons legally entitled to
fieedom shall be held in bondage, it. shall he the busi
ness oflhe corresponding nu mbers, appointed in the
different districts, more particularly to inquire into,
and give notice to the acting coinn bice of all such fu -
ses and to procure nuihcnticaicd copies from records,
or such other writings or testimonies as they mav
think necessary or proper for investi. alien, ofilie right
and relit sos the sufferers.
8. Eve.ry person, previ us to his admission a? a
member, shall subscribe the constitution of the socie
ty, and contribute not less than one dollar on admit
tance, and half a dollar at each succeeding half year
ly meeting towards defraying the contingent e;;pt us es:
If he neglects to pay the same for more than twoyi ars,
he shall, upon due notice being given him cf his delin
quency. cease to be a mi mbi r: But foreign. rs, or per
sons ot residing in tins State, may be elf cted corres
ponding members, without being subject to any pay
ment, and shall he admitted to the. meetings of he sc-
during their residence in this Slate.
r 9. - T wo-thirds cf the members present at a
ly meeting shad have the power to expel any person
whom they may deerfi unworthy of remaining a mem
ber—anl no person si all be a number who holds a s’are,
or is concerned in the unrighteous traffic of buying or
o idling that unhappy race cf hi mr.ii btir-gs. V
\lO. Twelve mi rubers, with ‘tie i’rVsidenYor Vice
lue ident, con titiitionajly assembled, shall t.e a quor
um of the society for transacting business.
11. The society shall meet on the second day, rail
ed Monday, in ;h>; months called October and Apt it.
at such place or places as nuty be from time to linte
agreed on.
12 No law or regulation of the society shall ren
traJict any part of the constitution, nor shall any al
teration in the constitution be ntt; !*•, v.itJmn! being
j proposed at a previous meeting. All questions snail
be decided by a majority ot vote;; aril in rose of an
equal division, the presiding officer to have the casting
vote.
The t; csent officers* of die eocietv are:
ROBERT PLEASANTS. President!
JOHN FINN F. Y Vice President.
JAMES SMITH. Secretory.
JAMES LA Did. Treasury.
Aiding Commitce.
John Cue%v,
Thomas Pi.easerts,
J tMss Hahnis,
George Jones,
Hfna t Fethekstone,
I'll!; AT Ml CIiFW,
John I’cni ; ut.
Rich * r in Gravj s,
G Errs: it Davis.
* VV lien the constitution was original}” published.
The character of this society is thus set
tled forever, and tne fact e-tar/.lished that.
the age of eighteen. General fi ar t iron Le
.j ... . 9
came a member of an abolition society; that
as late as 1822, he still cherished the iuceudi
ary principles so fondly, as to bruit the truih
to the world, nn I to preclude sust icion of his
insincerity, announced that ho had received,
from Judge Catch, a certificate proving his
abolitionism. It is moreover authenticated,
that, as late as February or March last,
whilst on board the Benjamin Fiai.klin, lie
confessed himself still to be an abolitionist.
With a mass of evidence, so various and
| conclusive, no man with the ordinary share of
common sense can honestly doubt the aboli
tionism of Gut. Harrison, or that any change
of station would be potent enough to cause
him to repudiate his favorite dogmas and
ancient tenets. Can the South consistently
or with safety confide her tranquility to such
an individual? or ratbei would not bis eleva
tion to t'ne chief magistracy of the nation be
offering a bounty to treason against our peace
and conspiracy against the lives of our tv'vrs
and children? -It is to he expected that, uti
til the dissatisfaction fomented amongst the
blacks in some sections of the South, hv the
emissaries of the incendiaries, be suppress-
•jetl by rigorous measurer? and impressive ex
iai it pies, that the tragedy contemplated at
Opelousas will a! oilier points be attempted.
We have never doubted that such conspira
j cies, how extensive and complicated their
! ramifications soever, must result in the subj-u
----igntion and extirpation of the insurgents; but
| as victory, however splendid, cannot re: l<.r
I the prattle of the slaughtered babe to the ear
of the frantic father, nor tei.ch the cornea
j (rolled upward and inward) of‘lie butchered
wife and mother to beam again with hope
i and love and joy, nor even soot lie the anguish j
lof the widowed husband and childless father, 1
i we have uniformly contemplated such inci
! dents as the greatest calamities that can beta Ii
| the country of the sun, and the instigators cf
’ them meriting a direr doom than the cutthroat
j that skims the rough bosom of the ocean un- j
j tier the dark ensign of destruction. With j
the abolitionist William Henry Harrison, fill-i
! ing the presidential chair of the Union, and I
: a coterie of kindred ?piriu entrusted with the i
j other departments, would not the misguided
and irritated and ferocious black, be easiiv
incited to mischief? Would he not reason
himself into the belief, that, with the adminis
trators of tliC government lif.vora.blu lo his
I wild projects, lie could scarcely fail of success
m the attempt, and consequently’ give as wide
; a scope as possible to carnage? And is it not j
| rational to infer, that, should the aid of the!
geneial government in any such cr.se be!
expedient, that the clique of official
[abolitionists tit W ashington cifv would for-j
| ward men and munitions in such numbers j
| and at such intervals as to paralvze their effi- j
| ciencv, with ihe view of prolonging the con*,
test —lor the sake of principle? Why then I
think of jeoparding a!1 that is dear, by endea-,
voring to raise to the highest office in tliej
world a man subject to such objections, and
that man too in Lis dotage? And what can
be thought of the Sou;!.tun leaders, who j
r iv 7to ail hii failings,yet urgshiai upon us,
iVlithi they arc exteuJing the right hand n(
fellowship to the prominent individuals of the
ecf. the aboitPomsis, who are devoting lite r
tune, talents and money, to corrupt and sc -
jducecur domestics to otir destruction by the
j lorelt and the knife under the mantle of dark •
‘ness? Can they be patriots andpliilanthro
| ;or are they not demagogues, who t >
jme whirled lor an hour in the ascendant car ii
I politics, and to avenge themselves on their
i antagonists, would consign our country to
.lit voc a lid our homesteads to ashes? Let
it people ponder. ,/
JVho is guilty of falsehood, of perversion uj
the facts’? —By our charging the Federal
! Whigs at Macon with burying the Const itu
i ‘ion, and every where of abandoning our na
tional Hag and substituting new Hags, new
devices in its stead, we are charged by one
William Amos Green, and those pinks o(
courtesy, the Messenger and Enquirer, with
falsehood, and a perversion of the facts.—
I These Federal organs have teemed with no
thing else scarcely than charges against Mr.
I Van Buren of advocating a standing army—
jof taxing the ducks and chickens—in favor
jol negro testimony—opposed to the late war
j — :l > favor of reducing the wages ol the la-
borer. Does any man deny our charges so
be true, and can any man successfully charge
us with perversion of the truth ? Does not
every reading and intelligent man know that
all ol tl.etr charges are untrue ? Does anv one
of these veritable prints; or their editors, be
lieve a single statement they have made?
They knew they were false at the time they
penned them; they know they are false now*
FI: DER A L VHIGG EKY IN~G EO R GIA.
The Richmond Whig of the 7tii instant, in
reference to Georgia, remarks, that “all ac
counts, verbal and written, assure us that lire
! Harrison cause is progressing with more than
j locomotive power auu velocity.” The state
ment is correct, though not in the ser.se by
J (lie W big inUnded. The portion of our
|yeomanry misled by the systematized false
j hoods of the Bunch and Judy procession
j federal party, are Awakening to a proper
sense of the impositions piac-ticed on them,
l and as an inevitable consequence, th** Har
| listin abolitionist cause is, “with more than
| locomoiive power and velocity” moving dewn
! ward to that grave in which at Macon the
Constitution of our country was inhumed by
pse do patriots. The first Monday of next
will verify our statement.
A SYMPTOM IN NEW YORK.
The federal whigs of New York, ala:mod
at their prospects and the unpopularity of
their appellation, are gradually allowing the
word whig to fa 1 into disuse, and, like pirates
fighting under a flig foreign to their persons
anti ptineiples, immodestly denominating
themselves democrats. In furtherance of this
object, they have through the instrumentality
of a committee of tiunr~‘ gentlemen,’ issued a
very hitler federal jfitper under the name of
Ihe ‘ Democratic Press? When a party be
come ashamed of their-name, it is high firm?
for them to change ‘.heir principles.
Jifr. John l ‘ontijlh's Address to lie
PtOple oj Georgia, which is inserted
it? i!:e first pnge eftculny’s paper, is
characteristic of the clearness, vigor
aiul penetration of the author on
well as of his devotion to the deal
est interests of the Bout It. Its se
rious cennrieration can Im idly foil
to work conviction.
fir. MVir(fle.— We give also ttit
!other letter from this gent!eniai:,
i replete with deep thought s.titi ju-t
I deduclions. —The defensive part of
it places his assailants in a position
neither creditable nor comfortable.
The tnodeoi warfare waged against
him, for having dared to express
his sentiments, is not only vindic
tive; but infamous. To give our
readers some idea of its character,
we extract the following paragraph
from the Albany Evening Journal*
I a whig paper:
j “Geni.kal M Brri iE. — A gentleman re-’
I reived alette!; this monft.g iVnm Laurehs,
jS. C., Hr ly miles from the residence of Mr;
M‘Duffle, from vv! icli we nuke the fflllovv
ing extinct: —“At our muster lact week, it
was rejx)!tud that George M‘Diifße was in
i' sane. This day’s report says he is dead —
j the hr.,l never having been extracted from the
! spire, received sente years since in a duel
I with Coi. Cummings.”
Frit ad/,/ fid rice, though usually
| prized lightly, is, as the generality
|of mankind know, sometimes of
; much benefit, and when diet ed in
The; spirit of comity, according to
; Chesterfield, merits civility and re
flection. We have, for sometime
past, been peering into the prospects
of our compeers, both friends tind
enemies, and refused nature her
i regular measure of repose, t ‘tat wo
might, by thus taxing our faculties,
contribute to the benefit of others.
None hasit! its excited more inter
est than the pros} eels of our dear
j tail gaunt friend, Sammy of the En
quirer. From his royal natron of
St. Simon’s and Brunswick, who
has many small pages to prepare
and complete, he can expect in ftt
iure but few lines more in his scrap
jbook. lie cannot speak at the bar,
He ts too stately to collect, 100 proud
to work, too lazy to steal, too ignor
janl to teach, too stupid to preach,
land, after November next, his fund
of misrepresentation will at once
j cease to be marketable. What, we
; lyptfc frequently inquired of ottr
|self, is our valued friend to do, that
his gastric tranquility may harmo
nize with the respectability of his
igogles and golden headed cane?—
land a tear has more than once cours
ed over our nose at the ominous re
| spouse given by our organ of calcu
lation:’ But, as intense solicitude,
(stimulated by friendship, is inven-
Jtivc, we iiave after inucli delibera
tion, concluded that he may obtain
a very comfortable livelihood by de
voting himself to the raiding of
chickens. By locating himself in
ihe southern part of Georgia or in
the northern or western counties of