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Inaugural Address of President Pierce. March 4,1853. My Countrymen : It is a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal re gret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so suitable for others, rather than desirable for myself. The circumstances under which 1 have been called, for a limited period, to preside over the destinies of the Republic, fill me with a profound sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking apprehension. I repair to the post as signed me, not as to one sought, but in obedi ence to the unsolicited expression of your will, answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and dil gent exercise of my best powers. 1 ought to he. and am, truly grateful for the rare manifes tation of the nation’s confidence; but this, so far from lightening rny obligations, only adds to their weight. You have summoned me in my weakness ; you must sustain me by your strength. When looking tor the fulfilment of reasonable requirements, you will not be unmindful of the great changes which have occurred, even with in the last quarter of a century, and the conse quent augmentation and complexity of duties imposed, in the administration both of your home and foreign affairs. Whether the elements of inherent force in the Republic have kept pace with its unparalleled progression in territory, population, and wealth, has been the subject of earnest thought and dis cussion, on both sides of the ocean. Less than sixty-four years ago, the Father of his Country made “the” then “recent accession of the important State of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States,” one of the subjects of his special congratulation. At that moment, however, when the agitation conse quent upon the revolutionary struggle had hard ly subsided, when we were just emerging from the weakness and embarrasments of the Confed eration, there was an evident consciousness of vigor, equal to the great mission so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a presumptuous assurance,but a calm faith, spring ing from a clear view of the sources of power, in a government constituted like ours. It is no paradox to say that, although comparatively weak, the new born nation was intrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in population and ap parent resources, it was upheld by a broad and intelligent comprehension of rights and an all pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger than armaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to the necessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day were as practical as their sentiments were patri otic. They wasted no portion of their energies upon idle and delusive speculations, but with a firm and fearless step advanced beyond the gov ernmental land-marks, which had hitherto cir cumscribed the limits of human freedom, and planted their standard where it has stood against dangers, which have threatened from abroad, and internal agitation, which has at times fear fully menaced at home. They approved them selves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been illu minated by the dawning lights of the Revolu tion. The object sought was not a thing dream ed of: it was a thing realized. They had exhib ited not only the power to achieve, but what all history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain. The oppressed throughout the world, from that day to the present, have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished, or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by their steady and increasing radiance In this our country has, in my judgment, thus far fulfilled its highest duty to suffering humanity It has spoken, and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope, to those who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But, after all, the most animating encouragement and potent appeal for freedom will be its own history, its trials, and its triumphs. Pre-eminently, the power of our advocacy reposes in our example; but no example, be it remembered, can be pow erful for lasting good, whatever apparent ad vantages may be gained, which is not based upon eternal principles ofright and justice Our fathers decided for themselves, botti upon the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstances un der which it became them to pledge to each oth er “their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor,’ for the acquisition of the priceless inheri tance transmitted to us. The energy with which that great conflict was opened, and under the guidance of a manifest and beneficent Provi dence, the uncomplaining endurance with which it was prosecuted to its consumation, were only surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of concession which characterized all the counsels of the early fathers. One of the most impressive evidences of that wisdom is to be found in the fact, that the actual working of our system has dispelled a degree of solicitude, which at the outset, disturbed bold hearts and far-reaching intellects. The appre hension of dangers from extended territory, multiplied States, accumulated wealth, and aug mented population, has proved to he unfounded. The stars upon your banner have become near ly three-fold their original number, your densely populated possessions skirt the shores of the two great oceans, and yet this vast inciease of people and territory has not only shown itself compatible with the harmonious action of the States and the Federal Government in their re spective constitutional spheres, but has afforded an additional guarantee of the strength and in tegrity of both. With an experience thus suggestive and cheering, the policy of my Administration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be dis guised that our attitude as a nation, and our po sition on the globe, render the acquisition of certaiu possessions, not within our jurisdiction, eminently important for our protection, if not, in the future, essential for the preservation of the rights of commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to ob vious national interest and security, and in a manner entirely consistent with the strictest observance of national faith. We have nothing in our history or position to invite aggression, we have every thing to beckon us to the culti vation of relations of peace and amity with all nations. Purposes, therefore, at once just and j pacific, will be significantly marked in the con duct of our foreign affairs. I intend that my j Administration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I may safely give the assurance that no act within the legitimate scope of my constitutional control will be tolerated, on the part of any portion of our citizens, which cannot challenge a ready justification before the tribu nal of the civilized world. An administration would be unworthy of confidence at home, or respect abroad, should it cease to be influenced by the conviction, that no apparent advantage j can be purchased at a price so dear as that of 1 national wrong or dishonor. It is not your privilege, as a nation, to speak of a distant past, j The striking incidents of your history, replete with instruction, and furnishing abundant grounds for hopeful confidence, are comprised in a period comparatively brief. But if your ! past is limited, your future is boundless. Its ob ligations throng the unexplored pathway of ad vancement, and will be limitless as duration. Hence, a sound and comprehensive policy should embrace not less the distant future than the urgent present. The great objects of our pursuit, as a people,are best to be attained by peace, & are entirely con sistent with the tranquility and interests of the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon our continent, we should cultivate kindly and fraternal relations. W'e can desire nothing in regard to them so much as to see them con | solidate their strength and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness. If, in the course of their growth, we should opei\ new channels of trade, and create additional facilities for friend ly intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mutual. Os the complicated European systems of national polity we have heretofore been independent. From their wars, their tu mults and anxieties, we have been happily, al most entirely exempt. Whilst these are confi ned to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they cannot affect us, except as they appeal to o.ur sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advancement. But the vast interests of commerce are common to all mankind, and the advantages of trade and international inter course must always present a noble field for the moral influence of a great people. With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right to expect, and shall under all circumstances require, prompt reciprocity.— The lights which belong to us as a nation are not alone to be regarded, but those which per tain to every citizen in his individual capacity, at home and abroad, must be sacredly maintain ed. So long as he can discern every star in its place upon that ensign, without wealth to pur chase for him preferment, or title to secure for him place, it will be his privilege, and must be his acknowledged right, to stand unabashed even in princes with a proud conscious- I ness that he is himself one of a nation of sover ! eigns, and that he cannot, in legitimate pursuit, | wander so fir from home that the agent whom I he shall leave behind in the place which I now I occupy will not see that no rude hand of power : or tyrannical passion is laid upon him with im punity. He must realize that upon every sea and On every soil, where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection ofour flag, Ameri can citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And, in this con nexion, it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle which should now be regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and repose of this Confederacy reject the idea of interfer ence or colonization on this side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdiction as utterly inadmissible. The opportunities of observation, furnished by my brief experience as a soldier, confirmed in my own mind the opinion, entertained and acted upon by others from the formation of the Government, that the maintenance of large standing armies in our country would be not only dangerous, but unnecessary. They also illustrated the importance, I might well say the absolute necessity, of the military science and practical skill furnished, in such an eminent de gree, by the institution, which has made your army what it is, under the discipline and instruc tion of officers not more distinguished for their solid attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the public service, than for unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The army, as organized, must be the nucleus around which, in every time of need, the strength of your military power, the sure bulwark of your defence—a national mili tia—may be readily formed into a well-discip lined and efficient organization. And the skill and self-devotion of the navy assure you that you may take the performance of the pasta* a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect that the flag, which has waved its untarnished folds over every sea, will still float in undiminished honor. But these, like many other subjects, ! will be appropriately brought, at a future time, to the attention of the co-ordinate branches of j the Government, to which 1 shall always look j with profound respect, and with trustful confi- j denee that they will accord to me the aid and : support which I shall so much need, and which their experience and wisdom will readily sug gest. In the administration of domestic affairs, you j expect a devoted integrity in the public service, ; and au observance of rigid economy in all de partments, so marked as never justly to be ques tioned. If this reasonable expectation be not realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and j that my efforts, in a very important particular, must result in a humiliating failure. Officers j can be properly regarded only in the light of ! aids for the accomplishment of these objects, and as occupancy can confer no prerogative, nor im- ] portunate desire for preferment any claim, the public interest imperatively demands that they j be considered with sole reference to the duties ; to be performed. Good citizens may well claim j the protection of good laws and the benign in fluence of good government; but a claim for j office is what the people of a republic should never recognise. No reasonable man of any part}’ will expect the administration to be so regardless of its responsibility, and of the obvious elements of success, as to retain persons,known to bo under the influence of political hostility and partisan prejudice, in positions which wiß| require, not only severe labor, but cordial co- j operation. Having no implied engagements to j ratify, no rewards to bestow, no resentments o f remember, and no personal wishes to consult,. | in selections for official station, 1 shall fulfil this. ■ difficult and delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character or position, which does not contemplate an efficient dischai ge of duty and the best interests of my country - I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of . my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher | objects than personal aggrandizement gave di- * rection and energy to their exertions in the late- | | canvass, and they shall not be disappointed. | They require at my hands dilligence, integrity,, 1 and capacity, wherever there are duties to lie* performed. Without these qualities in their pub- ; lie servants, more stringent laws, for the pie- ; vention or punishment of fraud, negligence and j peculation, will be vain. With them, they will ; Ibe unnecessary. # * But these are not the only points to which * you look for vigilant watchfulness. Iho dan- j gers of a concentration of all power in the Gen- i eral Government of a Confederacy so vast as. ours, are too obvious to be disregarded. Aou j have a right, therefore, to expect your agents, j I in every department, to regard strictly the limits, j imposed upon them by the Constitution ot the j j United States. The great scheme of our con- ; | stitutional liberty rests upon a proper distnbu- j tion of power between the State mid Federal au- j ; thorities ; and experience lias shown that the | harmon y and happiness of our people must de pend upon a just discrimination between the i separate rights and responsibilities of the States, and your common rights and obligations under I the General Government. And here, in niv | opinion, are the considerations which should | form the true basis of future concord in regard | to the questions which have most seriously dis- I turbed public tranquility. If the Federal Gov ernment will confine itself to the exercise of ! powers clearly granted by the Constitution, it ! can hardly happen that its action upon any i question should endanger the institutions ot the ’ States, or interfere with their right to manage j matters strictly domestic according to the will of their own people. In expressing briefly my views upon an im portant subject, which has recently agitated the nation to almost a fearful degree, I am moved by no other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpetuation of that Union which has made us what we are—showering upon us bles sings, and conferring a power and influence which our fathers could hardly have anticipated, ] even with their most sanguine hopes directed to. a far off’ future. The sentiments I now an nounce were not unknown before the expression |of the voice which called me here. My own position upon this subject was clear and une quivocal, upon the record of my words and my acts, and it is only recurred to at this time be cause silence might, perhaps, be miscon strueted. With the Union my best and dearest earthly hopes are entwined. Without it, what are we, individually or collectively ? What be comes of the noblest field ever opened for the , advancement of our race, in religion, in gov- jj ernment, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind ? From that radiant constel lation, which both illumines our own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let but a single star be lost, and, if there be not utter darkness, the lustre of the whole is dim med. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe is n.ot to overtake them while possess the power to stay it ? It is with me an earnest and vital belief that, as the Union has been the source, under Providence, j I of our prosperity to this time, so it is the surest | j pledge of a continuance of the blessings we j | have enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound j to transmit undiminished to our children. The | field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and will always be so, but it never has been nor never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. — The founders of the Republic dealt with things jas they were presented to them, in a spirit |of self-sacrificing patriotism, and as time ■ has proved, with a comprehensive wis | dom, which it will always be safe for us Ito consult. Every measure tending to ! strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the mem ! bers of our Union has had my heartfelt appro- ! , bation. To every theory of society or govern- ! I ment, whether the offspring of feverish ambi- j i tion or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dis- j j solve the bonds oflaw and affection which unite | us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resist- j ance. 1 believe that involuntary servitude, as it j exists in different States of this confederacy, is 1 recognised by the Constitution. I believe that j J it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provis ions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the “Compromise measures,’’ are strictly | constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried j ; into effect. I believe that the constituted au thorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect as they I would view any other legal and constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully and according to the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs.— Such have been, and are, mv convictions, and upon them I shall act. 1 fervently hope that the question is at rest, and that no sectional, or am- j bilious, or fanatical excitement may again ! threaten the durability of our institutions, or j obscure the light of our prosperity. But let not the foundation of our hope rest; upon man’s wisdom. It will not be sufficient j that sectional prejudices find no place in the pub lic deliberations. It willl not be sufficeient j that the rash counsels of human passion are re- 1 jected. It must be felt that there is no national i security but in the nation’s humbled, acknowl edged dependence upon God and his overruling Providence. We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which gave us the Constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments where ex periments are fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be impressed upon all hearts that, beauti ful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could ever reunite its broken fabrics. Stand in” as T do almost within view of the green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of the tomb of Washington, with all the cherished memories of the past gathering around me, like so many eloquent voices ot exhorta tion from Heaven, I can express no better hope for my country than that the kind Provi dence which smiled upon our fathers may ena ble their childreu to preserve the blessings they ■ have inherited. - ————— ! Wi)t (Times emb Sentinel | COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. * ] FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 11, 1853. l A few more Remarks uponjthe Inaugural. \ Some whig and union presses have been very loud \ in their commendation of the views of the President upon the compromise. We ourselves find uo fault I with them. The compromise was satisfactory to a very * large majority of the Southern people. e could not • exnect a Yankee to take higher ground in defense of j our rights thau we ourselves stand upon. If we had | demanded more, General Pierce would have insisted j upon more, as is very clearly indicated in that portion of j the address in which he boldly insists upon the old Republican doctrine, that “if the Federal Government will confine itself to the exercise of powers clearly granted by the constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon any question should endanger the in stitutions of the States, or interfere with their rights to manage matters entirely domestic, according to the will of their own people s” and stiU more strongly in the preceding sentences in which the true basis of future concord is stated to lie, not in submission to aggression, but in a wise and “just discrimination between the rights and responsibilities of the States, and your com mon rights and obligations under the General Govern ment.” By all which it is dearly indicated that in the opinion of the President the discord which has disturb ed the quiet of the republic for several years past has resulted from the interference of the General Govern ment with the domestio institutions of the South. Nor do we find fault with tho glowing eulogium pro nounced by the President upon the Union. lie means a Constitutional Union in which a “just discrimination” is made between the rights of the State* and the rights of the Federal Government. For the preservation of such a Union the Southern Rights movement was made; and to that movement we attribute all that is good amd wholesome in the compromise—and to it alono we are iudebted for the refusal of Congress to apply tho | Wilmot Proviso to all the Territories of the United j States, after every Novthern State but one had insisted upon such action. We cannot commend too highly the bold and manly position of the President upon the questions involved in the Monroe doctrine. “The rights, security and re pose of this confederacy, reject the idea of interference 1 or colonization on this side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdiction as utterly inadmissi ble.” | _lf this is merely bombast, it is contemptible. If it jsl ] the settled policy of the administration, it is the moat ; momentous declaration in the address. It gives “form and pressure’’ to one of the ghosts of American politics, and indicates that the contest for supremacy between the United States and Europe, in the new world, is now at hand. We abide tho issue without faltering, in the confident assurance that we are now entering in good earnest upon our destiny. Providenoe has placed the Anglo-Saxon Race on the continent for the development of great principles. It is destined to extend from pole to pole, and to carry with it our pure religion, and oar glorious liberties. No obstacle can arrest our progress; jj and if the bloated despotisms of Europe shall attempt j it, on their head be the consequences. 1 Perhaps it may escape the notice of some of our read ers, that the President emphatically condemns the doo ttrines of Kossuth on Intervention. European wars and tumults, “whilst confined to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, cannot affect us, except as they appeal to our sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advance- ; ment,” is the position of the new administration. This, i we believe , is the universal conviction and sentiment of I the South. There are many other positions taken in the address j which we would be pleased to notice and commend, ! | but as they are palpable on the face of the address, we ) l will not fatigue our readers with further comment upon j i a document which all of them will read with interest, j We cannot help from adding that there is a warmth, ; j a cordiality, a boldness, a directness, a republican sim- j j plicity in the Inaugural which touches our hearts, and j commands our confidence. We doubt not out* readers i will experience the same feelings on its perusal. Hail Storm. At about a quarter after two o’clock yesterday, a ter rible hail storm swept over out* city, and during the space of 10 minutes, did immense damage. Almost every house in the city was injured. The Warehouses of Mr. Rankin, Gunby, Daniel & Cos. and of I{. S. Smith & Cos., were all partially blown down and unroof ed Six or eight store houses about Rankin’s corner had their front walls entirely prostrated. Many private residences were partially unroofed. Almost every chim ney in the city is down and our shade trees cumber the streets with their fallen trunks and broken branches. Taylor & Co.’s Gin Factory was unroofed and incalcu lable injury done to a large number of Gins already finished, and to the tools and machinery used in the manufacture. It is reported that the bridge in Girard was blown down, and a waggon, driver and team pre cipitated into the depths below. No lives were lost in our city, j It is useless to grieve over unavoidable ‘calami tys.— j Industry and energy will repair it, and we are happy to see that even before the storm had abated, many of | our energetic citizens were busily engaged iri removing the wreck and repairing the damage it had caused.— 1 The damage is immense, but in the confusion conse quent upon so great a calamity, it is impossible to esti ! mate it. Burglary. \V o understand that a party of Burglars entered the Book Store of J. W. Pease, on the night of the 9th inst., and abstracted about SIOO worth of Gold Pencils, a quantity of knives and a small amount of money. The same party attempted to enter the Jewelry Store of Foster and Purple, but were frightened off before they had accomplished their designs. They left one of their j tools in Mr. Pease’s Store, and a lot of them at Foster and ParpleV A Fost Master Elected. We publish to-day the proceedings of the p, M and King club at a meeting held in this city on inst. They resulted in the chango of the name ‘ club, and the election of Michael N. Clarke ns p Master for this city. It 9eems that Messrs Jones, Torrance and Clarke were all nominated • ’ tho office and were voted for in the meeting, but wl C er with their knowledge or consent or the know], and consent of their friends, the proceedings do not form us. Neither are we advised as to the number of p . sons who attended tho meeting. All this is importm to be known, before much force will attach to the tion of the meeting, and we hope some gentleman f miliar with the facts, will communicate them to h public. We fully recognize the right of the people to dt : nate a suitable person to fill the office of Post and have looked with favor upon the action of the pc pi* in some sections of the country where regular elec tions havebeeu held for this purpose. Indeed we Se „ no impropriety in such an expression of opinion in meeting of the party, but then public notice ought to be given not only of tho meeting, but of the specific ob jects to be attended to at it. We are not advised that all this was done at this meeting. Tho subject is an important one, as the interests of several highlv re spectable gentlemen are involved in it, and indeed the public generally, and we make these suggestion not because of any objection to tho nominee, but so; the purpose of eliciting “the truth, the whole truth, an nothing but the truth.” Adjournment of the Thirty-Second Congress. The two Houses of Congress adjourned sine die, at noon, on Friday ; having been in session from eleven o’clock the day betbre, and taken a recess of about one hour durmg that time. The Civil and Diplomatic Mu propr union bill was near being lost, and was only savec by the House reversing its action, rejecting the report of the joint committee on conference. We learn from the Washington Republic, that this bili j amongst other things, raises the salaries of the VicePrcsi ! dent and the heads of the Departments from five to eight , : thousand dollars per annum ; appropriates one hundred ’ thousand dollars towards supplying Washington with a i better supply of water ; twenty thousand dollars for the re.. the Long Bridge and thirty thousand fora I bridge at the Little Falls ; and creates the office of As j sistant Secretary of State, with a salary of three thousand ! dollars per annum. All the general appropriation bills were passed ; and I in addition to other measures of importance, the bill estuli ! fishing the Territorial Government of Washington. Heavy Failure iu Boston. j Baltimore, March 7. — Joseph C. Bates, a hardware : dealer in Boston, has failed to the extent of $300,000, The Boston Collectorship. | Baltimore, Marcli 7.—The Collector of Boston resigued i his office on Monday. Rail Road Collision. j Baltimore, March 6.—A collision has occurred on t!ie | Pennsylvania Rail Road, whereby ten immigrants hart ! been killed. Democratic^Meetingr. j Agreeably to previous notice given, and iu accorJaiio | with the Constitution of the Pierce & King Club of Mu,*■ | cogee county, said Club met at the Court House on tin i evening of the 7th of March. The President having taken his seat, Francis M. Brooks, Esq. was requested to ae t as Secretary. The object of the Club being called together was then explained by the President, which was to dissolve the same. ; The Hon. A. C. Morton then arose and made a lew appropriate remarks, respecting the harmony which had • been evinced by* the Club since its organization, and tlu I happy* results which had grown out of it, in uniting the i different wings or factions ot the Democratic Party iu said j count y> aml h °P in ? “i our future efforts, the same harino j ny might prevail. j Francis M. Brooks then offered the following resoiu | tions, which were unanimously adopted : Whereas, By the Constitution of this Club, and the i regulations which have controlled its actions since its or | gamzation, its dissolution should take place when infor ! inat j on should be received of the Inauguration of FRANK LIN PIERCE to the Presidency of the United States-, 1 where the nearly unanimous voice of the country lias placed him. And whereas, information has been received, and the fact is matter of history, that the choice of the Democracy of the nation is its head tor the next four years riieietore, Resolved, lliat the objects contemplated by the formation of this Club have been accomplished. Resolved, 1 hat the Club by its regulations, and the vote of its members, is now adjourned, sine die. Resolved, further, That the establishment of this Club has resulted in the restoration of harmony* in the Demo cratic Party of this section, torn and distracted by* difficul ties resulting from a difference of opinion upon the sec tional questions which lately* agitated the country. The Democracy of Muscogee are now a unit, prepared to en ter upon the canvasses before them, with the like spirit which characterized their action in the contest just passed. Associations tor the promotion of a good object are the surest guarantees of its success. Be it resolved, then, liiat we are still united, and un.- del* the same officers and regulations, resolve ourselvt’ into the Democratic Association of Muscogee for the pre servation of the principles and integrity of the party. Resolved further, That for the safety of our party, present and future, such persons should alone become the objects of Executive favor, whocombinethe requisite quaK location?* ot honesty, capacity and worthiness, and whose selection would meet with the approbation of this Asso ciation, and the public generally. Resolved, That having no trusty official at the seat of Government to represent the interests of the Democrat", of this section, that we will designate by vote, the person esteemed by this Association most worthy of Executive patronage. After the adoption oi the foregoing resolutions, Mr. David J. Barber submitted the following resolutions, which were adopted: only office of importance in the county of Muscogee in the gift of President Pierce. And, whereas, it has ewer Leu. and we believe should ever he, the cherished doctrine of the Democratic Party, “that the expressed will of the people must not be disregarded.” .therefore, be it resolved, That we now select by ballot a competent person for Post Master of this city. ‘ Resolved, I hat the name of the person so selected, shall be forwarded to our Chief Magistrate, with a just and fair representation of his honesty and capacity, and signed bv the [secretary of this Association. In accordance with the above resolution, the Associa tion proceeded to ballot. The names of R C. Forsyth. M. Torrance, Wiley E. Jones, and \I. N. Clarke, tiav mg been announced by their respective friends as candi dates, and upon counting ihe same, it appeared that M. N. Clarke had received a majority of all the votes cast, and was then declared the choice of the Association, The Hou. A. C. Morton then submitted for enrollment as a member ol this Association the name of the Hon. Alfred Iverson. Also, that the name of Dr. Alexander