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The Maine Liquor Law in England. The following extract from the London Times handed to us by a friend, will show how the Maine Liquor Law is regarded in England : It is very interesting to us who sit in old Eu rope, following old methods of government as a matter of course, to see what can be attemp ted and done by a people really and immediate ly self-governing. We may doubt and disap prove of some things done by our Republican brethren across the Atlantic, and think that we should not like this, or the other liability or cus tom of theirs ; but it is to be hoped that we can cordially admire and honor certain occasional achievements of theirs, which are quite beyond anything we can effect or dream of effecting.— We really hardly know anything more striking than the history of the rapid abolition of the vice of drunkenness in several of the States of the American Union ; and it is with feelings of the deepest respect that we desire to direct atten tion of our countrymen to the action of the State of Maine with regard to that vice. Tbo Maine Liquor Law was obtained by the simple determination of the majority to abolish intemperance in the form of drink.— They did it through the ballot boxes —by elec ting temperance men to the Legislature. For many years valuable experience had been accru ing. The ordinary temperance movements had been tried there, as elsewhere in the Union ; and with the same partial success. The success can never be more than partial where tempta tion and conflict remain. As long as rum and gin shops stand open, and smell of spirits is in the air, the weak and wavering will suffer un der conflict with temptation, and often fall; physicians will tell in private increase of soli tary drinking—the worst of all ;and the “pledg ed” will be in a lower state than ever—having added perjury to their first weakness. It ap pears, from experience, that it is terrible mistake expect so serious and difficult a process as self control from such a stimulus as association in a temperance society, and thus it turned out in Maine, as elsewhere. So the Legislature was looked to, not to limit and regulate the sale of intoxicating liquors; not to institute a string ent licensing system, but to prohibit utterly the sale of intoxicating liquors for drink within the bounds of the State. Every city and town is required or permitted to appoint annually, through its municipal of ficers. an agent, who is licensed for the year,un der responsibility to the magistracy, to sell spirits for the purpose of the mechanic arts and medicine ; and. lip to this time, it appears that a sufficient supply is obtained for all such purpos es by this provision. And in every other way, the law appears to work as a prohibitory law ever does, and certainly to the benefit of socie ty within that state. A dram shop may be opened hero and there, just outside of the bound ary line ot the state ; and a citizen here and there, may import a cask of spirits, and give away the contents among those who will do him some favor in return; but these are small matters. There is a general purification—the smell is not in the air—the dram shops are not open before the eyes—the temptation does not beset the will—the struggle does not perplex and weary the brain and conscience. The so cial results are so clear that the example has been followed. Rhode Island has followed in the wake of Maine, and also has Massachusetts, with the exception of Boston, where the muni cipal authorities strong in vested interest, still hold out. The doubt was, at first, whether a law F so stringent could stand—whether the se cond year would not undo the work of the first. It appears not. Experienced American citizens believe that it would npw be impossible to get the law repealed. The first sentiment of Englishmen on hearing this story seems to be amazement that citizens will submit to such a law. They feel that there would be danger to our liberties if such a law could pass our our Parliament and throne to morrow. No doubt; but this is because we do not, as a people desire it. If the Americans were not self-governed, they would rebel sooner than admit of legisletion so stringent. But they are self-governed, and therein lies the chief interest of the whole matter. They decreed for themselves first, the universal education which disgusted them with drunkenness, and warned them to save the next generation from it ; and they next decreed, the exclusion of what they consider a physical, moral, and social poison.— It has been the act as oi a spirited man who, while disposed to resent dictation as to his per sonal habits, imposes a law’ on himself, and sub mits thus to a discipline which he would spurn if it came upon him in any other way. Our fel- i low'-citizens cannot but watch with” deep inter est the development of this very strong transa tlantic experiment. A Hint to Rising Statesmen. “One reason,” says a writer in the Boston Transcript, “why the South has almost all the Presidential nominations has been that her poli ticians are better cultivated, socially, than ours, and are making capital with the leaders, at Washington, in the drawing-room and at the dinner-table, while our Northern politicians are spending all ot their, force making long and elo- , quent speeches. There is great influence in speeches and orations, undoubtedly; but there aie times and seasons when smiles and oyster- ! sauce make a greater impression.” Elsewhere! the writer observes: “1 he true secret of Mr, Clay’s undying popularity was that his man ners were so genial and engaging that those who had once approached him never forsook him. bo, too, Mr. Calhoun’s magical influence in bouth Carolina ma\ T be traced mainly to the same cause. All who were * honored with his acquaintance always loved him. One of ©ur citizens, who happened at one time to be in Charleston, when Mr. Calhoun arrived there j from Washington, and saw’ how the citizens gathered around him, and witnessed the frank, i easy and natural manner with which all classes j saluted him and entered into conversation with ; him, without form or introduction, was quite j amazed, it was so different from anything he uic seen north.’’ The same writer “expresses ! the opinion that Daniel Webster would have I reached the 1 residential Chair,if his manner had ! been more gracious. he l , l !°T!t T ?° ke, i being asked G eorge 111. if r<ls> rep ! ied “ ] r Dot Si rms tint) Btvcixnd. * COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. * WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 20, 1853. The Supreme Court. We are amazed to find that there is an organised effort in at least two counties in the State, to abolish the Supreme Court ; and as we do not know but that this grave heresy may have some adherents in the cir cle of our influence, we feel constrained to attack it thus early and strangle the monster in its cradle. The State of Georgia, more perhaps than any other in the Union, is in need of a Court of Errors and Ap peals, and it leally amazes us to learn that any man who has a stake in the community should desire to abolish it. Our Judges hold their office for but four years, and in our variable and constantly shifting population, it is almost certain that but few of them can retain their seats for more than one term. Abolish the Supreme Court, therefore, and every four years we will be cursed with anew judge, anew code of laws, and anew ju dicial procedure. The Superior Court Judge will be supreme,Jand thelaw, instead of being sought for in vol umes of reports, must be issued fresh from the mind of every new occupant of the bench. No two lawyers, it is well known, are agreed upon hardly any difficult point of law. When, therefore, it is considered that the opinions and decisions of a superior court judge of to-day have no binding efficacy upon the judge of to morrow, the com nunity can form some opinion of the dreadful uncertainty which will necessarily rest upon titles to property, when there will be such frequent changes in the courtoflast resort, as is certain to be the case under our system, if the supreme court is abolished. It is a frequent so'-rce of complaint even now that the supreme court occasionally reverses some of its deci sions. Weimag’ne, however, that this is rarely the case, and that many of the instar ces cited to prove this point, would, upon careful examination, be found to be mere vacations of the application of a principle to suit ■new and different facts. Be this as it may, it is certain that a court composed of three who hold office for a long series of years, and which reports its deci sions in well bound calf skin covers, will be more cer tain and uniform than those of a court composed of one judge for a short period, and then of another, and an other, every four years, whose decisions ore forgotten the moment the case is decided in which they re de livered. Nor is this uncertainty a small evil. So great indeed is it, that one of the wisest and best judges that ever lived, has left it on record as his opinion, that “bad laws which were certain, were preferable to good laws which were uncertain.’’ It is a fruitful source of litiga tion ; it fills the docket with cases, and the lawyers’ pockets with fees ; but it embarrasses the transfer of property, dampens enterprise, and stops up the channels of trade. But this is not the most cogent argument against the abolition of the supreme court, though in itself it ought to be sufficient to silence every caviller. Under oar system the judge is elected directly by the people, and is compelled to ride his own circuit continuously. Now it cannot be disguised that every man has his friends and his prejudices and his affec t'ons : and that it is impossible for weak human nature not to yield more or less to such influences. Add to this the fact that our elections for judges are mixed up with the passions and animosities of political contests ; that the judge knows who voted for and who against, him ; and that he is compelled continually to pass judgments upon eases in which the pecuniary interests of his personal and political friends and enemies are in volved, and it is demonstrated that he must be more than man if he can rise above the influences by which he is surrounded and hold the scales ofjustiee with an even hand. The decisions of a court under such cir cumstances cannot be respected by unfortunate lit'x gents the law will be brought into contempt, and its mandates, instead of being cheerfully and willingly obey ed by a contented community, will be resisted or evaded, and society will suffer all the dreadful evils which curse a semi-barbarous people. Under our present system, 1 the errors into which the superior judge is led by fa vor and affection, or passion and prejudice, are carefully put on record by learned counsel, and are referred to the three judges of the supreme court, who, far removed Jro.n the parties, their prejudices and strifes, enter upon their investigation with unclouded minds, and decide as to law and equity shall appertain. We do not pretend that their decisions are always right. The attribute of unerring wisdom appertains to God alone. But we do insist that they are more likely to be, right than those of the judge of the superior court can be surrounded as he necessarily is, by so many circum stances adverse to a full, fair and impartial decision. It is objected to the supreme court that it imposes the necessity for increased taxation upon the people ! The argument is so contemptible that we would not notice it, if it were not seriously urged by a very res pectable meeting of our fellow citizens. In reply, we have only to say, that the citizen has a right to demand of the state “sure and speedy justice,” and if it be once established that the supreme court is necessary to this result, he lies a right to demand it, even though it in creased the burthen of taxation four-fold But the ad ditional tax is so small that no man feels it, and would not turn on his heel to get lid of it. We will not pretend that our present judicial sys tem is by any means perfect. The court ought to be made stationary so as to be able to command the use of the best authorities and more time ought to be given for decision after a cause is argu and. In this reform we will cheerfully co-operate. We have not time to elaborate these points now. AVe may refer to them again here after. SET The Vice President of the United States, Mr. King, was this morning carried on a bed to the steam boat Cuba, by which he will be conveyed to his home in the interior. There was, we learn, r,o sign of improvement in his condition. —Mobile Tribune 14 tli inst. Gov. Foote has revoked his proclamation ordering j the election of five members of Congress by the people ! of the State at large, and has issued another proelarna- ’ tion, ordering an election for a member from each of ! the four districts, in accordance with the act of 1846‘ and one—the fifth, or additional member under the new apportionment—by the people of the State at large, as provided for by the act of 1850. The newly appointed U. S. District Attorney for New Mexico is a native Mexican, who, after beiug educated j iu the United States, practised law with considerable success in St. Louis, Mo. So he is a capital selection. Mr. Rives, the United States Minister in France, has tendered his resignation to Gen. Pierce. Bunker Hill Monument Struck by Lightning. The Bunker Hill Monument was twice struck by lightning, on Wednesday afternoon, during the thunder storm. Fortunately the lightning was drawn to the rod, and probably has done no damage to the structure. Per sons who were in the monument at the time were con siderably alarmed at the concussion, and “thought the monument was going over.” The bottom of one of tne rods where it entered the earth, “ was slightly melted ; and a gentleman near the top, who was passing down and holding by the rail, received a shock from which ho did not recover entirely for a couple of hours. The second shock, Mr. Goodenow says, sounded like the crash of a large quantity of glass thrown down the in side of the monument. — Aurora. Mrs. Tyler's letter in Ireland. —At the recent cele bration of St. Patrick’s day in Dublin, Rev. Dr. Cahill thus enthusiastically expressed himself with regard to ; Mrs. Julia Gardiner Tyler : “1 long to stand in the presence of the patriot, the accomplished Mrs. Tyler, and the incomparable ladies of America, that I may 7 offer to them the deep homage ; of m3 7 grateful heart—that I may present to them the j respect and enthusiasm of the people of Ireland for the ! withering chastisement they have inflicted on the sain- I ted cruelty of the Duchess of Sutherland, and for the ; graceful dignity with which they have exposed the well ! meaning hypocrisy of her noble committee.” A Bobber Chief in Cuba. —A late letter from Ila -1 vana to the New Orleans Delta, says : “I have to inform you that news has been received I from the country, that a famous robber called “El Man co,” that is, One-armed, is causing quite a consterna | tion. lie is at the head of upwards of a hundred j men, and is setting all at defiance, killing the Spaniards | in all directions.” | Temperance in Indiana. —New Albany city and township have voted against license by a majority of 407. Indianapolis has voted against license by a ma jority of 196. Lafayette has voted against license by a majority of 261. Rushville has voted against license by a majority of 65. Evansville lias voted for license by a majority of 219. New burg has voted against li cense by a large majority. Soil of the South. —We have received the April number of this valuable agricultural paper. We no tice among the articles a premium essay on Agricultural Education. It is a valuable article and should be widely read, particularly by the planting community of the south. It is filled with instruction and useful hints to the planter. No farmer should be without this ex cellent paper.— Mobile Tribune. Soil of the South for April. —This number of this invaluable agricultural paper is filled, as usual, with useful, practical and most interesting articles. No one, after a while, who pretends to cultivate the soil, will be without this paper.— Montgomery Advertiser. Gold Discovered in Texas. —Rich Gold deposits have been discovered in the streams and gullies west of the Colorado river. Texas. Many persons are now working them at a fair profit. Lola Montez. —Lola Montez, charged by the stage manager of the Varieties with assault and battery, had a hearing to-day before the Recorder, and was bound over to appear at the next sitting of the Criminal Court for trial. The Maine Law. —Rhode Island, Connecticut, Ver mont, Maine, Massachusetts and Minnesota have all given popular majorities against the sale of ardent spirits. Fifth District. —A communication ;n the Dalton Times mentions Col. Lewis Tumlin, as a suitable can | didate for Congress, in the Fifth District, Appointment. —Denison, of,South Carolina, has been | installed as Chief Clerk of the Census Office at Wash i mg ton. | - Awful Murder. — Boston, April 11.—An awful murder was committed at Fall River, on Saturday even : ing. A man named John Murphy seized his wife, and after tying both her hands and feet, poufed oil of vitriol down her throat, burning her to death. Whaling by Electricity. —Mr. 11. Uichten, of Bre men, the inventor of the process of killing whales by ! electricity, has arrived at New Bedford, from a whal ing cruise upon the north-west coast, during which he is said to have successfully tested his invention. M e learn by a telegraphic dispatch to the Charles ton Courier , that George S. Walden, of Centre, Chero kee county, has been appointed United States Attor ney for the Northern District of Alabama, vice Jes- j ferson F. Jackson, of this city, removed. The Democrats of Carroll county have held a meet ing, approved of the sentiments of President Pierce’s Inaugural, and appointed delegates to a State Conven- ; tion, with instructions to support Gen. Haralson for ! Governor. Mr. Soule. JTlie dispatch to the New Orleans Picayune from Baton Rouge, where the Louisiana legis lature is in session, says : “Much sensation has been created among the politicians here by the receipt of the news of Mr. Soule’s appointment as Minister to Spain. There are about a dozen candidates for his place in the Senate.” We believe that generally the politicians look with a sort of envy on the preferment of Mr. Soule This results in a measure from his for eign birth ; but more in consequence of the pe culiar dignity of character which he possesses. Mr. Soule has some of the qualities of our older statesmen. He will not stoop too low for self-respect. We think the appointment is a most excellent one. It will be good for the country ; first, be cause Mr. Soule understands better than most of our home bred men the duplicities of foreign diplomacy. He spent his early life in opposing the dynastic corruptions of Europe, and saw into their sources and habitudes with his own eyes. But he is sensitive on the question of slavery, and has fathomed some of the necessities and proclivities of the institution. No sounder man on the subject can be found in the country. We only fear that he may carry his convictions too resolutely into bis practice, when, perhaps, a lit tle stratagem would be useful. At this particular time, and if the last news from Spain be true—that England has prevail ed on that Government to emancipate its slaves-^ this mission will be of vast importance—requir ing watchfulness, wisdom, knowledge, sound ness of conviction and earnest resoluteness of Durpose. These qualities—or most of them— we think, are in the possession of Mr. Soule. [Mobile Tribune. A Political Judiciary. A short editorial which we published some time since against the policy of making party nominations for the responsible office of Judge, has, we are informed, cre ated some dissatisfaction among a portion of our party friends, and has caused us to lose one or two highly esteemed subscribers. We have deemed it prudent to remain silent heretofore on the subject, and give the public mind time to cool before ‘we entered upon our defense. Hoping that the time has now arrived, we earnestly appeal to every right minded man, to read and carefully meditate upon this short article before he finally makes up his opinion upon this subject. We will be allowed to preface what we have to say with a few operations upon the position and duty of an Editor in respect to his party and his country. Ilis first allegiance is due to his country ; he cannot there fore do any thing which would injuriously affect the people, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in bis pow er to prevent it, without committing treason against his native land ; and this treason is aggravated bv the ele vated position he occupies. No matter how mean and low an Editor may be, he has an influence of no or dinary character. Thousands on thousands, weekly read what he writes, and in spite of themselves, imbibe his sentiments and opinions. He enters the houses of his patrons with the smile and receives the welcome of a friend. Their wives and children are introduced to his acquaintance, and he is permitted to .hold familiar intercourse with them. lie ought therefore to be an honest and true man. If he be such, he will approve what he thinks right, and condemn what he thinks wrong. There is no alternative, and what is wrong in itself is not made right because it is endorsed by his party. In respect to the Judiciary, it has long been our solemn conviction that the prosperity, happiness and freedom of the people were in their keeping. AVe have seen the baleful influence of a corrupt Judiciary upon the morals of a community; under it, crime went unpunished, life became insecure, the good and indus | trious citizen trembled under the anger of the dissolute and vagabond, until, outraged by the grossest perversion of justice, the community arose in their might, and as serted the supremacy of law, God forbid that our i eyes should ever look upon the like again ! AYlien the angry passions of men once break loose from the re straints of law, there is no limit to their violence, but the freaks of their leaders ; and life, prosperity, and all else that men hold dear are held at the sufferance of a mob ! A corrupt Legislator is an intolerable curse, but he is but one among many, and his evil machinations may bo counteracted by the purity and patriotism of his as sociates. But a Judge reigns supreme in the Court House ; from his decisions there is in many cases no appeal ; and the hopeless victims of his tyranny, injus tice, and corruption are robbed or murdered at his pleasure. AVliere so much is at stake, it is a crime to consult party expediency. We cannot ask ourselves whether a candidate for this high office bo whig or democrat. Is he honest ? is he capable ? yea ; then a gootLcilizon is bound by the most sacred obligations to vote for him. Is he dishonest ? is he incapable ? yea ; then a patriotic man cannot vote for him even if his re fusal is at the sacrifice of his life. There are duties higher than the obligations to party ; there are interests more sacred than party triumphs; and when party j calls upon a citizen to betray them, it forfeits its claims 1 to respect, and prostitutes its powers to corruption. Upon this general survey we might rest our defense ; and would do so in perfect confidence that our motives | and conduct would bo appreciated and approved by an j honest people ; but that we desired to call attention to !an article upon this important subject which w t o find in | that sterling Democratic Journal, the Southern Stan \ dard, published in Columbus, Miss. In it, our position sustained, and the deplorable evils which will in | evitably flow from an attempt to drag our Judicial sys | tern into the political arena, are exhibited with a force, ! and power, and truthfulness which cannot fail to carry ! conviction to every candid mind. [From the Southern (Columbus, Miss.) Standard. ] A POLITICAL JUDICIARY. The question of making our Judicial system of election of Judges and District Attorneys a political issue, has been boldly announced in this State. It has been recommended to tne Democratic party of Mississippi, in the year of our Lord, 1853, that the “true policy is to sub mit the question as to who shall be the candi date, to the arbitrament of a fairly constituted Convention of the party”—that is, who shall be candidates for Judges, District Attorneys, &c. We shall meet this question at the threshhold, and while we have a voice to raise against it, and a hand capable of writing a lino in opposi tion to it, both shall he exercised to crush now, and we hope forever, every attempt to bring the Judicial Bench and the Bar into the arena of politics, it becomes every man who desires an independent Judiciary—one of talent and learn ing, one above the caprice of the times, the whim of a party majority, and above and be yond all, free from the leprosy and corruptions j of party and the influence of the party dema- | gogue—and yet, more independent of the ma lign .slang, the wit and the passion of a mere party press—we say, that it becomes those who desire an elevated Judiciary, to crush while they may, the attempt to drag our Judicial system into the political arena. iSo one dare go beyond us in relying upon ! the wisdom and patriotism of the people. We i believe they intend to do right, and the history | of Republics prove that when left to themselves ! and their own good sense, that they have with j a sagacity as clear as it vas methodical, em ployed the very means designed by a higher than earthly wisdom apparently, to work out a result best adapted to their necessities. It is on ly when the voice of the consummate political bant is heard in their counsels, that they are liable to sieze upon the plausible, and usually dangerous systems, and are, by them, betrayed into errors, which lor years after they are only enabled to rid themselves of, by patient labor and suffering. Fhis question of Political Judi cial elections, has some points to commend it to party approbation, but none to those who look beyond its immediate influence upon party. Vv e are told that our opponents concentrate up on the man who represents theii opinions, and, uuder the specious cry of no-Partyisni, draw off 1 rom the Democracy votes enough to defeat .he Democrat and elect the Whig. If this proven anything, it shows that even, now, our judicial elections are too much the subjects of bargain, and that instead of drawing them still further into the vortex of party sound sense and an enlightened patriotism, would endeavor to separate the Judicial from the Political election by a distance still wider. The legislature has on several occasions attempted this, but the party press, fearing that one of its levers was to he stricken away, was either sullen or silent, and hencethe people were uninformed of the real issue. But now we have the question sprung in di rect form, and we are deliberately recommen ded to nominate by conventions, our candidates for Judges, District Attorneys, &c. This, and we call upon the people to note it, is to be a Party move. The Judge is to be selected by the Convention because he is a party man! lie is dependent upon Party for an election, and must, of course, administer the law according to the party usage. Alone responsible to Ins party for bis conduct, he is wholly beyond ob ligation to the minority, and as a partisan, he must mete to the opponents of his party, no more justice than the interests of the majority would seem to warrant. If told that this is pushing the system to extremes, we answer truly that it is ; but we ask, when was the time in the history of men that they have, as a peo ple, voluntarily abnegated a power they posses sed, or where they have yielded profitable pow er, without an equivalent? If told that this ex treme is not what is desired, we answer, well, it may not be, but then, these are the recorded results, whenever and wherever the Judiciary has been dragged into the arena of Politics.— England, on three occasions, has been cursed with a political Judiciary ; Poor Ireland, the land of patriotism and eloquence, is now wading through the coercive rule of a Political Judicia ry. Franco has drawn from that fountain its bitter waters on thirteen different occasions, and up to this hour, its Judiciary system is a mockery and a curse. Rome, once the metro polis of the world, paid tribute in blood through several centuries for her Political Judiciary.— Almost every State of which we have historical record furnishes damning proofs against a Po litical Judiciary. It is natural for men to incline towards those with whom they agree either in politics or re ligion in almost every controversy 7 . It is still more natural for men to incline towards those to whom they are indebted for position and honorable power. And it must be a master mind, encircled with a moral power far b ■ yotid that with which most men are endowed, capable of rising above both the natural incli nations of friendship, and the prejudices of Par ty. We know how stubborn these prejudi ces are : how implacable these hatreds become. The constant irritation but adds to them, and the abrasion of time removes but little, if any, ot the cankering rusts which grow but to ex tend deeper their poison. Shall we then, look ing at this question, not as one narrowed down within the horizon illumined by mere party lights, but as one affecting the masses, as operating upon humanity, not for the hour, but as reaching into a distant future, bo de nounced when we say mat no human re straints, howsoever ingenious they may be, can prevent a Political Judiciary from working wrong and oppression, when based upon Par ty success? The ancient maxims of Justice and Law; the precedents which time, and the wisdom ot the civilized world have stamped as genuine; and even the statutes of the hour, would all be warped to meet the demands of a partisan controversy. Instead of entering the Halls ot Equity 7 , the litigants would he dragged betore a political forum, and instead of deeistons of Law, we should have profound analysis upon political jurisprudence, and learn ed opinions upon the rights of majorities syn thesised. This is inevitable. W e shall be told that no Judge could retain his seat against the tide of indignation such conduct would conjure up. H ere lies the fa tal error. No J udge would step from the law pre cedents into the charmed circle of political pre cedents. He but inclines at first in that direc tion. Every man of reading and reflection knows the rest. The path to a political despot ism is stepped by inches, arid y 7 et there is time enough in tour generations, to i\ach a maximum ot evil sufficient, which i! opeited at once, to arouse a spirit of rebellion. It is the single drop ot water that destroys the stoiiv, so is it, by steps cautiously made, that the right* of mi norities as well as the freedom of majorities, are sapped. But the political Judge seeks the ap plause ot party 7 more than the serenity of mi approving conscience. His judicial existence hangs upon the capr ice of party, and he hugs the sy 7 ren that showers upon his head honors. Party is the Deity he worships, and no incense is so sweet in his nostrils as the ground-swell of the multitude. What if his decisions are not according to precedents? If statutes have been warped, and I Equity been smothered? The Judge is but a j man, and he is the organ not of Justice, but- ot Party. 11 is errors, if errors there be, together , with all his usurpations, belong to party, aiul party is responsible for them. He has read the | annals of men to but little purpose, who has tailed to learn that unbridled power is fatal to its possessors, and that least of all is it tolerable where the responsibility, the whole check upon it excess, is destroyed by the number among whom it is div ided. The judge is but the exponent of Party, and bis sins, if he sins in the direction ot party interests, are the common property of p sr ” ty and are divided among the many. L ve1 ’ little whelp of Party, feels both honored an a dignified'by being permitted to de fender of the dirty acts of party. >—** Associated numbers mav do with impunity th*w which would sink the individual in the depths' 1 deep that the hand of resurrection would new; reach him. W hatever is done in the name <>> and for party, and is adopted by party, simple division among numbers, of the labor o the individual; and if the labor is but the propago tion of evil, the individual is but the recipi ent °‘ partisau gratitude and adulation just in prop’ tion as he may have been abused and tradm 1 by the opposition. Is this Natural History, <- u the ravings of a disordered fancy ? * There is no great national railway to freed o any more than there is to Paradise. ft ls patient exertion and progressive additions 10 their influence, that freedom is acquired b\ 1