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A Romantic Life. Obituary notices have nearly monopolized our pen of’ late. There are fe v eras in our his tory which have been marked by so many deaths of prominent individuals, as the last three months. In our obituary columns, to-day, will be louud . another addition to the list of remarkable de- | ceased, in the death of Madame Zulime Oar- j dette, the mother of Dr. Gardette, of this city, and of Mrs. Myra (’lark Gaines. She died in this city, at the residence of her son, Dr. Gardette, at the advanced age of seventy eight years. This lady was the heroine of that intensely interesting romance in real life, which was developed in the celebrated lawsuit of Mrs. Gaines. Her maiden name was Zulime Carriere. She was horn in the old French colony of Biloxi. Her parents were emigrants from the land of poetry and romance—the favorite home of the Troubadours-- Provence. The blood of the Gipsy race, which, in the early days of Louisi ana, settled along our sea-coast, and whose ; lovely daughters were the special objects of the admiration and love of the gallant French cav sdiers who established the first colonies, mingled with that of the poetic Provencal. From sueh a stock, it is not remarkable that Zulime Car riere should have derived extraordinary person al beauty. The charms of herself and her three sisters, were universal themes ol admiration in the colon vof Louisiana. ’The warm and geni al climate, and luxurious atmosphere of the sea shore, iipened thesecharms into full maturity at a very early age. Zulime had hardly emerged into her teens, before her hand was sought by numerous suitors The succeesful aspirant gained bis point, as Claude Melnotte in Bul wer’s play did, —by bolding an imaginary coro net, or other insignia of nobility, before the eyes of a beautiful, but unsuspecting girl of thirteen. She was caught by the glittering bait. The Frenb nobleman soon dwindled into a confec tioner, and, what was worse, a married man, who had never been divorced. He was arres ted and tried by an ecclesiastical court in this city, for bigamy,—was convicted and sentenced to be punished, but afterwards escaped, and was no more heard of. Thus ended Zulime’s rela tion with Jerome De Grange. Pending this proceeding, and after the discove ry of De Grange’s previous marriage, there grew up an intimacy between Zulime and Daniel Clark, then a leading man, in this colony, a dashing, whole souied Irishman, reported to be very wealthy,—of popular character and agree able manners. Clark was just the gallant, chiv alrous man to espouse the cause of an unpro tected and wronged woman. It is said—hut as from this point starts the protracted litigation which has recently enga ged so much of the time and attention of our courts, we must be understood as giving the version related by the deceased lady herself and her friends—that Clark having met Zulime in Philadelphia, and satisfied himself as to the ex istence of De Grange’s bigamy, and the conse quent nullity of his marriage with Miss Carriere, promptly offered In • ..is hand and heart, butsug gested the prudence of keeping their marriage secret, until they could complete the proof of De Grange’s crime. They were then married. Os this marriage but ono witness was living when the suit was brought by Mrs. Gaines, and that was the sister of Zulime. But there were corroborating circumstances upon which the proof of the reality of such a connection was rested. After her marriage to Clark, in 1802, Zulime returned to New Orleans, to take further legal proceedings to invalidate, or rather au thenticate, the illegality of the marriage with De Grange. A suit was brought for this purpose in the civil courts of the Territory, and judgment was obtained against De Grange. In the mean time, Clark had advanced in years and honors. The gallant youth of 1802, had become the am bitious politician and millionaire. As the popu lar man of a powerful party, he was sent aMele gate of the Territory to Congress. Here lie soon forgot the poor Creole girl, and he began to meditate a more brilliant marriage connec tion, The object of this aspiration was the lovely Miss Canton of Maryland, a grand-daugh ter of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, who after wards become Marchioness of Wellesley. She was a great belle, and Clark’s fine manners and wealth, no doubt, rendered him quite a desi rable match, for so brilliant and accomplished a beauty. They were engaged ; but some stories of his enemies caused a sudden termination of their relations. On hearing of his courtship of Miss Canton, the unfortunate Zulime again went to Philadelphia to procure proofs of her marriage with Clark. But alas ! Clark, it was alleged, un der the influence of a reckless ambition, had made way with those proofs, and poor Zulime again found herself the victim of man’s treachery. In a feeling of desertion and helplessness, alone among strangers, whose languge and habits were foreign to her, she accepted the hand of Dr. Gar dette, who generously and magnanimously, re lying on her truth and sincerity, united his fate and fortune with hers. From that period her life ! flowed smoothly on in the discharge of her du ties as a wife and mother. Shortly after her marriage with Gardette, i Clark had suffered his severe rebuff from the lovely Miss Caton. In a spirit of true penitence, he hurried to Philadelphia, saw Zulime, and de- i dared his determination to*proclaim their mar- j riage. But it was too late. She informed him that she was Mrs. Gardette. Clark was deeply distressed at this, and exhibited a sincere peni tence. He sought to atone for his desertion of the mother, by kindness to the daughter, who was born in 1806, of this secret marriage. ‘Phis was Myra Clark. She was placed in charge of an intimate friend of Clark, Colonel Davis, who raised and educated her as his own daughter. It was not until she had reached maturity, that Myra discovered the secret of her history. Since then, as Mrs. Whitney and as Mrs. Gaines, she has prosecuted her claim to the property of Daniel Glark, as his lawful heir, with a zeal, earnestness and energy, which have rarely been equaled in the annals of litigation. The diffi culty has been to establish the marriage between Zulime and Daniel Clark. Certainly, a mys tery has long hung over this case, which only the dead could rise from their graves, and satis., factorily determine. Ihe once lovely Zulime, pissing through so many reverses and misfortunes, returned, in her old age, to New Orleans—her old home—and passed a peaceful and happy life, in the family of her son, respected and beloved for her many virtues. She died at the age of seventy-eight, the youngest of her family—two of her sisters having attained their ninetieth year, a longevity common to the old inhabitants of Louisiana, and particularly of those horn on our sea-coast. N. O. Delta.] flimtz BmimtL COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. _ SATURDAY EVENING, SEPT. 24, 1853. FOR GOVERNOR: 11ERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, OF BALDWIN. FOR CONGRESS: Ist. DISTRICT JAMES L. SEWARD. lid. DISTRICT A. H. COLQUITT. Hid. DISTRICT DAVID J. BAILEY. lVth. DISTRICT W. B. W. DENT. ; Vth. DISTRICT E. W. CHASTAIN. VIItICDISTRICT THOS. P. SAFEOLD. Vlllth DISTRICT J. J. JONES. MUSCOGEE COUNTY NOMINATIONS. FOR SENATE, JOSEPH STURGIS. FOR REPRESENTATIVES, ALEXANDER MoDOUGALD, MARTIN J. CRAWFORD. The Public Lands—Bennett’s Bill—Position f James Johnson. According to promise we resume the consideration of the Congressional career of Hon. James Johnson. The publio lands of the United States are an im mense possession. They are a publio mine which far ex ceeds in richness “the wealth ofOrinus or of Ind.” The great body of the publio lands now owned by the United States were obtained by cession from Virgina, by pur chase from France and by war with, and purchase from, Mexico. The cession by Virginia w;.s made with di rect reference to the payment of the debt contracted during the Revolutionary war 5 there is, however, but a comparatively small portion of this magnificent domain now in possession of the United States. The great bulk of the publio lands were ohtained by pur chase and war ; the purchase money was taken from the publio treasury ; the treasury was filled by taxes on imports, of which the South paid much more than her proportionate share. It would seem, therefore, that equity and good faith required that the proceeds of the sales of the public lands shall be return ed into the treasury, so that the burthens of taxation, which bear so unequally upon the South, might be re duced, and the publio debt discharged, which was con tracted in their acquisition. The constitution gives no power to Cou rcee othoi* than to sell or dispose of the public lands. The money, therefore, accruing from the sale of them, is like any other money in the treasury, and can only be appro priated to the carrying out such powers as the consti tution confers upon Congress. No man or party has ever claimed for Congress the power to build Rail roads, or to support schools in the States by the appro priation of money out of the treasury ; there is no such power in the constitution 5 sueh a use of the public money would be a gross abuse of power, so clearly un constitutional as to shock the common understanding. And if Congress has no power to appropriate money, then clearly it has no power to appropriate the public lands for this object; as we have clearly shown that it has no other power over them than to sell them. There has been an exception made to this limitation in new States ; but it rests upon the assumption that a grant of a small portion for public improvements would increase the value and facilitate the sale of the ballance, and thus the public treasury, in the end, would be the ] fuller by the operation. We are now prepared to enter into the merits of Bennett’s Bill. W’hat is Bennett’s Bill? We an swer ; It was a Bill introduced into the House of Repre sentatives on the A. D. 1851, by Mr. Bennett, of New York, to give to Missouri, three millions of acres of public lands, to Alabama and lowa, three hundred thousand, to Michigan, twenty-five hundred thou sand, to Wisconsin, do., to Louisiana do., to Mississippi, two hundred thousand, to Florida, do., to Arkansas, three millions, to California, three millions, to Illinois, one million of acres, in all twenty-seven million of neres, of the public domain, and worth, at five dol lars an acre, one hundred and thirty-five millions ; of dollars, to be used in building Railroads in these | States ; and also to give to Indiana one million of acres, and all the public land remaining in its limits, ! and to Ohio two millions of acres, and all the publio j land remaining in its limits, and to each and every oth er State in the Union, except Texas, one hundred and : fifty thousand acres of land for every Senator and Rep resentative they had in the 3*2d Congress ; and one hundred and fifty thousand acres to every organised Territory in the United States, and a like amount to the District of Columbia —an amount of money almost incalculable—to be appropriated to the support of schools in their respective limits. There are other clauses in the Bill, but they relate to the manner of locating the lands, and selling the game <fcc., and are not germaiu to the matter in land. For this Bill —this monster Bill—your Representative, fellow citizens, the Hou. James Johnson, voted as you will see be referring to vol. 24, page 1626, Congres sional Globe; yes he voted to give away for Railroad and school purposes about sixty millions of publio do main, worth, at 5 dollars an acre, the immense sum of three hundred millions of dollars ; thereby increasing the taxes to that amount in the end, and committing the Federal Government, by indirection, to a gigantic scheme of Internal Improvement unparalleled in magnitude in the annals of Legislation. If Mr. Johnson were asked if he would oonsent to take three hundred millions of money out of the Trea sury, and give it to the States, for the purpose of buil ding Railroads and establishing schools, he would con sider himself insulted. He is opposed to Internal Im provements by the General Government! But where is the difference between taking money out of the Treasu ry for this purpose and appropriating the public domain, which when sold, will put that- much money in the treasury, and lessen in that proportion the burthen of taxation ? We have already shown that the Bill is un constitutional. And let no man undervalue this ob jection. The constitution is the charter of our liberties, and the bond of union. Trample it under foot, and the last barrier which shields the South from the despotic tyrany of a fanatical majority, at the North, will be bro ken down, and the South be left to all the horrors of 3 false philanthropy, or to the defense of their own right arms. This is a fatal objection to the Bill and leaves Mr. Johnson without excuse for supporting it. But not only is the Bill unconstitutional —it is impo litic and ruinous to the highest and best interests of the United States. The distinguishing characteristic of our system of Government is, that the States are independent and sovereign ; and afford convenient and organized bodies through which resistance to Federal tyrany may be effectually made, whenever lust of power shall betray the Federal Government into an abuse of its authority. This is indeed the great conservative feature in our Government —the feature which saves us, alike, from the alternate oppression of anarchy, and of des potism, to which all other Republican Governments are exposed. It is therefore of the last importance to pre serve the sovereignty aud independence of the States. The perpetuity of Union, and the happiness, and pros perity of the people alike demand this. Against the independence of the States this monstrous Bill aims an effectual and deadly blow. It offers a bribe to submission to the unconstitutional action of the Federal Government. As it is with a man, so it is with a State ; make him a benefieiency and you rob him of his independence. By placing the States in the attitude of beueficieneie6 to the Federal power, Ben nett’s land bill places them in the inferior position of dependents ; elevates the Federal Government over the States ; and thus destroys the best safeguards to popu lar liberties. These a great and fundamental objections to the Bill. But there are many others equally solid.— Our theory of Government is that, ‘‘that is the best Government which governs least.’’ Wo look to the Federal Government for protection from foreign aggression, and from domestic violence, and to the States and the people for everything else. They must subdue the primitive forest, build roads, erect schools and colleges, and all the other appliances of a high civilization. In this respect we are a peculiar people. The despot isms of the old world have much more splendid systems than ours. Their armies, their navies, their Govern ment schools, roads, and other public works, are much more magnificent than ours, but their misfortune is, that all that is done, is effected by the Government. Our system is different. Theirs exalts the Government, ours exalts the people. By doing every thing, their Governments leave the people nothing to do. They are, therefore, unenterprising, uneducated, vicious and slaves. By doing but little our Government forces the people to do every thing. They are, therefore, enter prising, educated, and free, and under their care this western wild has bloomed and blossomed like the rose. Bennett's Bill proposes to change this system—to take all public enterprises out of the hands of the States and people, and give them over to the care of the Federal power. The result of this policy is apparent — America will be turned back from her high career, and be made to follow -jn the wake of European despotism. The excuse for all these evils is, that the public lands are a sourco of corruption, and endless strifes in Congress. They are so, simply because unfaithful men are attempt ing to divert them from their legitimate purposes. Sell them, and put the money in the treasury, and all these corruptions aud Buifve win But if the public lauds are now a source of corruption, it is confined to Con gress. The State Legislature at least are left pure.— But once place in llu-ir hands the disposition of millions of publio money, as Bennett’s Bill propose to do, and how long will it be before this flood of corruption, which is now confined to Congress, will innundate the whole land, and spread its contaminating influences to the furthest corner of the Republic ? The proud State of Georgia spurns this corrupt bribe. She is competent to the fulfillment of her own high duties, independent of the corrupting aid of the Federal Government. By her own capital and energy, she has intersected her extremest borders with a net work of Railroads, whioh challenges the admiration of her confederate States. Colleges and schools dot her surface, and she only waits the proper moment to place the means of education at every man’s door. She is a great, sovereign and inde pendent State, and will acknowledge herself the men dicant of no power on earth, by entering into the dis graceful scramble for its offal. This greatness, this sovereignty, this independence, the Hon. James John son has done all in his power to destroy, by giving his vote for Bennett’s Land Bill* Thank God, there were Republicans enough in Congress to defeat the monster, and strangle it in its cradle. No doubt the honorable gentleman will attempt to excuse himself by pointing to the names of other men who voted with him for the Bill. They are not candidates before us for office. We have nothing to do with them. Let them answer before their own constituents ; let him an swer before his, for this outragious attempt to make the State of Georgia subsidiary to the Federal Government No doubt he will insultingly ask if we are opposed to Rail Roads and Schools? No, we are not; but we choose to build our own Roads and establish our own Schools, and are in favor of other States doing the same. No doubt, he will assert that the new States will grab the publio domain, and thus deprive us of our share in it. It is his business to prevent this by seeing to it, that it is sold, and the proceeds put into the common treasury. The theme is inexhaustible, but we have said enough to prove that the Hon. James Johnson, in voting for Bennett’s land Bill, has shown himself un worthy of a seat, on the floor of Congress, from the proud State of Georgia, which ehoses to be the equal and not the beneficiary of the Government of the U. States. We have but room to add, that if this monstrous bill ever becomes a law, and sixty millions of land are forced upon the market, that large corporate companies and bloated capitalists will become the purchasers, and thus the public domain, instead of being a reserve, for the benefit of the poor of the land, at one dollar and a quarter per acre, will be converted into the means of building up the fortunes of rapacious speculators, who, having a monopoly of wild land, will fix their own price upon it. The Conservative party of Mclntosh county have nom inated Randolph Spalding, Esq ~ for the Senate, and Capt. Edward Bird, for the House of Representatives, in the next Legislature. Death of another Methodist Preacher. Rev. J. W. Starr, another preacher of the Metho dist Church, being the third this year, died in Mobile Ala. September 20th. He was buried an the 21st in stant. Death of Capt. Wiltberger. —Capt. P. Wiltber ger, proprietor of the Pulaski House, Sav., died in Brook lyn, R. 1., on Thursday, ‘22d. inst. Savannah and Pensacola Railroad. —The Council of Savannah have appropriated one million dollars towards the construction of the Savannah and Pensacola Railroad. Dix, Vroom and Brown. These three names have figured very conspicuously in the Conservative press in Georgia. Whenever proof has been demanded that Pierce has appointed free soilers to office, the reply has always been “Dix, Vroom and Brown.’’ Dix and Brown have had a hearing in our columns. Brown always voted against the free soilers ; Dix always opposed the abolitionists, and though he voted for the Wiltnot Proviso he also voted for the annexation of Texas, and the consequent spread of slavery in the United States. We now have an explicit denial from a whig paper in New York, that Vroom is a free soiler. The New York limes a very able and influential whig paper, gives to Mr. Toombs a rebuke for his inconsiderate denunciation of Dix, Vroom and the President. It says : “ Mr. Toombs does less than justice to three very respect able gentlemen in this paragraph. “1. To Hon. John A. Dix, who, in his letter to Dr. Garvin, has most explicitly declared himself a foe to aboli tionism ; a friend to the Compromise ; and upon the whole, a more strict constructionist than Mr. Toombs himsell. “2. To Hon. Peter I). Vroom, who has in no instance, through a consistent political life, exhibited the slightest partiality for Garrison and his creatures. Baltimore never contrived a platform so awkward aud shapeless that Mr. Vroom hesitated to mount it. fie clave to Geueral Case in 1848; advocated the Compromise, both before and after its passage; and lent the whole force of his character and name to repress the spirit of opposition, as manifest in the first instance, in New Jersy as anywhere else. No man less properly merits the name Mr. Toombs lends him. “3. To the President, who is thus acquitted of appoint ing any other abolitionists than such as may be included under ‘the examples not given and should accordingly be discharged, cleared.” Now, let it be distinctly understood that neither Dix, Vroom, or Brown are any favorites of ours ; we do not endorse them ; we would have preferred that office had not been given to them ; we insist, however, that they are less free soilers than Webster, Fillmore, Corwin, Hubbard, and Meridith ; aud that the Conservative party is guilty of the greatest inconsistency in denoun cing Pierce, for giving them minor offices, when they voted for a worse Freesoiler for President of the United States. Rebuke the Administration. One of the candidates of the Conservative party in this county having urged the election of Chas. J. Jen kins, upon the ground that it would rebuke the Ad ministration for making Freesoil appointments, we pub lish with the consent of the author, the following let ter as a reply. It was addressed to the Mass meet ing of the Democracy at Kingston ; and is a very able, interesting communication. Read and digest it before and voting, and then perhaps you will think Mr. Jenkins ought to be rebuked for his love of Freesoilers instead of Mr. Pierce. Columbus, Sept. sth 1853. Gentlemen: I yesterday received your circular of the 26th ult., and thank you kindly for the invitation to your meeting at Kingston. Allow me to be frank in expressing my dissent to your proposition, that the other party are de seiting their former principles and adopting our own ; they have neither changed their principles nor adopted ours ; if sueh was the fact, the whig party being extinct by their own resolve and public declaration, there could exist no neces sity for anew organization; but, notwithstanding their pro fessions, it is “ the same old coon ” in anew dress, under the name of “conservative,” that is continuing the war upon the true democracy of the State. Thejprinciples of this party are the same as ever ; how can it be otherwise when it is principally composed of the same men, who for years have been fighting under ilie brood federal banner of Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster ; a party which never regard ed the sovereignty of the States, or the rights of the States of sufficient weight to resist a bare majority in Congress; a party which bows to the will of a majority, as their prac tical constitution ; a Southern party, which, from the time of its formation in 1840, has sung poeans on all occasions to the success of Federal encroachments upon the rights of the South ; a party which in times of need, and in the hour of trial, joined the North in denying to tho South its consti tutional right to an equal participation in the newly ac quired territories ; a party which not only submitted to the order of northern fanaticism to lower our standard of equal ity, but with ruthless hands aided in pulling it down, de nouncing us who tried to keep our gallant colors flying, as traitors to our country ; a party which were engaged in tu multuously rolling over even the States of the South, an electioneering ball with the invidious and significant inscrip tions of “Massachusetts— ever faithful” —“South Caroli na—hemp for traitors This party placed the law of Mexico, (a conquered country) above their constitution, and revelled in their low, vulgar, and disgusting adulation of the partizan politicians, whose genius, extraordinary tal ant, and superior information had enabled them to make the great discovery that the law of Mexico overrides the American Constitution !! ! No matter how great may have been the errors of the democracy, this “ same old coon ” sometimes whig, and sometimes “conservative,” has been uniformly opposed to all practical vindication of the rights and equality of the South ; they have submitted to partial and unjust legislation, and actually aided their northern al lies in all acts of oppression upon the South, until from habit and association they became so submissive as to de clare that the South, (their own people) had no right to en ter California with their slaves, and that a majority in Con gress had the constitutional power to proscribe slavery from the territories. And it is this party, which has unbal anced the government, and reduced the South to a fawning menial, which now ask the guardianship of the rights of freemen. Shame upon Georgians, that such a party, whose chief strength has ever consisted in humbug and violence, and the impudent presumption of its leaders, should still have a foot hold in this State. Upon what principle do they oppose the democracy and the State rights party ? Mainly, according to their charge,. that President Pierce has made some appointments from the ranks of free soil- j ers. If the charge was true to any impartial extent, you and I might make the’objection, but how can they, or any of them, object to the appointment of a free soiler ? It would be much more consistent for them to object to Jefferson Da vis, Judge Campbell, and others of that class, than tor those with whom they were palpably and undeniably in close cooperation. I ask, in all candor, with what face can a man who supported Webster object to a freesoiler, when, if elec ted, all his appointments must have been freesoilers, if he were true to his known principles, and repeated declara tions. Are the faces of Filmore men made of iron or brass, who object to Pierce on account of a freesoil ap pointment ? For one I cannot see how such men can mus ter the courage to make an objection so inconsistent with all their late associations. This new conservative party proposes to be sectional. If it would maintain such a position; it would be less objec tionable, but is it not impossible tor it to take any other course than to fall in with its old allies the whig?, at tha North; it is constituted of whigs, and all their inclinations and principles carry them in that direction,as straight as the needle points to the pole. If they had changed their prin ciples, they would join the democracy, lor, after all the pro fessions of politicians, there is but one great point of differ ence, and that is between the adherents to a written consti tution, limiting the Government; and those who advocate submission to a majority in Congress. However, gentle men, the administration of the General Government has no j connection with our State elections ; it is consolidating the States to combine the elections, and make them wholly dependant upon the action of the General Governrmnt, and 1 I protest against all such impolitic and unholy mixtures. Although president Pierce has gone much'farther in sup porting the Constitution, and defending the rights of the South, than any of his Georgia detractors, still we should attend to our own State Government, mixing it up with his administration. The two candidates for Governor are both men of intelligence and talent, their claims upon public favor should be based upon their merits, and their views ol State policy. The one is objected to on account of his democracy and his religion, while the other is op posed from his prominent adhesion to the whig or conserv ative party, and for his restrictive opinions in regard to the elective franchise. The groat number of religious sects prove that the subject is difficult ol comprehension, and, therefore, the Constitution has wisely provided that all should he protected in the free exercise and enjoyment of their opinions. The Algerian law may as a local law, which legislators scarcely ever feel authorised to notice or oppose, be satisfactory to the people of Augusta, but the distinction maintained, cannot be tolerated or defended un der our republican system of government; it is not only an> te republican, but it is aristocratic in the extreme, and to carry the principle into practice, in State legislation, must soon produce Lords and Nobles. Respectfully yours, 11. To W. W. Clayton, ) Nathan Land, [ Committee, &e. Wm. T. Wofford. ) All the Chances. We understand that the Conservative party are hav ing tickets printed and circulated through the State some of which are headed “Union Ticket,” others “Conservative Ticket,” others “Republican Citizens Ticket,’’ and we would not be surprised if others again were headed “Democratic Ticket.” It seems, there fore, that though the Mongrel party in this county have nominated a ticket to represent but one “phase” of their party, that the wiser heads in other parts of the State are pandering to the tastes of several “phases”— indeed of everyy “phase” of their piebald organization except the “whig phase.” This unfortunate class seem to be entirely overlooked, nay, shunned and disowned, as well in this, as in every other part of the State. Let Democrats beware of these tickets and vote none but the regular Democratic ticket, with Ilerschel V. Johnson’s name at the mast head, and the names of our Congressional and county nominees. THREE DAYSLATER FROM EUROPE. ARRIV AL OF THE AFRICA. New York, Sept. 22. The British mail Steamship Africa with Liverpool dates to Saturday the 10th inst., has arrived at New York. Liverpool Cotton Market. The sales of Cotton in the Liverpool market for the week ending on the 9th inst., comprise 33,000 bale s, ot which speculators took 2000, and exporters 6000 bales, | leaving 25,000 bales of all descriptions for the trade.— i The quotations are .as follows : Fair Orleans, 6 7 Bd.; Aliddlinjz Orleans, 6 to 6 1 Bd.: Fair Uplands, 6 5-Bd.; and Middling Uplands, 5 7-gd. The demand was mod erate, and prices in favor of buyers. The lower grades had declined the most. Manchester Trade. —The trade at Manchester was moderate, and holders were not pressing their stocks on the market. Rice. —The advance heretofore noticed in Rice has been lost, and the market is again quiet Havre Cotton Market The Havre cotton market continues unchanged. The sales since the Arctic’s departure on the 7th inst., ave raged 600 bales per day. London Money Market. —Consols have declined and are quoted at 96 3-4. The Money market is higher. The War Prospect revived. No definite change has occurred in the aspect of the Eastern Question. The reply of the Czar to the “Vienna Note” as modi fied by the Sultan, could not arrive for some days by courier. But his failure to telegraph his reply, has oc casioned renewed apprehension. It is stated in Paris, on the authority of the Russian Embassy, that the Czar refuses any modification of tho conditions of the “note” coming from the Sultan. The Roman States are in a troubled condition. Frauee is quiet. The French and English funds have declined. Capt. Vanderbilt had arrived in the Bosphorus, Rumors from Washington. Washington, Sept. 18. The Russian, Prussian and Austrian Ministers have filed in the State Department their protest against tho course of Capt. Ingraham in the Kossta affair. Russia and Prussia side with Austra against the United States. Secretary Marcy’s views on this momentous matter are matured, and will probably be submitted to the Cabinet at its meeting to-morrow. These views occupy about eigh ty pages of manuscript, and the effort will be the grand document of the Administration. It will be given to the public in a few days. Hon. Philip Phillips, the new Democratic member of the House of Representatives from the Mobile district of Alabama is here. I predict a splendid career for this learned and eloquent gentleman in the coming congress. It is believed the gentlemen who are to have the French and Chinn Mission have been determined on. Their names have not been made public, but it will not surprise me if a gentleman from California goes to China. American Timss:] Yellow Fever at New Orleans. New Orleans. Sept. 22. The interments on Tuesday wore 37, including 17 by jellow fever. The weather to-day has been cold. Nationa IConvention. — Boston Sept. 22.—The Con vention of the National Democrats have nominated Brad ford L. Wells, for Governor of Massachusettcs. The Con vention denounced the coalition, and stigmatized General Cushing as a Free Soil Whig. They also expressed sympathy for the New York Hunkers. Massachusetts Convention. — Baltimore. Sept. 22.—• The Democratic State Convention of Massachusetts have nominated Mr. Bishop for Governor. GAS FIXTURES, THE subscribers having engaged competeut workmen, will be prepared to fit up Stores and Houses with pipes, burners, and all necessary apparatus for the use of Gas. This work willbewar anted, and done under the superintendence of the Engineer oi ttie Columbus Gas Light company. ’VHITTELSEV &. cO. According to the by-laws of the company, the houses and stores will be fitted up in the order ol their application. A Register Book is now ready at the store ot Messrs. *4 hntel sev & CO. C. E. DEXTER. Sec’ry. April 15 w&twtf Columbus Gas Light Company