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[From the New York Tribune.] Official Correspondence. !WR. COLLECTOR BRONSON TO AIR. SECRETARY GUTHRIE. New York, Oct. 17, 1853. Sir : The pressure of official business and confinement to a sick l oom have pi e\ tinted an earlier atiswei to your letter of tne 3d insi-ant. You first state, in substance, that I have been under a pledge, which lias r, ot been redeemed, to distribute offices in my gift among different sections of the Democratic party, and then pre scribe the course you expect me to pursue in fu ture. You do not complain that my appointees are not proper persons for the places they occu py, or that they are not sound Democrats, sin cerely attached to the principles ot the party, and firm supporters of the National Adminis tration. But you think I have not properly re garded all sections of the party. When Mr. Dickinson declined the Collector ship of this port, in April last, I was asked by several friends whether 1 would allow my name to be mentioned to the President for the place and answered in the negative. 1 thought no more of the mattter until two days afterward, when 1 saw in the public prints a telegraphic dispatch announcing mv appointment, i had two years before, resigned my place as Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals with the inten tion of never again accepting a public office ; and, grateful as l was for this new mark of con fidence, I should have declined the appointment but for the high opinion wheh 1 entertained of the President and his principles, and the assu rance of friends that he earnestly desired my acceptance of the trust. When I accepted the place I had never seen nor had any communication with the President, and of course there wereno pledges between us, save such as may he implied between honorable men holding the like relation to each other. He had a right to expect thut I would diligently and faithfully discharge the duties of the office, and maintain, in all proper ways, the principles which restored the Democratic party to power; and so long as I performed that implied obligation, I had a right to expect that his confidence in me would not be withdrawn. I have never com plained that the President has not discharged his part of the obligation, and am not conscious of having omitted to discharge mv own. You tell me that the President and his consti tutional advisers stand pledged before the world to the principles and policy laid down in the Baltimore Platform and the inaugural address, “and had reason to believe that nil gentlemen who consented to accept office under the ad ministration stood pledged to the same prin ciples and policy.” 1 agree to that ; and though it is but an implied pledge, I ad mit its lull force. But it. proves nothing to the present purpose, for there is not one word either in the Baltimore platform or in the inaugural address about distributing offices among differ ent sections of the party. If the President or his appointees are pledged to any such distribu tion, you must look to some other document to find evidence of the obligation—some document which I have never seen. It may he interred from the acts of the Presi dent, that he regards as eligible to office all de mocrats who cordially united on the Baltimore platform in 1852, and are sincerely attached to the principles of the party, although at some former period they may have been out of the way. That is a proper rule. It is the one on which I have acted in making appointments to office—not because I was under any pledge to do so, but because I thought the rule just in it self. But your letter proceeds upon the ground that I should go beyond the inquiry whether ap plicants for the office are good democrats now, and ascertain to what section they formerly be longed, and then make such a distribution of offices between the different sections that no one of them will have just cause for complaint. It | is not only impossible to administer such a rule as that with success, but the consequence of adopting it must be that we shall never have one democratic party united upon a broad basis of principle, but a mere combination of differ ent sections held together by no better bond than theloTe of office, and ready to fall to pieces the moment one section thinks itself aggrieved in the distribution. Notwithstanding what has been said 1 think it would be found, on a proper scrutiny, that the section which has so loudly and bitterly com plained of injustice has received its full share of the offices which I have bestowed. It is un doubtedly true that more appointments have been made from one section of the party than from the other, and a single reason will be suf ficient to show why it was proper to pursue that course. Most of the Custom House appoint ments for this port have always been made from the counties of New York and Kings, in which are thiee large cities which form a part of the port. Jn 1848 the democratic and Free Soil votes in those counties bore the relation of more than four of the former to one of the latter.— From the Free Soil vote should he deducted the Whig Abolition vote, which went in the same direction. After making the proper allowance on that account, I think it safe to conclude that no more than one out of seven of the democrats in those counties voted the Free Soil ticket in 1848. In this view of the matter, I think it will be found that the Free Soil section is far from having just cause for complaint. 1 have acted in this liberal manner, not because I was under any pledge, but because 1 wished to do what I reasonably could, to promote the harmony and continued ascendency of the party. It is possible that I am mistaken in supposing that the Free Soil section has got its full share of the places, for, in distributing the little offices in my gift, which have for the most part .r o ne among the rank and tile of the party, 1 have nei ther had the time nor the inclination to do much i by way of investigating the antecedents of* men who were supposed to he all right now. In reference to your remark upon the recent rupture of the paity at Syracuse, that the divis ion could and ought to have ‘"Seen prevented,’’ it is enough tor me to say that I not only had no agency in bringing about that division, hut 1 tried to prevent it. My counsel was not only I given m Savor ot the united action of thy Con vent'on, but I sincerely hoped that harmony would prevail. If any Government officers are chargeable with what took place at Syracuse, j i the burden must rest on those who were there | —of whom three were from this city —and not | upon the Collector, who was at home attending to the duties of his office. I do not state these things by way of apolo gy, lor 1 have none to maake ; nor by way ol courting favor for I have none to ask. You speak of ‘'the re-union of the party in 1848,” which “re-union was supposed to have been thoroughly cemented in the great and tri umphant contest in 1852/’ Although i ardent ly desired a re-union, if it could be effected up on principle, I never approved the mode in which the attempt was made to bring about that desira ; hie end. 1 thought then, and think still, that those who Imre deserted the democratic standard in 18- . 48, and thrown the State and National Govern ments into the hands of the Whigs should, if convinced of their error, return again to our camp without exacting conditions, and should then he treated with the utmost kindness. The party would then have been strong, and we 1 should have heard no more about sections. But a very different course was pursued ; and tne ! Free Soil leaders came back, so far as they came ; a tall, under a league or treaty between them and a few leading democrats, with no stronger bond of union than an agreement to divide the offices. The arrangement was based upon no principle. The Free Soil leaders were left at liberty to adopt the course which they pursued, and, instead of again hoisting the National ban | ner, they marched into the democratic camp j with their own sectional colors flying, and thus became an independent element in the party. Indeed your letter proceeds upon the ground ; that the party has all along been divided into ! sections ; and consequently, that accounts | must he balanced between them in the distribu- j tion of offices. Ail experience proves that such ; a coalition as was formed in 1849 can never be thoroughly cemented. Sooner or later it will fall to pieces. The cohesive power of patron age cannot long save that which has within it self the elements of dissolution. It is not there i fore, any matter of astonishment that the “re- i ! union ivas dissolved at the late Syracuse Con- I vention j After the league of 1849 had been broken, and the section had again become seperate pnr ■ ties in form as well as substance, it became nee | essary for me as a citizen of New York, to make my choice between the two tickets winch had I been nominated. Mv reasons for preferring ; one and rejecting the other before the public, i and no one has the right to impute to me any other motives than those which 1 have avowed, i rejected one ticket because the nomination had , been effected by means which no honest man could approve, and because the nominees had | been brought forward by men who had been hos | tile to what I deemed the best interests of the State in relation to the canals. I approved the other ticket because the nominees were right on the question of State policy, ami because I those who supported it wore contending for the principles which restored the democratic party to power, and placed Franklin Pierce at the “head of the Government.” I presume there can be no objection at Washington to my main taining now, as .1. have always done before, the principles on which the National Administration j stands ; and with questions of mere State policy ; you must allow me to say the Administration has no rightful concern. !. . 0 What consequences will follow the recent break in the party is more than I can tell; hut I feel reasonably confident that if the National Democrats had a fair field, and the Free Soil Democrats were not lighting under false colors, their ticket could not get votes enough to help the V\ higs through with their nominations. But we have not got. a fair field. The Washington j Union , while professing to speak the sentiments of the Administration, has thrown its weight on the side of the Free Soil ticket. It has under taken to decide upon the regularity of our con ventions, and to sit in judgment upon questions of mere-State policy. It takes the side of those who have once proved faithless to the party, and put the Union in jeopardy, and denounces those j who have all along supported the principles which restored the party to power. It is now a co-laborer ruth the Free Boii prints in this State, some of which it so latel y read out of the Democratic party. Though that print is not in : itself of great importance, yet when it professes, without rebuke, to do these things as the organ oS the Administration, much mischief may he ‘ done. It matters little what disclaimers there may he in ptivate circles, so long as there is no public declaration that the paper speaks without j authority. How ever unfortunately the election may terminate, the responsibility will rest upon others, and not upon me. Let me now notice the time, manner and mo tive of your letter. As to time. It was after the rupture and nomination of two tickets at Syracuse, and the 1 two ratification meetings in this City; after the Collector had been denounced by the Free Soil * leaders and presses, and the President had been called upon to remove him ; after hungry office seekers and hitter politicians had visited Wash ington to misrepresent and traduce that officer, and to whose clamors, as you well know, he never made any reply ; after The Union had ta- | ken ground against the ticket of the National Democrats, and in favor of the ticket of their ! opponents ; then it was that you first discovered cause for complaint of any kind against the Col lector. Yon had approved all his nominations with a single exception, and in that case the office was abolished. Down to the receipt of your letter of the 3d inst., you had never inti mated to the Collector, in any form, that, you disapproved of his appointments, or of the man ner in which they had been distributed As to the manner. You did not pursue the usual course, and issue a circular laving down a uniform rule for the government of all Custom House officers having patronage to bestow; hut confined your instructions to the port of New York alone. If the doctrine of the latter is a sound one, it is obviously proper that it should be applied in other places as well as here; and I it should regulate the conduct of all classes of government officers having patronage to bes ! tow. Marshals, Postmasters, District Attorneys and others, should act upon it in the selection ot their deputies, clerks, and other agents. 1 will here mention another fact ot no little “j insignificance. The next day after the letter was written, it was followed by another requir ing me to submit for vour approval the names of all clerks proposed to he employed in the j Bondes Warehouses and Public Stores. In this j matter you not only departed fom the practice | of all former Secretaries of the Treasury—who j had left tiiose appointments to the sole discre- j tion of the Colloctor—but, so far as I have learn- . ed, you again departed from the usual course j of issuing a circular to ail the Collectors at our j great ports, singled out the Collector at New j York, and prescribed anew rule for him alone. These facts need no comment—they speak for themselves. As to the motive of this movement, let others s judge. This is, 1 believe, the first instance in which a member of the Cabinet has interfered with the j discretion of a collector, marshal, postmaster, or any other government officer having patron - age to bestow, and laid down a rule for his ; government in the selection of his deputies, ‘ clerks, or other agents; and it certainly is the first instance in which a public officer has been instructed to go into an inquiry about sections, and see that a iusl distribution ot offices was made between them, ion have a right, bv law, to give instructions on many subjects connec ted with the collection of the revenue, and such instructions it will be my duty to follow. But when you go beyond that, and undertake to direct m matters which the law has confined to my discretion, no such obligation exists. As to some officers ol the customs, the Col lector has the right of nomination, and the Se cretary the right of approval or rejection ; and ! as to the other officers, the power or appoint ment is vested in the Collector alone. 1 shah not interfere with the exercise of your powers, and l trust you will render the like justice to me. If you or any other high officer ol the Government, desire the appointment ol a par ticular individual, 1 need not say that it would give me great pleasure to comply with the wish. But I respectfully deny that you have any right I to issue instructions for the government ot my conduct in making selections lor office, j So far as relates to live mere dispensation of patronage, without regard to my responsibility for the acts of the per.-ous appointed, I would gladly transfer the trust to another. I have no taste for such matters, and my comfort —aspira lions f have none—would be greatly promoted if someone else would perform the service lor tne. But the law and mv commission have cast the burden upon me, and l cannot surrender it to another without a dereliction of duty. • As you have given your letter to the press, saying “the subject is a public,’’ I shall give the same direction to the answer. } am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, G R i ! ] KN E C. 1 IRONS () N. Hon. James Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury. m\b BmtxmL COU Mill'S. GEORGIA. WEDNESDAY MOEHIKG, 2TOV. 2, 3853. DO“ We cal! attention t. the communication of “ A Democrat,” in to-day’s pap-r. It breathe? the true Democratic spirit. While w© liav. taken occasion to speak of men as being qualified t * till the offices that the Democracy of our .State may confer, we have avoided .uiv illiberal puitisnuship, anxious that no un fair prejudices might be a routed, and that the party should be a unit—not a mosaic work of wings and fac tions. And we believe that, the repr sentniives of the Democracy of the State will as- rntdo at Mbi< dgevilie, prepared to put down any and. ad attempts to introduce elements which will bn-- ten-1 to a rupture and eons.... j quent defeat. A Subject not the least important of many, for consideration during the next Legislative session. it is to be hoped that the brio!.a-.; period possible uv; ibe consumed in the organization of the. Legislature, and that the elections of Judges and l . S. Senator will take place with the leas? expenditure of time, in order j to give ample opportunity for the consideration of men i sures affecting vitalv the interna! and local interests of I - . , . ; the State. One qf the most important of these, is a ’ judicious and liberal system of common schools. The right or expediency of providing education at government expense, is no longer a matter of contre ! versy. The only question now is, “how shall this be ! best effected ?” The subject only requires attention to ! be satisfactorily disposed of. j Common school education lias been so perfected in ; Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York, besides in 1 several other States, that a plan is no longer a deside ! ratuni. If our Legislators will hut take up the subject i with a determination to establish a system commensu rate with the wants of the State, and the ability of the State, we need no longer labor under such a partial crippled system as at present disgraces our statutes and the age in which we live. it is a remarkable fact, that <Georgia has expanded as much, if not more money, in proportion to her population and age than, any State in the Union, and reaped the least benefit. VYe have in the first con stitution adopted by the State in 1777, the declaration that ‘’schools shall be erected in each county, and sup i ported at the general expense of the State.” To carry out this intention, the Legislature in 1.83 appropriated 1000 acres of land to each county for the support of these schools. In 1792. an act was passed appropri ating one thousand pounds for the endowment of an academy in each county. In 1817 there was an ap propriation of $250,000 to the support of her schools. The year following, every 10th and 100th lot of land in seven new counties were appropriated to educational purposes. In 1821, there was another appropriation of i 8250,000 to the support of county academies. The State also establish el a University, so called, with an i endowment of 40,000 acres of land. Through tit-* ; negligence of the Tru tees, as alleged, 5000 of the most valuable of these acres were lost by the Beaufoit ! treaty, and became a put of South Carolina. Os all these appropriations, 830,0: = 0 arc only available for school purposes, and but about 87000 for maintaining! the ‘‘university, I here are about 40,000 poor < children who depend upo-j these 830.000 tor education, j .0 cents each, for ay* us tuition ! and of this pittance ! they are often swindled. ludetd, the Slate but “offer* j it, • says the Rev. Dr. Scott, in an address delivered be- fore the Central Agricultural Association in \if. ‘-for f &jeh is the pnbhc apathy on the subject that the conn- . tv authorities in many nstance in gleet to call for and 1 appropriate even tine [fiance for the benefit of the poor” forty thousand.” And vve may and irotn tacts within our own knowledge, that when applied for, after distribution to counties, by the districts, some of those to whom it has been entrusted, have had the criminal effrontery to withhold* or wish to withhold a part of it. Such is the shameful truth, and this in the face of nearly eight thou sand poor children unable to read and write 1 The people demand a more efficient system in every particular. We may boast of our hundreds of miles of i Railroads, of our scores of cotton mills and other manu- < ! factoree, but woe! be to Georgia, if her people are left to slumber in ignorace, and the mind be sacrificed to the body. The more wealthy classes may be educated, but what are to become of the poor ? A heavy respon sibility rests upon our legislators in this matter, and if i they possess the souls of men and the integrity of good citizens, they will rio longer remain listless to the de mands of duty and public right. This is a theme upon which we cofld neve? tire— but so much has been said and wiitten, and to so little purpose that we would despair of ieiders were it not that the subject is pressing itself up* ‘on the atterit'on of every thinking cituen ; and the time has arrived when deceive and efficient ac tion can and must, be taken. The people will hold legislators responsible for this trust, and it no other moans to bring their attention to the subject in a direct and practical way can do devised, it will be made a matter of issue in elections. ‘“Are you in favor <>i :i liberal and efficient system of common schools ?” will ef fect move towards the attainment oi moral excellence among tire people than ail the liquor tests that call be applied from Maine to California. Nor will we stop as to common schools, but the higher institution ol learn ing require public attention The people of Georgia do not realize their delinquency in these public wants. Had the system as designed by the legislative session of 17 84 been carried out, Georgia would now have an educational system equal to any the world, and instead i of sending her young men at a distance to be educated, other sections would have been sending to our State University and a degree signed by her President would i have given a greater prestige than is now afforded by any institution on the American continent. How the matter stands, the people are begining to be acquainted. Says Dr. Church, than whom on this subject no one is better qualified to give an opinion, “‘the plan of the University was conceived in wisdom and most admira bly adapted to the nature of our institutions, and the conditions of the people.- ’ Had the requirements of its charter been fully carried out, vve should now have a I system of education more perfect than that of any state in the Union, and as perfect and efficient as any king dom in Europe. According to this charter, the educa tion of the State was one connected system —every school and academy, suppoi ted by public funds, was a branch of the University, and over each the head of the University, had a special supervision. It was his du ty to visit tho several institutions connected with the University, to correspond with the trustees and instruc ! tors, and endeavor t<< secure for them competent teach ers, and to insure from them an ample number of well prepared students for the higher departments of learning. i: It is not too late now to adapt such a plan. At any rate let ns have some efficient system that may afford at least, a good rudimental education. The present system is but an imposition and a mockery. delivered before the Georgia 11 istorial Society. Takgctt shooting by the Columbus Guards. — Last Snturiiiiy, itiis c-1.-gjint corps turned out in bright array with well filled ranks to compete for a full uniform, which was won by private C. H. Pryor—with an ave rage of three shots, 4 9-10 inches. 2d Best shot, ft 2-10 “ 3d “ “ 0 2-10 “ Thu Pkbfokmanok or the Cambkli. Minstrels to-night.— The Campbells have come and vviil pc: - form at Temperance Hall to-night. This we are re quested to say is pi tively the only concei t they can j give in our city. Os course every body will go. See i advertisement in smother column. Columbus, Oct. 2'Jth, 1853. T<> the id it irons or the Times & .Sentinel: Gentlemen —ln looking over the Constitutionalist this morning, 1 find an extremely objectionable nr title in relation to the Senatorial election. Not so much on account of the Editor’s partiality for men, us the princi ple which he lays down, that the Democracy should select its Senator from the Union wing of the party. Ihe objection would have been equally as strong if he | had declared his preference* for a candidate from tho Southern Rights u ing ol the party. Democracy pro per, is one and Indivisible, and the Editor who to tickle the ears of a few aspirants by drawing distinctions in the'!! favor hi cause of the position they have heretofore occupied, must see upon reflection, that lie is creating Divisions in the party, instead of promoting union and strength. I.he claims of candidates for this high and responsi ble office must not rest on hie circumstance of their be ing in the canvas* of 1851, Southern Rights men or Union Democrats—for such a distinction must revive ali the fierceness of that contest, and engender division | nd hate between those who entertained different opin ions ou that occasion. The only qmstion to be asked is, ‘’are they true and consistent Democrats?’’—and when tms i> answered affirmatively, a comparison of their claims upon the party and their fitness for the cle- vat til position mac be freely indulged in 1 doubt verv lnuc *’ ibe propriety ot the Editor discussing the subject at this time ; we have abundant strengt.li in the Legis lature to secure tee election of a sound Democrat, and it would be decidedly safer for ihe party and the great interest ot'the country to leave the election to the pro per tribunal. I would vastly prefer their decision, than to adopt the counsel of any Editor, whether he be of Southern Rights or Union descent. [ have as much right to the expression of my opinion as the Editor of tlie Constitutionalist, and there is no reason why it should not bear as much weight, if the argument upon which it is founded shall be properly considered. Mr. i Cobb seems to be a choice which he expresses with i some anxiety and feeling. His argument (in his esli ; mation) the mo-t potent, consists of Mr Cobb beiim a “Union man. Another Editor may insist that Ve ; uould I ,,efer a Southern Rights man, therefore, you sv at once, if this element of discord is to be thrown into the canvass, that the Democratic party must be devoid to another division, and consequent weakness and mibw *i%, it was in the election for Governor, in USE! . , ——- if the Democracy take Mr. Cobb, let them take him as a Democrat, and not as a Union Democrat. But ’ *’ “ i'*'deience lias Mr. Uob!> in public estimation over j •" ud ” c “ Mr. ~ happell, Judge Iverson, r Judge 1 McDonald ? Ah these men have fought the battles of with as much courage and consistency as Mr. Uobb. Georgia has elevated them all; none of jJuco ‘M-!-- et.iy spec is! oiaims upon the party- Tce-TTporT’ the Democratic principle of rotation in nflice, all of them at the present, have greater claims than Mr. Cobb - He, with all the honors of the Speaker’s chair restir g on his shoulders, became the successful candidate so- Governor. This triumph should have contented him and his friends. Let Mr. Cobb be ever so sound ■> Democrat, it will be admitted that Iverson, Chappell “Warner and McDonald are each and all of them as true. The Constitutionalist also insists that Mr. Cobb should be rewarded for Isis support of Gov. Johnson , 1 have nothing to oppose to that argument, but does not the same reasons if good, require the party to support the ! other gentlemen named—all of'whom were equally as warm ; and active, and whose influence, looking at_tlie actual re sults in those sections of the State, where their personal power would be mostly felt; seems to have had quite as much, if not more effect in producing that result. And while > upon the subject of important elections, ] must protest against the high toned dictation of the Constitutionalist in regard to the choice which should be made of Judges of the Supreme Court. Judge Starnes, I have no doubt is well qualified for this position, but he has neither superior quali fication or superior claims to many other Democrats, and, therefore, no editor has the right to forestall opinion and partially dictate the course of our party in the Legislature. This recommendation of the Constitutionalist ,l look upon as emanating from considerable self importance, but when ; that editor ha? the presumption to declare in favor of Judge Nisbet, a Whig, it is time for the Democracy to look out ; for better council. lam not lor converting the Supreme Court into a party tribunal, and God forbid it should ever be done, but is not a Democrat in our estimation as good as a Whig ! and have we not many Democrats who are at least iu mental power and legal attainment, Judge Nisbei’s equal ? It was distinctly understood when the Supreme Court was formed, that the dominant party should have two Judges and the other, one ; hence, Lumpkin and Nisbet Whigs, and Warner Democrat, was appointed. Now, as I am for adhering to the constitution on all occasions, I will also adhere honestly to that understanding. Yours, &c, A DEMOCRAT Startling Intelligence—The Union in Danger. We find the following dispatch in the New York Herald of Thursday. We should add that no other paper has the news : HIGHLY IMPORTANT FROM WASHINGTON. National Democratic Cont ention to be called to take into consideration the policy of the Cabinet (Special Correspondence of the New York Herald. Washington, Oct. 26,1853. The National Demoeatie Committee are to cail a National Convention of the Democratic party at Baltimore about the time of the meeting of Congress. The object i? to take into considerrtioti “the State of the Union,” as il lustrated in the conduct of the present administration They will determine the question whether the Baltimore platform has been properly undeisrood by the Cabinet, and whether their policy meets the approbation of the people. Tho Southern States will be fully represented, as will the anti-free soil party of the North and West. R It would be curious to sec a Notional Convention held to settle the disputis of the New York democracy. The democratic party of the South have managed to settle their two disagreements, and will no doubt ex pect the New York ‘“shells” to do the same. What ever are the merits of the case, it is a New York af fair, and New York Is not quite the whole Union.— The city of New York is not the political Paris of the United States, that its party e/notes should be permit ted to disturb the whole confederacy.— Sac. News. ... - ..I : la fmt 1 1 ltd ligmci. t From the Savannah Courier. ] LATER FROM EUROPE. All RIVAL OF THE ARAB [A. n.M.TJMoiu;. O •!. —The steamship Arabia arrived at ilalikix on \ cdiiesoay at midnight, bringing later dates from Liverpool. Ihe Arctic arrived out on the 12th instant, and her nows had a favorable effect l.pon the market and all qual® dies advanced .pi. except those inferior grade, the mar ket being poorjy supplied with fair and middling. The sales of < ott* n during the week amounted to 37,300 bales, I oi which speoiihitoi> took 3,5 t mi, jmd exporters 3.250 bales, at the following quotations: Fair Oi lean > Q o-8d Middling. • do 53 a 5Zd Fair Mobil- 6§d, Middling do G 5-Sd. Fair Upland G-}d. r Middling... .do \\'.sh a 5 5-Sd. ih' 1 stock ot Gotten lcniaiuing on liand (exclusive of that on ship’*.-- rd) is very large, amounting to 753,000 bales. Aii kmds ot i.readstutts have advanced. The London M< my Market remains unchanged. Con sols for money quoted at 91 :} a 92. Political Intelligence. It lias been announced by fin* Sultan, that if Russsir. , u-‘e-not evacuate the Principalities within fifteen davs, t urkey will >■< torn- nee hostilities. Proclamation* ot war have already been posted upon all the Mosqiv . ‘I he eombin. .1 fle. fs have been invited to repair to Con* stantinople. 1 he Black Sea is free to all neuter flags. [ Fix rn the Savannah Republican. 1 NEWS FROM EUROPE. arrival of tiie Hermann. \oi!K, < >ct. 30.—The steamship Hermann, from Southampton, via Liverpool, with dates to the 12th isnt has arrived. Cotton.— Ihe sales of three days, were 7,200 bales at al° jd advance. Quotations as follow : Fair Orleans • Good Middling do. jj Fair Upland iii Good Mid. Log do. ini arrival of the arctic. Xnw Fork. Oct, 3ii.— L’he steamship Arctic has arri ,vV Vbis port from Liverpool with dates to the 1 filth ilist. I Here was a good demand for cotton at Liverpool at stif ftr rates—the sales of the three day previous to her sail ing amounting to 20,00 h bales. Quotations unchanged, h ieur had advanced Is. (id. The corn market was dull. Consols closed at 9 i £ a 913. /trade at Manchester was slightly improved. Commer i cial advices from India are regarded as favorable. Political Intelligence. \\ nr on the Danube and the Caspian Sea is inevitable. GortsmccH, it is stated, has no authority to commence hostilities, name peace, or to evacuate the Principalities ; ;^ u 7 ria a,,d , Prussia bave recalled their subjects from the 1 urKisn service. | linre is much agitation'in Italv. m Second Despatch. iNnv. York, Oct 39. ihe Guidon Pont savs hostil ;Ues are inevitable. Gort-lieikoff has replied to the Turk :sji summons that lie lias no power to commence bostili make peace, or evacuate the principalities. The Saltan replied that he Would commence hostilities if the principalities were not evacuated by the 25th. The Czar, o receiving the declaration of war from Turkey, swore .ifc would wage a war of extermination. It is supposed 7* le wai ’ will commence in Georgia or on the Black Sea, Gen. Pafckiewitch las taken > mnmand of the Russian army. tin tb<_ vJi October the combined fleets were ndxan-