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ELBERTON, GA.
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Klherton. Aug. fi, iHMb
!!{>. BLOWN \ CAM i’LKLL
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EL BE ETON. GA.
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•JIiKBT HSKTKR. AMOR T. AKKHMAN.
lIIUSTKH Ar AKEKMAN,
Attwinr), 41 01,
ELBERTON, GA.
< >ll N W. 11 t’TCtl KHSON,
Allornt-y tt I-hm,
si'aßTa. <;a
Ur il! practice in all the couuiica of Utenoi lh
cru circuit
All b*icf cntrtiHfd to hit* care # promptly
• tlhtldcd to.
I.mVAKI >S & 111 : A HI >,
4ltOIIK)H if Ml’,
EI.BCI) ’ON, G A
n 1-Itt. practice together in all t! r fountic- ot
rct< >1 ut their car* promptly at n-Jcd to.
a a, cot anna. miit a wttt.it
JOHN (\ HI iff ‘ll,
illoi nr> 41 lain.
F.I.BEUTUX. GA’
*f|4, in nil to* ■■ inti', it rh
’ XorUicm t'tr iit up of 11-rt
tl.-li.uo <>clHl-ro|- Blloit n tlk- l.nii oln,
Watr-k. illoi'iK. Matou-k. ao-l 1 -t” on
o* AM ho Mo-i lnteft*4 I ‘<
ajtfo** frtly att* fid*4 to
Au%- C, |VS
“iVM. T. VAN I'l'/I.K,
iflaaa N*- 41 Uot.
f.I.Mf.lilOS, G A
v\ 1 1,1,1 AM lit WSU IH.
tllwt M( Mt M .
sci MkJtltli bA
. Jlfl f(l !. ooftfif >s,
tHel Hts 41 l4t.
maFI wfi ( isk
0 4#4 4 # * f
. ‘ 1 I. ggggWgßßggg 11 AM———^
Ohc of (he Settd:
ItIUTK’AU
(.towb *f Hon B H Hill,
[a support >•’ tk> (nstitulioual futon Dor-
I /y <<•</ l(l> ( \ltit} tlltktl t>.
lEl.!\ KKK!> !\ MAOX JI NK !>,;r
Mr I’ltrMio.NT, \N! Fiuknds:—The
i eily papers have aiiiioUiireU tlmt I would
i r*j*‘ah t* thin meeting to day. The ttn
inmumimnt was withuut my knowledge: or
i coiiitciit. 1 refer to this fr the purpose of
! raying that uiy appcarauce uow shall not be ■
1 regarded fin a pm ejfemt jpqulitlur me tu j
respond I” similar mils in the future. lam
’ no politician. to till bills to order, but if li
I
were 1 should draw luy own bills. J*o not
suppose I speak tiuis, because 1 am not set- ‘
tied in iiiy convictions as to what ivo ought
to do in (Ids oanva-s, f r on that point 1
have U'j hesitation or doubt, nor yet because
, 1 would not regard respectfully r the w ishes
of uiy friends. Whithersoever the changes j
of the future nmy|drift us,theufl'cotioii 1 fee!
for every true American, with w hom I have !
struggled so long for those truths which i
! make up patriotism, is part of iny heart, ami
1 the two must live die together.
But my health, though almost entirely
restored, is such that 1 must he allowen to
direct my own actions during this canvass.
The very distinguished gentleman (Gov.
Johnson) who addressed you last night,
said his mission was to speak to the Democ
racy-—his own divided brotherhood. Mine
is very different. I shall speak to die peo
! pie. Democrats, Whigs, Americans—coun- i
trymen all, my word of warning is lo yon'.
This land of the free is full of corruption,
strife and distraction, Darty, pgrty, party
/tits italic it all! Oh, that the God of the
patriot would east out from our people these
seven devils of party, which have already
well nigh ruined us 1
If 1 shall utter a word on this ocasion
, which shall appear to he harsh I assure you
I do not intend such a meaning. I certainly
; have no such feeling.
le t us.determine first what great princi
ple is involved in this canvass, which we
J ought to support, and secondly for whom
i as patriots we should vote, in order most
I effectually to secure and promote that prin
ciple.
In tny opinion, the whole nation is new
j railed on, the first time in its history, to dc
-1 eidc at the ba'lo: box, what power has Gen
| ernl (lOwr-Jinent over the subject oi‘ slave
jr\ f The (jiic.stion lias often been voted on
iu Congress, in State Legislatures, and by
, factious, but now the whole nation must
j vote upon it directly ut the baljot box.
Whatever may he our opinions as to the
j iris'/om , or necessity, or good or evil to yc
j suit from such an issue, still politicians and
events have thvu. t it upon is, and we must
i d‘eiijc U } as Jar us (he ballot box can tlc
i Cllfl it.
r l lien i;i my opinion as the issue is made,
the people ought as national men and patri-
I ots, by this election to declare that the Fed
! iml (toccrnfncnt “/ora no poirer on r fh> snb~
j J et fj'slac r\f < reejit the poiccr, coujif (/ in.h
sh ( ut/, t f tjnartl. nj and -protect i j t c OWII
j a i.ii hi ri/hfs.
* \Vc ought so to declare, first because it
jis law. The supreme judicial tribunal ol
the nation has, in language, so declared.
If we do not maintain it, we shall simply
sub ject the stability of the law to the whims
|of the multitude, and arc in anarchy. We
ought so t< did ire iu the second place, be
cause it is right.
JV.d vet ion to tli persons and property
oi tli*- eili/vii is tUc Jhst dnftjoi ’ <v ry Lov
t ruuientatid it is the ichodjind wd power and j
duty ot the t lovcriiinent of the I nited States.
; it was made for this only, and it can do
i nothing lse. Kvery aet of every deparb
mciitofihc Governrneut can Iwve no other
Krone, purpose, or interpretation. Gov
ernment can create nothing, and destroy
nothing, unless crcati, n or de.lri;e ion in a
given specified instance he necessary to s.‘-
; cure general protection. W lift her It de
| clarc war or make peace, whether it build
a navy or levy an impost—whatsoever it
dH*s, must b* tlone for fhjs en I The wis
. d'tm of every sp'-.ich, the re.lr- -of every j
wrong, tin duty oi *. vov . tji-i legitj |
• macy of every action, ne. • ■ naud
L* tin amured by it* libio’- l"
UCRS t *ward, the one great *
fi'ction of the pet>ou and pro|H*rty o': ‘.ir
Ut n. Hitman (Liv t rniiu'iil has n m t
elaim even to < u*D nix* atjd that i-nui !
GuVirmm ttl must be h* wut ja rfert, which
in*st |k ifcctly M i me* this obj*t
Hut Ido not d< maud ft //#> t title, Houtli’ 1
• rn in* n who d* in and it. 1 think, re aaoii ha*i
i, T hey hap ov< r (tilth*, und jump to a
*_ 'UicluHon whn h, if granted, might render <
cvni the o;//it uHiAfii/rtnhb J lie ih’tiialid ,
(or a separuio apeeifie duvi’ code, admits that
the tenure to *lmc property * p • uhar—
ditT rent from that by whieli tHb* r [*rop* riy
i held, and therefore m’ dr a differ* ut i
• jtullfy of leg'ldlatiofl Ihi gllfll Oliglliul
• fittiod of (hi* *l* maud i t||< it frnu tie
nhcit (list ft later) \r tie itfUlnre id (Uid wikljf
HU-,*-*
I (,ik d*f* tt lin that uuHtu hoti jfc ft aidUt ha < f
to eitlod* 4*vrry froo U ?Wtm
ri*. Ihm* fmnitit -.j >f iW- U 44 U*
liift .tit to ktflWti* •U***'V. <4 Uku"* *(’
im t Tl. San nt'iivtii U U fr** H*- >*
f ||yl . j ,j. k. „1| ft/ I ,/*’ I*#
ELBEKTON, GY., THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 2, IStit).
It we admit the premise, the conclusion is
irresistible. This is the foundation argu
ment of all abolitionism 1 cannot admit it,
be a use I*do not believe it correct. Slavery
is the creature of Divine law. lie who or
rigiiially gave man dominion over the
beast of tlie field, of the sea, and the fowls of
the air. afterwards made Japhct the mns
tcr of C anaan and decreed Canaan to servi
tude forever. The first decree is older in
date, but not higher in authority than the j
. last, and it is not for me to q uosiion tin ,
, wisdom of either. He knows best, and ‘
there can be no wisdom or right which
! does not submit to Ilis will.
The slave then, is property. The title is
j not made by human law. If I bad only
human law for my title to right of my human
slave, L would lose him before the sun
went down. Slave property differs from all
other property not in the rijLt, but in its
O'. He who made the servant, prescribed
rules and injunctions tor Ids humane treat
ment, and for this the master will be respon
sible, and surely for its abuse ho will be
punished. 1 demand of government that
wluch wc ha ct • —a property code for tin pro
tection of alt property , and therefore of
1 S’accs. But, again, I will not now demand
of Congress a slave code, because the laws,
as the}’ now stand, outside of the Kansas
hill, are sufficient for our protection. If the
government is honestly administered, the
citizen has ample protection under the rem
edies now provided. On a former occasion,
.’ explained this. It is sufficient at present
b. state i he. general fact, that we have suf
ficient legal remedies for R pr. -. m pur
poses (outsideoj Kansas t vi .Y, ‘•
which protection to Coin , - u.i i by
theorgauicaet) But it uigy besaid i! we ha i
sufficient laws already, why uow insist on
the power and duty of Government to pro
tect.
Wc must insist upon it, first, because this
right and duty have been denied, and they
who deny are seeking to get control of the
government. Their success is a triumph of
the denial. Alroady lias this doctrine been
denied by actual legislation in one case—-in
the Kansas and Nebraska bill.
Again experience shows that remedies
which are sufficient for the present, become
inefficient under t lie change of ever progres
sing and aggressive events. Why'do yom
legislatures meet annually ‘t Simply to pass
such view laws and to remedy such defects
in existing laws as time and experience con
stantly show to be necessary. Thus in
1798, Congress enacted a fugitive Slave
law, to carry out a plain constitutional pro
vision. For that day, and for years after
that day, that act was sufficient-—But the
over-growing madness of anti-slavery fanat
icism, and the interference ot anti-slavery
legislatures, rendered utterly nugatory the
remedies provided by the act of 1798.
Hence, it became just as much a necessity,
and just as muCh'a duty, to pass anew and
more efficient law as it was to pass theorig
nal act. What would now have been our
condition had our fathers agreed to be satis
fied for ever with the law of 1798, and re
leased Congress from its duty of further
protection ?
So, though the legal remedies arc now
sufficient, how soon may not the perverse
ness of the human will, the ingenuity of as
piring demagogues, the invasions of a mad
anti-slavery, world-wide sentiment, and the
positive intervention of unfriendly territo
rial legislatures and people, render present
remedies utterly nugatory ? We must in
sist that government, every department in
its appropriate sphere, shall keep our reme
dies efficient for all time and against all en
emies, wherever the authority of the gov
ernment extends. ’C‘
1 have given reasons enough t show the
correctness ot tile great leading thought to
he insisted on a- the true solution of the
question iii this canvass.
The next inquiry is, for whom shall we
vote in order most effectually to secure the
triumph of this principle ? To secure this
triumph and make ii effectual, we must
have a constant and honest eye to two
tilings:
First Wo must endorse the principle by
! our vote.
•, eoudly. We ought so to endorse it asti
r ,., < net to the country, quiet tlo- ugi j
I, I thus pr< -el via the stability of the
prdiiMt -
a cisitll of ; 1 s“I ‘ : nez than to pro. o.J,
iii. rtfure, one which * deny an Im- • .use
al*o, hi* election dI not I’ -lore pen , , but
jrierefis* distractbm Mini endanger tie gov
, ruin’ ill. it is idle to debate theprupriely,
Du- rihyt or the t irony of tin im t. If tin
: experiment i* for*id, the (Vt will turn out
jto lie in ii humble judgment, *lo*< tin*
| Government awl Block Republicanism ran
I ~„t Hi * 1.-/’ tlo r 11 our north* m friends
wok to imp* id the I mow, they can vm, for
I \j f Lor Jo II till) wish to insure the
I * Min t iif (li* (.in* r (I ‘ \ imi i up*V**
! err loin iii*’ deb tol llm I **• r. At m, |-
! ,iu4 <f the aor id * 10-iory b* four thou*
I ill .1 ■ -■ - ,1,-1, 1,. I ml,, Do f i*
! *l|'J mill OH* o* * * *
omfkl to stibuui iulle tula at n *'*')
; Ik* Mouth muy furauh the* b*t *sau*plo,
j but a**c as* u mm ml ft< < ipri*4c Inc s
‘ uH
We cannot support Mr. Douglas. True,
ihe says < ‘otigress shall not prohibit slavery.
Rut he says the Territorial Legislature, a
provisional arm of the Federal Government,
may prohibit slavery in two ways—by lion
actiim and unfriendly legislation. 1 have
explained his non-action theory and the pre
mise on which it is based. I deny the cor
rectness both of the premise and the eon
elusion. Unfriendly legislation is not only
|to deny the duty of protection , and the
light to refuse such additional remedies as
time and circumstances may show to be ne
cessary, but ma'y also interfere with and ren
der nugatory cot'stiiu/ remedies, lie claims
the power under the Kansas bill. It is
claimed that the South has agreed to the
non-intervention and denial of protection
clauses and doctrines as contained in that
bill. Here, my brothers of the Constitu
tional Democracy, is the light for you to
make, It is not for me. All the world
knows ne never agreed to that. No, thanks
to the sweet recollections which struggles for
truth always fix in the mind, ire were no
parties to that agreement, nor partners in its
spoil.
Wc cannot, therefore, support Mr. Doug
las. The difference between us is one of
principle. It is radical, fundamental, and 1
fear incurable*—certainly go, unless he shall
change. As I intend this day to speak can
didly, and do full justice to even an enemy,
I will add that outside of this question, 1
see much in Sir. Douglas to admire. On
other questions, and on many occasions, he
lias been a bold and fearless defender of our
rights. He certainly lights the Republican
; ~-ty most manfully, and if there is a man
north of Mason & Dixon’s line, whom?above
all others, I could wish to be, not almost
but altogether, such as we are, that man is
Stephen A. Douglas. But on this question
1 have always differed with him widely, and
must continue to differ. But 1 will do him
the further justice to say 1 never mistook
him Ilis friends South have ruined him
by denying, in 185(i, that he held these
opinions. He was too honest to affirm their
denials, and the truth is now manifest. The
musses of the southern Democracy have
been deceived, and for that deception they
curse Mr. Douglas. The curse should boon
those who deceived them, rather than on
Mr. Douglas.
The issue is, thus, narrowed down to Mr.
Bell and Mr. Rrcekctiridgc. With a per
fect willingness on my part to support the
election of whichever of these two, would
most effectually secure the principle enun
ciated, and restore peace to the country, 1
have examined this question, and have ar
rived at a conclusion to which, I think, un
prejudiced investigation will bring every
southern man. In no event, will I make
voluntary war on Mr. Brcckcnridgo, but 1
am fully convinced that the policy and the
safest patriotism, require us to support Mr.
Bell. I will proceed to give my reasons,
and beg you, fellow-citizens, to leave party
and prejudice behind while you listen to
mo.
1 admit here, that the how platform on
which Mr. Brocken ridge stands, is, on this
subject, sound. Ilis re.cord is not sound.—
This Gov. Johnson proved last night, and
could have proved much more conclusively
than lie did. But, for myself, if Mr. Brcck
enridgp gets on the platform and thus re
cants his errors, 1 will admit him as sound
on the platform. No issue with me here.
Mr. Bell’s platform duos not define this
question. His platform is the Constitution,
the Union and the Laws. To know liow he
interprets the Constitution, and what, laws
he will cnForee, wo, mu: * go to his record.—
If his record fails, then lie and his platform
must fail. If his record is sound, it gives
meaning to his platform and strength to
him. To this record lie refers us in his
letter of acceptance, and to the record 1< t
us go.
My first proposition, and which I shall
establish without a doubt, is, that John Bell
is as found as the platform oil which Mr.
Brecki nridge is nominated.
This platform contains three distinct pro
positions :
1. ‘I li.it Congress lias no power to abolish
slavery in the Territories.
•> That the Territorial Legislature hasuo
such power.
li That on the contrary, it is the duty of
lie Government to protect property (slavery j
.. i, vie rarer u rcr-ary.
, i!i oiind propositions, mid
t; . io. ri ■ Jo: i o <T and ’ ‘
\ Jam , 1 J l ,
, f \.. ii rk ‘fierid the following
a? an utucudmeat to the Compromise laces
nr*’- in the t*i list**:
“Neither slavery nur involuntary servi
hide, Otherwise than by conviction far crime, ,
i shall ever tie allowed in either of said Terri
tori- -of Utah and New Merino.”
‘1 Ilis is the Wtlinot I'roviso John IMI
• rut*si no, and lhn eudon-ed under <wth,th<
In t iiroinsitiott of tin platform
On tin same day, Mr Berrien ibalgrrmi
man |roiu Gmrgt*, Ofl< r< and the fullowin
■tni iidnn nt .
•’ But ini Uw shall la: p*e<d ini*ffi ring
itilh Ibe pi lutry disposal of tin suit, llof *
’ üblisb.eg <a prohibiting ifmvi slavery
Tin- w* ayiomt B-fUailer y.irer.-lynty
John |b U *ot*s| f>, and <<*
m ssstsd prupoaHitat of tli* |4**tfnrut
i i*t, th< t7th <4 *<* ***"’ D”
. 1 Mr. Pratt, of Maryland, and Mr. Davis, of
Mississippi, agreed upon, and Mr. Davis of
fered the following amendment to the same
hill:
“ Provided, that nothing herein contained
shall he construed so as to prevent said Ter
ritorial Legislature from passing such laws
as may be neeissary for the protection of the
rights of property 4 of /‘very kind, which
may have been, or may be hereafter, con
formably to the Constitution mid laws of the
United States, held in, or introduced into,
said Territory.”
Mr. Davis also prefaced this proviso with
some remarks, declaring his object to bo to
assert the duty of the Goverumont to pro
tect slavery.
On this proviso Mr. Bell voted yet, thus
asserting, under oath, the duty of protec
tion, when necessary, in the very language
of the platform.
For Mr. Davis’ proviso, see Congressional
tilohu, vol. 21, part 2, page 1071. For all
the votes, see same book, page 1 Dl l.
Therefore, to an actual demonstration, Mr.
Bell is certainly as sound as the Brecken
ridge platform,
My next proposition is, that Mr- Bell is
sounder than this platform. Now to the
proof.
This platform, of course, says nothing
about slavery as a political, moral, or social
good or evil; nor does that platform assort
any good in slavery to the couwtry, or as
contributing to its prosperity.
But on the (ith day of July, 1850, in his
place in the Senate,. Mr. Bell made a speech,
in which, after assorting the right to pro
tection, to bo constitutional and “ unques
tionable, ’ he proceeds to give his views on
slavery itself. A better argument lias never
been made in defence of slavery, lie proves
it right by the laws of nature and ot God,
and a political, moral, social, and religious
good ! 1 beg every man in the South to get.
away from demagogues aud party —sit down
with a pure and honest heart, and read that
speech before lie votes against Mr. Bell, or
stultifies himself by calling him unsound.
Nothing like it can be found in all the tile
of Johu 0. Breckcnridge.
Thus, Mr. Bell is sounder than the plat
form, and sounder than Mr. Brockcuridgi
and his platform together.
Now, fellow-citizens, I will way here, in
general terms, without taking up your time
to read so much, that there is nothing in all
Mr. Bull’s record inconsistent with this.—
1 care not how designing editors and deina
gogues disgrace them.-ulves with garbling
falsehoods and mean perversions to the con
trary, this is true, and there lives not in all
the South a purer, sounder, bettor statesman
for the South and the Union, than John
Bell.
But you will gay how is it that Mr. Bell
with such a record has been declared to be
unsound so often at the South. The grounds
of this charge have been two —his votes
against the Kansas hill and the LcCompton
Constitution; and also the general fact that
everybody not a Democrat, is habitually de
nounced as unsound by the small men of
that party, lo 18:Ti, they burnt me in effi
gy as an ally of the Black Republicans, an 1
last night they hung Gov. Johnson for the
same reason I suppose. To the Governor
1 send greeting, with the hope that, four
years lienee he may stand as fully vindica
ted as 1 do to-day.
But why should our Hreckenridgo friends
cond.mn Mr. Bell for voting against the
Kansas hill ‘ lie did honestly believe and
fully declare that that bill would be evil
arid only evil to the South and the Union.
Do you not. all admit it? When you seced
ed at Charleston, you put on record lire
reasons lur that secession, and in looking
over your reasons I find many epithets ap
plied to the Kansas bill and (lie Cincinnati
platform,such as “cheat,” “swindle,” “hum
hug,” and a “deceit upon the Sou!h.” On
this hill, then, why condemn Mr. Bell? The
only difference 1 can see between you and
Mr. Bell on this point is, that it required
six years of hitter experience and earnest
warnings to teach you whit .Mr. Lull aw
from the beginning!
Then as to the Leeompton issue. Mr,
Bell did not vote against this hill, because
i! contained slavery, lie honestly believed
(t w. s framin'’ nt. Whether so or not, he
j hole ■■■j believed so, and so believing, was
i,., j, i.ey to voo against it? Weought
■. .( in to Im corrupt, cv< n to
,i ..li u- Every man wlm j
,r ... u for ibis vote, only ini
j, s /tisoien r<Habitity , doubt f-- without j
i intending it However we mi lit differ I
| with Mr. Bell as lo tie fact of 1. m I yet j
llio vote itself proven nothin ‘ that J
\| r |p 11 ua.hoii'-t, ye*, hum -t enough Ii;
,do right against his own prejudice lad
mi: Imt f< w jwliti'iatis will uo ler-taml how i
f|,i is | m* ilit* ■! I know ol im greater
■ virtue, nor one more nce-hd at tin* tunc in
our public men
Mr llsmuiotid, of houtli Carolina, -aid
.hi- Is. ompl'.o bill “ochl lo 1-avi 1” ‘n j
\ hi, lod out : W hy not i all him urn .umJ to"’
1 II.: i* a
Then i* another nmi strongly lb oring j
il„ i l.i.tn* of Mr Bdl, Which V.. rat!not
1 . ~ vi, r I** - finally Mr IMI U a
1 jnim iph But le w hspjsn it tb"l b’ Ii
ation is easy. Mr. Bell has always regarded
our Constitutional rights as unquestionable, j
I hey were fixed, and above the power of
Government to destrov Therefore, he has
opposed agitation as unnecessary and un
wise. Foolish agitation always stirs up and
invites positive aggression. When issues
and votes have been forced by the thought
less, Mr. Bell has voted right, but he has
done so, deprecating the evil to the country 1 j
ot gratuitous agitation. If all our public
men had taken John Bell for a model, tin j
rights of the South and the perpetuity ol
the Union would tq-day bo unquestionable i
and unquestioned.
‘fin l election of Mr Bell will give our
principles a peaceful, quiet triumph, arid
disband the Republican party. The election
o! Mr. lircrkcnridgc will liierease the
strif , and tend to build up the Republican !
1 arty.
Again, on the ground where my Breeken- j
ridge friends now stand, and claim so much
credit for vamdini, John Bell lias been
standing for years. Yes, he and we were
standing there when you were excited, mad,
carried away in thoughtless adoration ol’
this “cheat” and “swindle,” us you now
term the Kansas hill; and you abused us,
called us traitors and allies of abolitionism
You drove him from his seat in the Senate
I'or his very fidelity. You drove the gullunt
and noble Crittenden from his seat for the
same reason, and have placed Mr. Broeken
ridgo in the place. In this hour of our
vindication, must we abandon Mr. Bell?
Honor and a high sense of justice should
force you to him. Nothing Imt ingratitude
and the loss of self respect, can drive it*
from him. We have learned howto forgive
enemies, but we have never learned Imw to
abnmbui friends.
Again, Mr. Bi ll was in the field first
The convention was called while you were
still iii tin- Nutim id Democracy with your
“sound forty four faithful !” lie was nom
inated while you were tryimj to yet back af
ter once going out You ought not to have
nominated another, and thus divide those
who agree. Besides we are more national
and have greater strength North. Mr. Bu
chanan was elected by a plurality vote. That
minority being again divided, how can you
succeed?
So I will say to our Douglas friends, why
not support Bell ? You are national ill your
wishes, Imt you cannot succeed. You are
dividing our strength and hazarding the na
tion. In voting fur Bell, you only give up
sunatbr sorcreiynty. Yro you wedded lo
that? ll’ Mr. Douglas and liih friend,
were lo unite on Mr. Bell, the defeat id’ Mr
Lincoln is sure. And by meli an exhibi
tion of uatioiml pall mli. hi, Mr. Douglas
would write bis nano higher in the Temple
of Liberty than any living statesman has
climbed.
But if our Brer]., midge friends cannot
vote for Mr. Bell, there is a ehaiteeof union.
Let U 8 bo equals! I have suggested hereto.
Core an urrangeiiieiit of this kind, The re
sponsibility id’ ils rejection and of the con
sequent continuance of strife “shall bo with
you, and with you I leave it.
Why should our Breckeuritlge friends
still cleave to Democracy? The organiza
tion and the name belong to Mr. Dougin,
It is folly to deny it. People’ can’t he made
to nay anything simply because you want,
them to say it. Besides, if Democracy bun
become so corrupt, and has deceived the
country as you say, why should you wish
to appropriate its name withsneh upre-tige?
.More than all, if that, party has imposed on
the country a “cheat,” which has borne no
fruit but si rife and blood and deception,
how can ■ ;.u expect us to be counted in ils
membership ?
My nmitlfjmen, I appeal from these
leaders to yon. I low long will you suffer
politicians to flatter yon as sovereigns and .
It e!J Uas ei linn, wi I out awaking you.
resentment.? lb w often shill they setth
and unsettle the slavery question before you
discover the only meaning they have is to
excite your prejudices and get your vote*: f
For how many years shall changing dema
gogtii shuffle you as the -gambler shuffle*
bis cards—to win a stake—and still find you
willing to It shuffled again? You were
tohl to worship the Kansas hill; with tlo
blind but earnest devotion of a Mecca pil
grim you did kneel and kiss! You wi re
l.ild to alms l your neighbor because lie
would not w* iship with you. In all tin |
billingsgate of tilt demagogue’s vocabulary
I y,,u did il Now la hold! They who told
| you I” woe hip, tell you the king you wor
| i ; a etc'it, a swindle,* humbug, yi -
■ tL j.ii.in to flu South ! 11 lie neighbor
j you ahu-'-d ha* proven a wise man and a true
patriot Will you bend again tin supple
knee and ehoit aloud with the nimble
| i,,|,. in; w hen tlie*’ -am'’ pri. ..is siisll order
I you? Will you’ aud SO rti?
I h ive si* k> u to you, friends, in kind-
I ban B|*ikeii the truth. I do not
1 know lint I *htiii *p A again. May you do j
i your duty, navi your country, and sUud np
! proved at last.
*•
O.i Kam*se
| *!1; e Dir -,f,:t in *!|'UlU of n*ui.u<i (
i |*l* mury then i *u. 1 m'Tk is more or
A I'Husaim
jon the head of every bride, which the in
! ehoate husband believe* in. Most men *inl
women manufacture perfection in their nupes
by a happy process of their imaginations,
’ and then marry them. This, of course,
wear.- away. By the time the husband Im*
*ceu hi* wife eat heartily of pork and beans,
and with her hair frizzled, and her oldest
dre on, full of the enterprise of overhaul
j ing things, lie sees that she belong* to the
! same race as himself.
, And she, when her husband gets up cross
in the morning, and undertakes to shave
himself with cold water and a dull ■razor,
! while his suspenders dangle at Ills liriets. fie
ins to see that man is a very prosaic animal
I u other words, there is such a thing sen
honeymoon, of longer or shorter duration ;
ml while the moonshine lasts, the radiance
of the seventh heaven cannot compare with
| it. ll is a very deliejous little delirium -a
J I’ luili mental disease—-which, liko lucasel*,
never cannon again.
When the honeymoon pusses away, set
ting behind dull mountains, or dipping si
lently into the stormy sea of life, the trying
hour of marriagedite lias come. Between
the parties, there are no more illusions. The
feverish desire of possession has gone—van
ished into gratification—and all excitement
bus receded. Then begins, or should begin,
the business of'iulnptatioil. If they find tliut
they do not love one nnothcr, as they
thought they did, they should double their
assiduous attention* to one another, and be
jealous of everything which tends in the
slightest degree to separate them. Life is
too precious to he thrown away in secret re
grots, or open differences. And let mo say
to every one to whom the romance of life
lias fled, and who are discontented in the
-lightest degree with their condition and re
lations, begin this work of reconciliation be
fore you are a day older.
Renew the attentions of earlier days
Draw your hearts cloho together. Talk the
thing all over. Acknowledge your faults
to one another, and determine that lionoc
forth you will he all in nil to each other;
and, my word for it, you shall find in your
relation the sweetest joy earth has for yott.
There is no other way fur you to do. If
you are happy at homo ytm must bs happy
abroad ; the mull or wViri has settled
down upon ilie cotivioliutrihat h® or she is
■tUttrliftl fur life t.u tin jt.ltu-WU
low, ttnd tlmt llteru is no wuy of t;t:tip, linn
losl life; tliori’ is no (Oort too costly to limit#
which on restore to itH setting upon tliu
Ijohoms, the inih; ittg pearl.
['lininth;/ Tihomh.
| I'mni ilit- .Soiitliurn (.'ultivuLei J
I.ogiflJtitivo Aid In Osorgla.
l\’tt Irtisl thnt llto inemliers of otir tli/fer.
enl Agriculturul Hocioties will exert (htiUl
selves tl tiring tlio summer to prepare tliu
pul,lie iliikl I'or (lto jiawotgo oi n bill l>y the
l/i'gisliiiuro, by which pecuniary aid mtiy
l,e given lo tb., dlflV'c it County Socieliw
for tbo nilvanccinent of Agriculture. W
obsetvo that (he (Jfund .fury of Warren
county have irikijf (bis it alibjcct of iircaont
iiieiit, aml have called on tlio Hcmitor from
thill comity lo exert himself sos (he passage
of siieh n bill. This is un exeollent move
incut mid from an excellent, direction.—
Will not the (fraud dttriei of oilier counties
imitate ibis praiseworthy example ‘'tiring
the, sitting of mir fall court*? Let tlia
claims of tlio fanffi*tVro just nnd so far
reaching, be presented to our next Legisla
ture in a form o imposing that that body
will not, venture to slight them or defer
thoir consideration. More than two thirds
of the constituents of that body arc farm
eis. More (ban two-thirds of the mo ley at
1 lie disposal of tlmt body belongs to thu
farmer. All arc lid and clothed by him
lb- lia a right to demand that his interest*
bo regarded, for his interest is the interest
j o all. Hal u 1 county may not, led the vul- t
tie of an appropriation to a railroad In IVare
county. Ware county, with its sparse white
population, may not feel tho value of a
school uppiopriiitiini te the dense white pop
ulution of 11 mountain county, lbit an iu
erease iu the value of land, an increase of
bread, meat and materials of clothing is
full alike from the mountains to the sett
board. lienee no interest present* claims
so pressing nnd so universal. \ot no in
terest lias been ho perfectly Ignored. The
nsi of :i single dehate upon Home ‘rifling
railroad, if annually expended upon jttdi
i ;..ns .1, ,ri'ultural improvement, would m
---1, t a I ac6t of 1 1 ding importance to tho
whole Stale. w
I Wish I W.u in Dixie.”
Vo ambition party of juvenile Phil.idol.
I titan, were “re. elltly” s'minding the pret
ty daughter of a wealthy Quaker. They
lent anntr the popular uir of “ 1 wish I waa
in Pixie,” for nhont half an hour,” when a
window won raised and a nightcap surmoan
tiiiv in elderly free appeared. Presently, in
in, ,i m dphra-e, I heold gentleman j neendcs ~'o
1 t.,i..iy*My lililli"!; ami singing young fiiendbi
I tin is not a tit hour to sing songs and ploy
!,1 instrument* to the disturbance of wca
:v (, o|i!e. Vo express the wih that ye
. u.in Pixie, and I must say that luth 1
uud iny daughter K.tliet earnestly wish the
tiiuiw llul if Pixie is a distant jdaw, I
would advise’ y to move on or ye will not
], in Pixie until a very hue hour “ And
Uotao h went dj"jfn wijjt * l£-
NO, 47
