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■ninths by this system all Phev ofthis common fund ■ain be replaced in the w, so as to be reinvested <>l 1 lie mnnlicis. VIELII AMI FIRESIDE. ■tla, tlarrli 111. 1*77. ■EXPLANATORY. Bidersigned, Proprietor of ■ice, has been induced to ■connection with anotli ■if business; from tin |ff a of friends, l HrTed with Imw Tof the < Xliee 11 Mv ill < ■' ■nee I may possess t^ ’ business successful ; wß>r .the management of the Office ■f left to them. Generous Is will applaud thc^^o^aiid |/.r it in Enfold ■ Known me, hi association El Tens, will gladly we I latest effort ,ii pnlilie Vs. ft R. M. GOODMAN. BFIELI) AND FIRESIDE, ■ill contain, enough of politics Bkecp the Farmer posted; Eugh of news to interest him ®he events of the day; enough pf the markets to keep him wide ■awake in his economy; enough Wf Rural economy, and tin- pro ■luction, dial ri Init ion and con |Bnption of wealth, in all its mu End enough ol’miscellany and hn nnor to lighten his toil. We issue this paper without [Bicial patronage of any kind a limited amount of Inisiness advertising. Our reliance is werefore, mainly upon an exten Hvc subscript ion list. The price Pk so low ail'd the margin of prof it so small that the Paper can only he published on the basis of a large subscription list. Will you take it 1 ONLY ONE DOLLAR! Just think of it 1 A handsome paper, tilled with interesting mat ter every week of the year for only One Dollar. We should have one thousand readers in Cobb and as many more in the adjacent counties. Every House hold “without distinction of color" can afford that and he richly re paid for the expenditure. Wo have purchased the finest fast-printing Presses and the tin est Printing material made, so that no City can excel us in the style of work to be done, and bet ter still, we can afford to do the work at lower prices than rule in any city north or south. THE FIELD AND FIRESIDE NKWS AND .IOU oi l'll I . Subscription to the Paper with in the County, Single Subscribers Ono Dollar per annum; out of the County, One Dollar and Fif teen Cents. Clubs of Ten within the County, Nine Dollars -out of the County Ten Dollars and Fifty Cents, this price including pre payment of Postage by the Otlice. As soon as an adequate number of Subscribers are obtained to cover the expense of publication, we will commence the regular is sue of the paper. Price of sub scription to be paid on the receipt next issue. Job Okkick is complete in Ball its appliances—fast Power of the most approved . ami I’.ij'i Et at prices as low as it is it anywhere. PSTall kinds, of npprov franq will he kept on hand to i^Brders. COMMUNICATIONS. It is the hope of the Publishers to give the Field and Fireside its highest interest or value from the contributions of cultivated minds within reach of its circulation. •Several have promised it the ben efit of t heir observations and re flections and we solicit others to occupy its respective departments with articles relating to Political and Rural Kcondmy, popular Phy sical Science, Literature or Art. We see no reason why the small Town of Marietta may not have organized a corps of able waiters who could fill a Magazine with ■Ber which would do no discred it to Blackwood. Shall we feel w wav throng the Field ani> in Bsoea came, and perhaps the ■■■ raii'C, of the depression of |nbii''i'i' -I- for several years has the dread of the political crisis, through which we have just passed; lack of confidence in the stability of the Government, or the fear of civil commotion. The money interest is proverbially sensitive and capitalists have been quick to gather in, and slow to invest. Now that we have ti ded over the Presidential scram ble without civil war let us hope that for many years to come “hard times will be no ma|e.” POLITICS. It is not our intention to en | gage to a great extent in the dis cussion of politics. The produ cing classes are largely interested in all questions affecting the gen eral welfare and should be in pos session of all facts touching their own and the general interest,and, in devoting this Paper especially lo them, we will present them as I hey arise. In the politics of this country, however, there is no lon ger any such thing as principle. Stale Rights limitation to Feder al power died with the subjuga lion the conquest of the South, ! and popular limitation was buried \ forever by the National Democra l tic Party at St. Louis, under the j system of Republican reconstruc j lion. In future our choice must ; be, not one of principle, but of preference, as to which party will lest administer the affairs of the central government, now absolute supreme, without check or bal ance and subject wholly to the views of expediency controlling the party dominant. Still, it may lie preserved, a good gov ernment, with adequate popular intelligence, though the great changes of our system have al ready brought us to the very verge of a midst rom of political corrup tion. Still, the South must draw' (doser and closer its ties to it, as with it are bound up all we have of security in the present or hope in the future. Let us never for got that any government is better than anarchy and that that is our only alternative, and not only for us but for the whole country. In view of these facts, for facts they are, we propose to preserve, Hplitically,our independence, and to acknowledge the authority of no ring, clique, caucus or conven tion to bind us in our political ac t ion. The Paper will be held free to advocate, in the evolution of political events, such policy as may seem best promotive of the public good, and especially will it it always be found on the side of “ retrenchment and reform,” .just as far as they can be urged in removing unnecessary bur thens of State or local govern ment from an oppressed people. A STATE CONVENTION. An election will be held in this State in June next at which the people will decide for or a gainst State Convention. Before they make up their minds on the one side or the other they will desire to know what the frieuds of a Convention propose to do.-*- Fhere tire many changes in our -date government desirable,—a tunic. < J >ss of CONFIDENCE. THE FIELD AND FIRESIDE. j reduction, for instance, of the i Homestead, —the school system modified, —biennial sessions only, ; redaction of Offices and salaries; | removal of the Capitol; these and : other matters looking to retrench ment and true economy may be ! proper objects of the Convention and may justify its assemblage.— Perhaps someone will briefly dis cuss the matter pro and con, for the benefit of our readers. WITHERS’ IRON FOUNDRY. Mr. Withers established his Foundry here some years ago, with limited means, but, with thorough skill as a machinist and persevering energy, he has brought it up to its present ca pacity and can now turn out as good machinery with as much dispatch and at as low prices as such work can be procured in any part of the country. His Found ry is one of those valuable indus tries in the success of which ev ery one in this section should feel an interest. THE INAUGURAL. If the President acts as he speaks we can concieve of little in his administration of which the South may justly complain. THE PRESIDENTS INAUGURAL ADDRESS. Fellow-citizens : We have assembled to repeat the public ceremonies begun by Washington, observed by all my pre decessors, and now a time-honored cus tom, which marks the commencement of the presidential ollice. Called to the duties of this great trust I proceed, in compliance with usage, to announce some of the leading principles oil the subjects which now engage the public attention, by which it is my de sire to lie guided in the discharge of those duties. 1 shall not undertake to lay down ir revocable principles or measures of ad ministration, but rather to speak of the motives which should animate us, and suggest several important ends to be at tained, in accordance with our institu tion, and essential to the welfare of our country. At the outset of the discussions which preceded the recent presidential elec tion,it seemed to me titling that 1 should fully make known my sentiments in regard to several of the important ques tions which then appeared to demand the consideration of the country. Fol lowing the example and in part adopt ing the language of one of my prede cessors, I wisli now, when every mo tive of misrepresentation lias passed away, to repeat what was said before the election, trusting that my country men will candidly weigli and under stand it, and that they will feel assured that the sentiments declared in accept ing the nomination for the presidency will be the standard of my conduct iii the path before me, charged as I now am with tiie grave and ditiicult task of carrying them out in the practical ad ministration of the government, so far as depends under the constitution and laws In the chief executive of the na tion. The permanent pacification of the country upon such principles and by such measures as will secure the com plete protection of ail its citizens in the free enjoyment of all their constitution al rights is now the one subject in our public atiairs which all thoughtful and jiatriotic citizens regard as of supreme importance. Many of the calamitous effects of the tremendous revolution which has jiass ed over the southern states still remain. Tiie innumerable benefits which will surely follow, sooner or later, the hear ty and generous acceptance of the legiti mate results of that revolution, have not yet been realized. Ditiicult and embar rassing questions meet us at thetliresh hold of this subject. The people of those states are still In an impoverished con dition, and the inestimable blessings of wise, honest and peaceful local self-gov ernment are not fully enjoyed. What ever difference of opinion may exist as to the cause of this condition of tilings, the fact is clear that in the progress of events the time has come when such a government is the imperitive necessity required by all tiie varied interests, pub lic and private, of these states ; but it must not lie forgotten that only a local government which recognizes and main tains inviolate tiie rights of all, is a true self-government. With respect to tiie two races whose peculiar relations to each other have brought upon us the de plorible complications and perplexities which exist in those states, it must be a government which guards the interests of both races carefully and equally ; it must be a government which submits loyally and heartily to the constitution and tiie laws—the laws of tiie nation and thelawsof the states themselves—accep ting and obeying faithfully the whole constitution as it is. Resting upon this sure and substantial foundation the superstructure of benefi cent local governments can lie built up, and not otherwise. In furtherance of such obedience to tiie letter and the spir it of the constitution, and in behalf of all that its attainment implies, all par ty interests lose their apparent impor tance, and party lines may well be per mitted to fade into insignificance. Tiie question we have to consider for tiie im mediate welfare of the states of tiie south is tiie question of government or no government, of social order, and all the peaceful industries and the hap piness that belong to it, or a return to barbarism. It US question in which every citizen of the nation is dcp]v interested, and with respect to which we ought not to be in a partisan sense either republicans or democrats, but fel low-citizens and fellow-men, to whom the interests of a common country and a common humanity are dear.' The sweeping revolution of tiie entire labour system of a Urge portion of our country auil the advance of four millions of peo ple from a condition of servitude to that of citizenship, upon an equal footing with their former masters, could not oc cur without presenting problems of the greatest moment to be dealt with by tiie emancipated race, by their former mas ters, and by the general government, the author of the act of emancipation. That it was a wise, just and providential act, fraught with good for all concerned, is now generally conceded throughout the country. That a general obligation rests upon tiie national government to employ its constitutional power and influence to establish the rights of tiie people it has emancipated, and to protect them in the enjoyment of those rights when they are infringed or assailed, is also generally admitted. The evils which affiict the southern states can only be removed or remedied by the united and harmonious efforts of hot 1 1 races, actuated by motives of mutual sympathy and regard, and, while in duty bound and fully deter mined to protect the rights of all by eve ry constitutional means at the disposal of my administration, I am sincerely anxious to use every legitimate influence in favor of honest and efficient self-gov ernment as the true resource of those states for tiie promotion of tiie content ment and prosperity of their citizens. In the effort 1 shall make to accomplish this purpose, I ask the cordial co-ojk*ra tion of all who cherish an interest in the welfare of the country, trusting that party ties and the prejudice of race will be freely surrendered in behalf of the great puri*ose to lie accomplished in the important work of restoring the south. It is not the political situation alone that merits attention. The material de velopment of that section of the country' has been arrested by the social and po litical revolution through which it lias passed, and now needs and deserves tiie considerate care of the national govern ment, within the just limits prescribed by the constitution, and wise public e conomy, but at the basis of all prosperi ty for that, as well as for every other part of the country', lies the improve ment of the intellectual moral condition of the people. Universal suffrage should rest upon universal education. To this end liberal and permanent provision should be made for the support of free schools by tiie state governments, and if need be supplemented by legitimate aid from the national authority'. Let me assure my countrymen of tiie southern states that it is my earnest de sire to regard and promote their truest interests—the interests of the whites and of the colored people—both and equally—and to put forth my best efforts in behalf of a civil policy which will forever wash out of our political affairs the color line and the distinction be tween north and south, to the end that we may have not merely a united north or a united south, but a united country. I ask the attention of the public to the paramount necessity of reform in our civil service—a reform not merely as to abuses and practices of so-called official patronage which have come to have the sanction of usage in the several depart ments of our government, but a change in the system of appointment itself; —a reform that shall lie thorough radi cal and complete;—a return to the principles and practice of the founders the government. They never expected nor desired from public officers any par tisan service. They meant that public officers should owe their whole service to tiie government and the people ; they meant that the officer should be secure in his tenure as long as his personal character remained untarnished, and tiie performance of his duties satisfac tory ; they held that appointments to of fice were not to lie made or ezpected merely as rewards for partisan services, nor merely on the nominations of mem bers of congress as being entitled in any respect to tiie control of such appoint ments. The fact that botli the great po litical parties of the country in declar ing their principles prior to theelection, gave a prominent place to the subject of reform in our civil service, recognizing and strongly' urging its necessity in terms almost identical with their spe cific import with those I have here em ployed, must be accepted as an argu ment in behalf of these measures. It must be regarded as the expression of the united voice and will of the whole country upon this subject, and both po litical parties are virtually pledged to give it their unreserved support. The President of tiie United States of necessity owes his election to office to the suffrage and zealous labors of a po litical party,the members of which cher ish with ardor and regard as of essential importance the principles of their party organization, but he should strive to be always mindful of the fact that lie serves his party best who serves the country best. In furtherance of the reform we seek, and in other important respects,a change of great importance I recommend is an amendment to the constitution prescri bing a term of six years for the presiden tial office, and forbidding a re-election. With respect to the financial condition of the country, I shall not attempt an extended history of the embarrassment and prostration which we have suffered during the past three years. The de pression in all our varied commercial and manufacturing interests through out the country, which began in Septem ber, 1873, still continues. It is very gratifying, however, to be able to say that there are indications all around us of a coining change to prosperous times. Upon the currency question,intimate ly connected as it is with this topic, I liiay be permitted to repeat the statement made in my letter of acceptance, that in my judgment the feeling of uncertainty inseparable from an irredeemable paper currency, with its fluctuation of values, is one of the greasest obstacles to a re turn to prosperous times. The only safe paper currency is one w hich rests upon a coin liasis, and is at all times prompt ly convertible into coin. I adhere to the views heretofore expressed by me in favor of congressional legislation in be half of an early resumption of specie payment, and lam satisfied not only that this is wise, but that the interests, as well as the pablic sentiment of the country, imperitively demand it. Passing from these remarks upon the condition of our own country, to con sider our relations with other lands, we are reminded by the international com plications abroad threatening the peace of Europe, that our traditional rule of non-iiimrrni'tUHie iu aithtrs of foreign nations has proved of great value iu past times, and ought to be very strictly ob served. The policy inaugurated by my honored predecessor, President Grant, of submitting to arbitration grave ques tions in dispute between ourselves and foreign powers, points to anew and in comparably the best instrumentality for the preservation of peace, and will, as I believe, become a benefident example of the course to be pinned in similar emergencies by other liSlions. If, un happily, questions of difference should at any time during the period of my ad ministration arise between the United States and any foreign government, it will certainly be my disposition and my hope to aid In their settlement In the same peaceful and honorable way, thus securing to our country the great bless ing of peace, and mutual good offices with all the nations of the world. We have reached the close of a politi cal contest, marked by the excitement which usually attends the contests be tween great ’ political parties, whose members espouse and advocate with ear nest faith their respective creeds. The circumstances were perhaps in no re spect extraordinary save in the closeness and the consequent uncertainty of the result. For the first time in the history of tiie country it has been deemed best in view of peculiar circumstances of the case that the objections and questions in dispute with reference to the counting of the electoral vote should lie referred to a tribunal appointed for the purpose. That tribunal, established by law' for this sole purpose, its members all men of long established reputation for integ rity and intelligence, and with the ex ception of those who are already mem bers of the supreme judiciary, chosen equally from botli political parties, its deliberations, enlightened by the re search and tiie arguments of able coun sel, was entitled to the fullest confidence of the American people. Its decisions have been patiently waited for and ac cepted as legally conclusive by the gen eral judgment of the public. For the present, opinion will widely vary as to the wisdom of the several conclusions announced by that tribunal. This is to be anticipated in every instance where matters of dispute are made the subject of arbitration under the forms of law. Human judgment is never unerring, and is rarely regarded us otherwise than wrong by the unsuccessful party in the contest. The fact that two great politi cal parties have in this way settled a dispute, in regard to which good men differ as to the facts and the law, no less than to the proper course to be pursued in solving the question in controversy, is an occasion for general rejoicing. Upon one point there entire unan imity in public sentiment—that conflict ing claims to the presidency must be amicably and peaceably adjusted, and that when so adjusted the general ac quiescence of the nation ought surely to follow. It has been reserved for a gov ernment of the people where the right of suffrage is universal, to give to the world the first example in history of a great nation, in the midst of a struggle of opposing parties for power, hustling its party tumults, to yield the issue of the contest to adjustment according to the forms of law. Looking for tiie guidance of that di vine hand, by which the destinies of na tions and individuals are shaped, I call upon you, senators and representatives, judges and fellow citizens, here and eve ry where, to unite with me in an earn est effort to secure to our country the blessings, not only of material prosper ity, but of justice, peace and union—a union depending not upon the con straint of force, but upon the loving de votion of a free people, and that all things may be so ordered and settled up on the best and surest foundations that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all generations. Communicated. The Thirty-Fifth Senatorial District under an Act of the Legislature au thorizing the call of a Convetion, is en titled to nine Delegates. Clayton, Cobb and Fuiton Counties comprise the Dis trict. I see that an Atlanta Paper claims that Fulton County should have twice as many delegates in the Conven tion as Clayton and Cobb, both put to gether. That paper claims that Fulton should have three times as many dele gates as Cobh and appeals to figures to substantiate that claim. Now, it seems to a plain man like myself, that Fulton ought to have three times the popula tion that Cobb lias to entitle the former to three times as many Delegates to the Convention. Is such the fact ! No, it is not true, no matter whether we take the census of 1870 or the popular vote of 1870 as the basis of calculation. Take the census table of 1870, Fulton lacks nearly 8000 population of having thrice the number of Cobb ! The Legislature fixes the apportionment in the ratio of one Delegate to every 6,000 inhabitants. Take the last election returns, a more reliable criterion, then the frudulent Federal returns of 1870, Fulton lacks over 3000 of having thrice the number of votes polled by Cobb. I ask what jus tice is there in Fulton’s claim ? I hope this will not be pressed and certainly ought not be pressed. I feel certain it should not be. I do not, Mr. Editor, pretend to know “ how many statesmen to the square mile,” as the newspaper referred to, ironically puts It, there may be it Cobb. I know there are at least three plain, blunt men in Cobh, who love liberty, and who are friends to good honest gov ernment, and who, if chosen delegates to the convention, will do no discredit to themselves, no dishonor to their county, and of whom Georgia will never be at all ashamed. I vouch for the following good, honest citizens, and I know that many more of our citizens will do the same—W, T. Winn, J. D. Waddell, and Charles D. Phillips. These gentlemen, though not “statesmen for the square mile,” will nevertheless serve the citi zens of Cobb county and State of Geor gia, not for per diem, but out of pure patriotism. SURBI’RBIAX. WASHINGTON NEWS. The following are the cabinet nomina tions : Secretary of State—William M.Ev arts, of New York. Secretary of the Treasury-Johu Sher man, of Ohio. Secretary of War —W. M. McCrary, of lowa. Secretary of Navy—R. M. Thompson, of Indiana. Secretary of the Interior—Carl Sclmrz,of Missouri. A of Massachusenß Postmaster Gent of Tennessee. March 7.—The an extract from u letter w Postmaster General Key on Feb.^^B: I am ready to do allßpcan to restore confidence and good government to the people of the south. This can only be done bv a hearty fraternization of the section’s, for which I have labored. * * * If, without requiring of me the sacrifice of my personal or political in dependence, you ffnd my name can be used for the good of the south in your best judgment, you are at liberty to use it. If I were to become a member of an administration I should not feel myself at liberty to place myself in opposition to its general policy, but should feel bound to build it up and strengthen it in the hearts of the people, and if the time arrived when I (fould not fully co operate with it, I 4houW resign. As matters are in the south; I %>uld be more useful to our people by an inde pendent ud, as I hope and believe, the administration will develop a broad and liberal policy toward the people of the south, I would not hesi tate to incorporate my fortunes and self with it.” This letter was before President Hayes last night, when he had a con sultation with Mr. Key, prior to his selection as postmaster general. General Banks of the nouse South Corolina investigating committee and the United States marshal for South Carolina called upon President Hayes this morning, and had a brief conversa tion upon the political situation in that state. The president stated to General Banks that he would have to excuse any ex pression of views on that subject at this time, as he had determined to take some days for its full consideration, and not to act until he had conferred with his cobinet, that he would then deal with the subject in both South Carolina and Louisiana. It is stated that a letter has been writ ten to Governor Chamberlin by a prom inent friend of President Hayes, and endorsed by another friend, intimating that Governor Chamberlain’s resigna tion would be acceptable. Washington D. C., March 9 All of Hayes proposed cabinet are here, and have signified will ingness to serve. Sherman declines acting until his colleagues are confirmed. Morrill did not attend the cab inet on account of delicate health and harsh weather. No public business. The president has done practi cally nothing regarding the dual governments of South Carolinia and Louisana. Neither has there been any action taken with re gard to the southeren federal offi ces except in the instance of Stone for disrict attorney of South Carolinia, and there is a halt in this, because the delegation in congress prefer that Wm. E. Earle, a native republican and equally efficient with Mr. Stone, should have the place. THE LATE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. Gov. Hendr'icks, of Indiana, has been recently “interviewed” on the recent action of the Com mission at Washington and said: The commission having gone according to the law, the result will be the election of Hajes. I do not think that they acted ac cording to the spirit of the law.— Their decision will not be satis faciory to the country and the longer this people think upon it the more it will he condemned. Correspondent.—Many demo crats are now' abusing their con gressmen and saying they were imbeciles for voting for the com mission. Governor Hendricks—Yes; but it is because they don’t compre hend the difficulties which would have arisen had the question not been so decided. The senate would have elected Hayes, and the house would have elected Tilden, both would have been in augurated. Hayes would have had the support of the army, the office-holders and the other re sources of the government, leav ing Tilden nothing to fight with* had a fight been deemed advisa ble.” Well, is it not better, a thous and times better, to have Hayes President than to have had a civil war involving ruin to life, liberty and property throughout the land and finally ending, as it only could end, in absolute des potism ? What a narrow escape we have had from a dreadful fate, and how terrible the reflection, when it comes home to us, that we are now no longer under the safeguards of the Constitu tion but subject to fall victims at anytime to the fierce contests of hungry or ambitious partizens. OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN MEMPHIS AND ST. LOUIS. St. Louis, March 9,1877. —After ’Change this afternoon, a joint meeting of the merchants and cotton exchanges was held in the chamber of the former, and th) following resolution adopted: Whereas, The sentiments enun ciated by the president in his in augural address and foreshadow ed in the appointment of his FM. Key,