Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation.
About Weekly republic. (Augusta, Ga.) 1848-1851 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 6, 1849)
2 (Commercial Intelligence. Office of the Republic, | November 3, 1849. \ AIGISTA MARKET. Our market was very quiet cn yesterday, as j every one was willing to await the accounts now* j due, ere they operated to any extent. On Thurs- I day the sales were about 2000 bales, at very full ; prices, for good Cottons, while the qualities below ; middling fair were difficult of sale. Comparative Statement Os the quantity of Cotton received, shipped, ou hand,&c. in Hamburg and Augusta, up to the Ist of November from the Ist of September, 1849 : j 1849 1848-9 i Stock on hand, Sept. 1, 1849, 13,819 26,553 Since received, to Ist November,sl,267 4 ,646 Total, 65,086 75,199 Total shipments, 32,068 44,958 Stock in Augusta, Nov. Ist, 21,795 22,029 Hamburg, 11,223 8,212 Total stock Ist November, 33,018 30,241 lEFThe receipts of cotton by the Georgia Rail Road, during the month of October, were 20,678 bales, against 16,377 balesduring the same month last year. UfThe sales of cotton in Charleston, for the week ending on Thursday last, reached 22,000 bales, at prices ranging from 10 to Hi cents. The receipts, during the same time, were 13,000 bales. Fair cottons were quoted at 11 cents. rrThe New York cotton market on Thurs day was steady, and fair uplands were quoted at Ili cents. Flour was firmer; and sterling exchange at 10| premium. Coffee—looo bags ot Rio, part of the cargo lately imported direct, were disposed of at 10| cents/ We understand that the balance is limited at the same price.—Charleston Mercury, Nov. 2d. [By Telegraph to Charleston Mercury.] Baltimore, Nov. 1, 6 P. M. Madame Bodisco has published a card in the Washington papers, pronouncing the state ment concerning the banishment of her hus band to Siberia a fabrication. She has received a letter from him by the Europa, in which he states that he will be in Washington in the course of ninety days. New York, Oct. 31, 6 P. M. In Canada, affairs are in a very disturbed condition. Many of the most influential in habitants are taking a deaided stand in favor of annexation to the United Slates. The French Question in a Nut Shell.— The New York Globe in publishing the fol lowing letters, statesjhat they are not prepared to say that it is a literal copy of the documents in the office of Mr. Secretary Clayton,of the correspondence which passed between , lb* Whig Administration and the Frepa>*f»ister. For shortness, sharpii§a»-* fi u personalities, wetbinkit with the and P artial translations , ,-<fimhhave heretofore appeared ! It will be Beer, that it places the matter of difficulty in as intelligent a light as the lengthy documents : THE FRENCH MINISTER TO THE I’RF.SIDF.NT. [lmperfect Translation.] French Legation, Washington, ) September 2, 1849. $ M. le President, Vieux Zack: I beg leave to call ze attention of ze Gov ernment de les Etats Unis, to von grand in stance of rascality (bas) in gratitude on ze part of one officare of ze U. S. Navy, M. le Capitan Carpender. He has dare to save a French vessel, ze Eugiue, whoso crow was only half drown. Allow me to observe viz all *e politesse characteristique of la belle nation, which 1 have honneur to represent zat such conduct vt! not -M fatotee* by hfa Majesty, my master, zePresident of France: TnStanfTepr-' ration is expect or ze bloody consequences will rest upon ze Government de les Etats U 'l have de honneur to be, ze distinguished consideration, your excellency’s vare obedient ""gule’EM tell puss-in-boots. The President to the French Minister. Washington, Sept. 2, 1849. To the French Minister : Your note of the Istinst. is ungentlemanly. You can withdraw it or cut a stick—just as you please. . . I have the honor to remain, with feelings ot the utmost respect your obedimit^serw The French Minister to the President. [lmperfect Translation.] Washington, Sept. 2, 1849. M. le President: Vat you call “ Cut Stick ? ” Do you take me for ze wood chopper ? I have represent xe French nation here little time and have seen enough rascal to make ze blood freeze wiz terrible. Your navy officers are a pack ot scamps, and ze Government is not much better. Renewing ze assurance of my big consider ation, 1 have ze honor to romaine your most obedient zervante. G. T. PUSS-IN-BOOTS. Ths President to the I" bench Minister. [Evidently written in a rage.] Washington, Sept. 3. To the French Minister : P-D-lense ff-go t-to h—l, you d-d Ma—r reneb Crapo. Z. TAYLOR. It will be seen from this, that the corres pondence bad a rather abrupt termination. The Great Southern Convention. —At the late Mississippi Convention, it was sug gested that a great Southern Convention should be bold, at Nashville, on the Ist Mon- In June next. The Nashville “True Whig” •ays: Among the resolutions adopted, was one designating the first Monday in June next, as the dav for a great Southern Convention to meet at Nashville, to “devise and adopt some mode of resistance” to further aggressions on the part of the North. We trust the Southern States will be fully represented, as well tor embodying in definite form the real sentiments of the South, as for adopting such measures as may be best cal culated to bring about unity and concertofac tion in defence of her rights and interests, up on this vitally interesting and exciting ques tion. Plank Road. —We learn that the stock •40 ,000, for the plank road from this city to Wetumpka la all taken. The estimate for the distance, which, by the route selected, is sixteen miles, is very liberal. It is expected that two thirds of that sum may be ample ; in cluding the bridge and all other expenditures. The Tallapoosa will be crossed at Judkins’s Terry, as it is considered the lowest point prac ticable. The stock for the route above We tompka is, we are informed, progressing ra pidly.—[Montgomery Journal. The Tunnel. —The Cherokee Adv. of the Ist inst. says : We are informed by Col. Coch rtn, the Contractor, who has just returned from the work, that the perforation will be completed this week, on Friday or Saturday. The sound of tire pick-axe can be distinctly beard from the opposite parties working to wards each other. The arching &c. will be finished by Christmas. fTThe Marietta Advocate, of the Ist inst., ■ays ? With feelings of deep regret we record tha decease, on yesterday, the 31st ultimo, in this place, of the Rev. Isaac W. Waddel, after a long and painful illness. An afflicted fcmily, will have m their loss, the sympathy *f an extended circle mfauached friend*, who ■aieeme.i the deceased as a man 11 ' nin * s ' of the Gospel. 2UioUsta, QM. Saturday Morning, November 3, 1849. ILF See, in another column, the advertise of Mr. Snowdon. His well known abilities will, no doubt, cause as many as he can well teach to avail themselves of the opportunity of attending his night school. Cuuiiinsliain’s Mills. We are indebted to Messrs. S. D. Linton & Co. for a beautiful specimen of some of the first Flour which they have turned out from their splendid Mills on the Canal in this city. This is a beautiful and most excellent sample of family flour. We witness this commencement of the flouring business in our city with sincere gratification, and look forward to the day when Augusta will become a noted market for grains of various kinds. It is greatly to be regretted that the wheat crop of the interior proved so great a failure the past season. Georgia, Carolina and Tennessee wheat makes flour of a superior quality. For the present, the enterprising owners of the mills in this city w 11 be greatly dependent for their wheat upon northern markets. Accessible as Augusta is from all points of the compass, we know of no reason why the mills here should not do an immense business. We trust that they may, and thus the proprietors reap a due reward for their labor and enterprise, as well as furnish a substantial market to .wheat growers, and add to the general prosperity of the city. Chief Justice Sharkey's Address to the Mississippi Couycfatiou. 1 We copy, from the Savannah Georgian, the Address of Chief Justice Sharkey to the recent State Convention of Mississippi, over which he was called to preside. We also copy the introductory letter of the Hon. H. S. Foote. That is interesting for the brief sketch which it gives of the public and private life of Judge Sharkey. Nothing more is wanting to estab lish for him a high reputation for logical acu men, than the address which we now have the pleasure of laying before our readers. Com ing as it does from a firm but moderate whig, a jurist of distinguished reputation, a mun of amiable and placid temper, discreet and cau tious in all the relations of life, we trust its weighty truths, expressed in such graphic purity and elegance, will make a universally profound impression. It is singularly con densed, and yet clearly comprehensible. The question of southern rights iwihe territories is placed beyond the pale of further doubt, and all who read will pay the homage of a respect ful deference to the intellectuality and legal 'learning which give it character and force. If it contains but few high flights of elo quence, it is full of something much better, the majesty of truth, clothed in language of rich purity and beauty. That Chief Justice Sharkey is devoted to the Union, as it was intended to exist by those who brought it into existence, is evident from almost every word of bis address. We would respectfully ask of all our read ers not to pass this effort by, if they could be pleased with the use of a polemic blade, sharpened by a high order of mind and guided by superior legal and constitutional learning and wisdom. To many by no means unskill ed in legal jurisprudence, this argument of Chief Justice Sharkey will prove an admirable text for study, reference and comment. It is cast in the true mould of mental greatness, and stands like a solid rock around which the, -s>>sSs«ull ilw isunalttn and aophts- try may murmur and beat, in vain, forever. The magnitude of the occasion and the sub ject, the judicial position of the author of the address, the convulsed and endangered condi tion of the country, the consequences to flow from the decision of the people, render the question one of so profound an interest as to justify ns in giving to it so much space in our columns. IT We copy, with pleasure, the following notice of two paintings of a young and pro mising artist of our city. We have, hereto fore, inspected some of Mr. Boggs’s paintings, and were impressed with the evidences which they exhibited of his possessing true genius for the pencil. [From the Constitutionalist, of yesterday.] Our Native Artists.—lt is the true inter est, as it should be the pride and pleasure, of every community, to encourage its native ta lent. True merit struggling to rise, and aspir ing to honorable distinction, is an ennobling sight, and appeals to the most generous sym pathies of every manly nature, Tiiat Augus ta is not less keenly alive to these impulses titan other cities, we would not do her the in justice to doubt. When she finds, in her midst, a ray of pure and true genius, shining in a modest retirement, yet worthy, at some day, to adorn the high places of intejlecf a»d art, she will extend to it a warm hearted wel come, we hope and believe for the honor of our city. These reflections suggested themselves on viewing at Hogriffeand Schneider’s (the Man sion House), two paintings by Mr. Boggs, a young and native artist of our city. He is quite a youth, but already exhibits a precocious talent and capacity in the divine art of painting. These productio is, are a copy of Huntington’s celebrated painting “ The Page,” and “ The Sybil,” a copy from the fine engraving dis tributed by the American Art-Union. We cannot speak of them as finished pro ductions. But they are very handsomely ex ecuted— would be an ornament to any parlor, and are exceedingly creditable to so young an ! artist, and one almost self-taught. Mr. Boggs will soon visit the city of New ■ York, to improve himself in the profession he ' has chosen, and will be absent a long time. Let not Augusta shew herself unappreciative of the early productions ot one who is destin ed to reflect honor on his native city. As a test of the merits of these Paintings, we state that they were awarded a premium at the Fair at Stone Mountain, in August last, j Rehoboth Association The Minutes of the last Annual Meeting of the Rehoboth 1 Baptist Association, which have just been ! printed, exhibit the following condition of as- j fairs in the churches. There are 27 church-1 es, and 12 ministers in the Association. There were baptised during the past year 81 ; receiv-1 ed by letter 67; by voucher 1; excommunicat- [ ed 11; restored 1; died 9; dismissed by letter | 146—making total number of white members 1042; blacks 667—grand total 1786. The next meeting of the Association is to be held at Shiloh Church, Upson county, on the first Sunday in September next.—Macon Mess. Failure of the Susquehanna County Bank. —A respectable Broker of this city le ceived a telegraphic despatch from New York announcing the failure of the Susquehanna County Bank. He considers the information entirely reliable.—[Phila. Bulletin. Montreal, Oct. 27. Progress ofAnnexation in Canada —A requisition for a meeting at Quebec, to take I into consideration the best means of obtaining ' Annexation, was signed by several hundreds iof persons, of both races. The meeting was fixed for Saturday the 27th ulu I ITFather Mathew arrived at Hartford from I Springfield on Saturday afternoon, and ad ministered the pledge Sunday the 2Sth Oct.— He is coming to Charleston (S. C.) ITCassius M.Clay has now entirely recov ! ered from the wounds he received in his last j fight. The I.nte Foreign News. The political news bronglit by the late i steamer is certainly far from affording any certain conclusions upon the Russian and I Turkish difficulty. We publish, to-day, the | eloquent and powerful appeal of that great ; and consistent patriot, L. Kossuth. It will be seen that the Turkish Government does not ' occupy that noble and lofty ground, heretofore supposed ; in reference to the unfortunate Hungarian It was appealed to for a piuct i r.i.gu an! protection, and after granting it to them.it would now appear that they must abjure t!.-. h religion and become Musselmen to obtain the protection originally iffered, The following will throw additional light :pon this matter: “Some of the refugees at Widdin have dopted the Mahomedan faith, in order to se ure themselves against any danger of being lelivered to the Russian Government. A let ter, dated the 26th ult., states that before enter ing the Turkish territory official assurances were given by the Turks to Kossuth, that he and his fellow-refugees were welcome guests, and should be allowed to proceed to any part of the world. The refugees were subsequent ly alarmed by intelligence that the Russian and Austrian envoys had demanded the deliv ery of the Poles and Hungarians, and that a council had decided in favor of granting the demand, though the Turkish ministers strong ly opposed it; but that all admitted that none who should embrace the Moslem faith could possibly be delivered to infidels. The minis try despatched a reverend mollah to examine the refugees separately, and expose to them the state of lhe case, whilst timorous friends in Constantinople recommended the adoption of the suggestion as the only means of salvation. No words can express the consternation of the community at this intelligence. Many of the Hungarians exclaimed, “Better the Rns sianrthan the Austrians—better Mahotnedan isin than the Russians ;” and there appeared some prospect of the whole camp embracing Islamism. A council of the chiefs was im mediately held at Kossuth’s, where Bern at once declared that his life was devoted to hos tility to the Russians, and that he eagerly ac cepted the suggestion. The mollah promised at the same time the maintenance of their rank and the liberal allowance customary in the Turkish armies. Generals Kmellet and Staen came to the same resolution, and several per sonages were for temporising. When Kos suth’s turn came to speak, he briefly reminded bis companions in his expressive language, that now, in a strange land, where all authori tative bonds were sundered, each one was at liberty to act according to bis own views, but that, for his part, welcome, if need be, the axe or gibbet, but curses on the tongue that dares to make him so infamous a proposition. Guy on the Irish general followed, declaring that no human power should induce him to swal low even a bunch of grapes upon compulsion. General Dembinski, and Count Zatnoyski, were equally determined. The example of their chiefs was so effective, that of about 200 soldiers and 40 officers who had expressed their willingness to abjure Christianity, the soldiers, to a man, changed their intention, and there remained only three generals, and some twenty officers, firm in their resolve. Bern took immediately a public step, and it is said, assumes the name of Atnurath, and becomes a three-tailed pasha with the Turks, who have an exalted opinion of his military genius.— Kossuth has written a very eloquent letter on bis present position to Lord Palmerston, which we give entire in another part of this paper.” Beni’s desire to live to fight the Russians cannot relieve him from the ridiculous attitude which he must present as a three-tailed Pasha. Doubtless, with but little religious impression or opinion, of any kind, it is with him a great object to be so placed as to have the opportu nity, hereafter, of fighting the cruel oppressors of his native land. But, looking at the ques tion seriously, the demand by the Turkish government is as bad as that of Russia. Rus sia damanda the surrender of the fugitives, j Turkey duumuda tlie übjuraiivn of ibeir holy ' religion and the embrace of the revolting im positions of Islamism. While some have given way before the terrors of their situation, Kossuth, true to himself and his faith, would sooner go to a Russian dungeon and perhaps a scaffold. His is a great soul. It is full of ’ mental exaltation, of love of country and liber * ty, and would have planted in Hungary the seeds of national independence and greatness, but for the treachery which sometimes dis r graces individuals, and our very nature itself. We scarcely know what to think of the in- I tendons of France and England. But the i probabilities are that if Turkey will be firm, I they will sustain Iter. The demand of the Emperor of Russia, that Turkey shall surren der tho refugees is abhorrent to all ideas of right, humanity and justice, now prevailing among civilized nations. ' The Paris Journal des Debats, alluding to i this question, and speaking upon information | derived by letters from Constantinople, says: “Jt is in fact said that when the idea of ! qaafong the exorbitant demand for extradition j was started, the ministers pnd qjvisers of tlie I Czar endeavored to turn him from the project by representing to him lhe disastrous effect I which il could not fail to have among the tree I people of the West, and that the reply which 1 they obtained from their master was nearly as ! follows; .‘L et foe alone; [ have my designs; i 1 know the advantage ! may one day derive ' from putting forward these pretensions, al- I though I know very well that if I were the I Grand Turk I certainly would not submit to 1 them.*” j From this it would appear that the Czar is | fully aware that he is playing lhe tyrant. We ■ fear tiiat France is more dispose I to bluster ■ than to act, and that England may not inter pose wit!) resolute pertinacity when Turkey herself shows the while leather, ant] seems al most ready to bow to the Russian mandate. ‘ ft is stated that in the English diplomatic [ note to tho Czar, he Is gomplimenteij for lend ing the aid of his army to suppress [Tie Hunga rian revolt, and thus rendering important ser vices in securing the peace of Europe. We had supposed that the sympathy of the Eng lish nation was extended to tlie Hungarians. Perhaps there is some difference between the . sympathy of the naHon and that of the govern-' ’ merit. The note, it is stated, also appeals to j the magnanimous heart of the Emperor! of J a Despot who fleeces bis people to extend the boundaries of his cruel and tyrannical power— of one who sent his special compliments to the fiendish Haynau, who spared neither ago nor sex in his revolting atrocities! Be this as it may, if England and France show their gleaming swords above the intrica cies of diplomacy, we think it probable Russia : will recede rather than fight. She undoubted- ! ly wants a pretext for swallowing Turkey, but | the time for her to do that has not yet arrived. ! It would seem probable that sooner than risk ! a contest with England and France at this juncture, Russia would intimate to Turkey i that the refugees might be allowed to make ! their escape, or find suitable homes some ' where on the continent of America. The French difficulty with Rome is still in a state of much complexity, which can only be removed by the develepmetns of time. France having disapproved of the conduct of Mr. Poussin, the difficulty between her and the United States will, doubtless, be soon uealed by a few easy and simple explanations. Upon the whole, the state of European affairs is such as to make additional news from that quarter ■ source of exciting interest. 17*A new steamship is preparing in Phila delphia, intended as the pioneer ot a new lins of steamers tjetweetl that city and Savannah Kossuth’s Letter to Lord Palmerston. 1 Widden, (Turkey,) Sept. 20. Your Excellency is, no doubt, already in formed of the fall of my country—unhappy Hungary, assuredly worthy of a better fate. > It was not prompted by the spirit of disorder or the ambitious views of faction; it was not a | revolutionary leaning which induced my na tive country to accept the mortal struggle maintained so gloriously, and brought, by ne farious means, to so unfortunate an end. Hungary has deserved from her kings the historical epithet of “generous nation,” for she never allowed herself to be surpassed in loyal ty and faithful adherence to her sovereigns by any nation in the world. Nothing but the most revolting treachery, the most tyrannical oppression, and enmities unheard of in the words of history—nofliing but the infernal doom of annihilation to her national existence, preserved through a thous and years, through adversities so numerous, were able to arouse her to oppose the fataHtroke aimed at her very life, to enable her to repulse the tyrannical assault of the ungrateful llaps burghs, or to accept the struggle for life, honor and liberty forced upon her. And she has nobly fought that holy battle, in which, with the aid of Almighty God, she prevailed against Austria, whom we crushed io the earth, stand ing firm, even when attacked by the Russian giant, in the consciousness of justice, in our hope in God, and in our hope, my lord, in the generous feeling of your great and glorious na tion, the natural supporter of justice and hu manity throughout the world. Buttbisis over; what tyranny began has been by treachery con cluded : on all sides abandoned, my poor coun try has fallen, not through the overwhelming power of two great empires, but by the faults, and 1 may say by the treason, of her own sons. To these untoward events, I pray God that my unhappy country may be the only sacrifice, and that the true interest of peace, freedom and civilization through the world, may not be involved in our unhappy fate. Mr. Francis Pulsky. our diplomatic age® in London, bas received ample information as to the cause of this sudden and unlooked-fo' change in the affairs of Hungary, and is in structed to communicate it to your Excellency, if you are graciously pleased to receive the same. It is not antipathy to Austria, though so well merited at the hands of every Hunga rian, but a true conviction which makes me say, that even Austria bas lost far more by her victory, gained through Russian aid, than she would have lost in merited defeat through ho norable arrangement. Fallen from her posi tion of a first-rate power, she has now forfeit ed her self-consistency, and has sunk into the obedient instrument of Russian ambition and of Russian commands. Russia only has gained at this sanguinary game: she bas extended and strengthened her influence in the East of Europe, and threatens already, in a fearful manner, with outstretch ing arms, not only the integrity, but the moral basis, of the Turkish empire. May it please, yotr, my lord, to communicate to your Excellency a most revolting condition which the Turkish Government, at the sug gestion of Russia, is about to impose upon us poor homeless exiles. I, the governor of unhappy Hungary, after having I believe, as a good citizen and honest man, fulfilled to the last my duty to my coun try, had no choice left me between the repose of the grave and the inexpressible anguish of expatriation. Many of my brethren in misfortune had pre ceded me on the Turkish territory. 1 follow ed thither in the hope that I should be permit ted to pass to England, and there, under the protection of the English people—a protection never yet denied to persecuted man—allowed to repose for a while my wearied head on the hospitable shore of your happy island. But even with these views, I would rather have surrendered myself to my deadliestenemy than to cause any difficulties to the Turkish Government, whose situation I well knew how to appreciate, and therefore did not intrude on the Turkish territories without previously in quiring whether I and my companions in mis fortune would be willingly received, and the protection of the Sultan granted to us. We received the assurance that we were welcome guests, and should enjoy the full pro tection of his Majesty the Padisha, who would rather sacrifice 50,001) of his own subjectsthar allow onehuir of our heads to be injured. It was only upon this assurance that we passed into the Turkish territory, and accord ing to the generous assurance we were receiv ed and tended on our journey, received in Widdin as the Sultan’s guests, and treated hospitably during four weeks, whilst waiting from Constantinople further orders as to the continuation of our sad journey to some dis tant shore. Even the vlmbassadors of England and France, to whom I ventured in the name of humanity to appeal, were so kind as to assure me of their full sympathy. His Majesty, the sultan, was also so gracious as to give a decided negative to the inhuman pretensions of our extradition demanded by Russia and Austria. But a fresh letter from his Majesty the Czar arrived in Constantinople, and its consequence was the suggestion sent to us by an express messenger of the Turkish Government, that the Foies anij Hungarians, and in particular myself, count Casimir Bathiany, Minister of Foreign Ass airs of Hungary under my Govern ment, and Generals Messaros and Perczel (all present here,) won 1 ;} be surrendered unless we chose to abjure the faith of our forefathers in the religion of Christ and become Musselmans. And thus five thousand Christians are placed in the terrible alternative either of facing the scaffold qr of pnrcljqsing tjieir lives hy ahan donittg their faith. Solow is already fallen the once mighty Turkey, that she can devise no other means to answer or evade the de mands of Russia. Words fail me to qualify these astonishing suggestions suebas never itay.e been r«>ade yet to the fallen chief of a generous nation, and could hardly have been expected in the nineteenth century. My answer does not admit of hesitation.— ijetweetj qtfaiji aiqi shame foe choice can nei * tber be dubious nor difficult, Governor of | Hungary, and elected to that high place by ; the confidence of fifteen millions of my coun trymen, I know well what 1 owe to the honor of tny country, even in exile. Even as a private individual I have an honorable path to pursue. Once Governor of a generous coun try—l leave no heritage to my children—they shall, at least, have an unsullied name. God’s wiil be done. lam prepared to die; but as I thiuk this measure dishonorable and injurious to Turkey, whose interest 1 sincere ly have at heart, and as I feel it my duty to save my companions in exile, if I can, from a degrading alternative, J have applied to the Grand Vizier tn a conciliatory manner, and took also the liberty to apply to Sir Stratford | Cunning and General Aupich, for their gener ' ons aid against the tyrannic act. Iu fulT reli- I ance on the noble sentiments and geneous prin [ ciples of your Excellency, by which as well [ as through your wisdom, you have secured the esteem of the civilized wprld, I trust to be ex cused in inclosing copies of my two letters to. the Grand Vizier and Sir Stratford Canning. 1 am informed that the whole matter is a cabal against the ministry of Reschid Pasha, whose enemies would wish to force him to our extradition in order to lower it in public' estimation, and render impossible its continu-• ance in office. It is certain that in the grand j council held on the 9th and 10th of September; after a tumultous debate, the majority of the I council declared in favor of our extradition, i the majority of the ministry against it. No 1 deci-iou w T as come to in consequence of the i a1..-:. atton which took place; but, notwithstand ing, tiie ministry thought fit to make us foe i revolting suggestion 1 have named. This mode of solving the difficulty would I not, I am convinced, save the ministry, because i a protection only given, in contradiction oi: the Sultan’s generous feeling, at the price of five thousand Christians abandoning their I faith, would be revolting to the whole chris-1 tian world, and prove hardly calculated so 1 whs sympathies lor Turkey in’ths event of war t with Russia, which, in the opinion of the most experienced Turkish statesmen, is approach- i ing fast. As to my native country, Turkey does, [ ! believe, already feel the loss of the negiectefl | opportunity of having given to Hungary at | least some moral help to enable it to check the advance of the common enemy. But it appears to me that it would be a very ill-ad vised mode of gaining Hungarian sympathy by sending me to an Austrian scaffold, aad for- cing my unhappy companions to abjure their religion, or accept the same alternative. No friends to the Turkish government would ■ spring up from my blood shed by her broken faith,"but many deadly foes. My lord, your ! heart will, I am sure, excuse my having called i i yonrattention to our unhappy fate,since it has ' now assumed political importance. Abandon- I ed in this unsocial land by the whole world, even the first duties of humanity give us no I promise ot protection unless, my lord, you and your generous nation come forward to protect us. What steps it may be expedient that you j should take, what we have a right to expect ' from the well known generosity of England, j it would be hardly fitting for me to enter on. j | I place my own and my companions’ -fate in , I vour hands, my lord, and in the name of hit- 1 inanity throw myself under the protection of England. Time presses—our doom may in a few days bo sealed. Allow me to make an humble per sonal request. lam a man, my lord, prepared to face the worst; and I can die with a free look at Heaven, as I have lived. But, I am also, my lord, a husband, son, and father ; my poor true-hearted wife, my children, and my noble old mother, are wandering about Hun gary. They will probably soon fall into the bauds of those Austrians who delight in tor turing even feeble women, and with whom the innocence of childhood is no protection against persecutions. I conjure your Excellency, in the name of the Most High, to put a stop to these cruelties by your powerful mediation, and especially to accord to my wife and chil dren an asylum on the soil of the generous English people. As to my people—my loved and noble coun try— must she, too, perish for ever. Shall she, unaided, abandoned to her fate, and una venged, be doomed to annihilation by her ty rants ? Will England, once her hope not be come her consolation 1 The political interests of civilized Europe, so many weighty considerations respecting England herself, and chiefly the maintainance of the Ottoman empire, are too intimately bound up with the existence of Hungary for me to lose all hope. My lord, may God the Almighty for many years shield you, that you may long protect the unfortunate, and live to be the guardian of the rights of freedom and humanity. I subscribe myself, with the most perfect respect and esteem. (Signed.) L. KOSSUTH. ILF We copy, with great pleasure, the fol lowing notice, by the Savannah Georgian, of the forthcoming Statistics of Georgia by the Rev. George White. Every Georgian will be proud to see such a work issued. It will be a great desideratum, and lhe interest taken in the work will be increased from the well known competency of the Rev. Mr. W. to make it just what it should be. Statistics of Georgia.—This book, for which the Rev- George White has been en gaged in obtaining subscribers during the last two years, will, we learn, make its appearance about the first of December. The Rev. gen tleman has been untiring in his labors. We promise to the public, in advance, a work of much interest to the good people of this State. Nothing upon its main subject, indicated in its title, has been published hitherto, beyond what we have in the small volume known as Sher wood’s Gazetteer. A very interesting article on the Geology of Georgia, prepared by a na tive Georgian, one of our most scientific and accomplished gen’lemen, will form the intro ductory sketch. This will be followed by ex tracts from manuscripts, by Col. Benjamin Hawkins, upon the aborigines of Georgia. Chapters succeed upon the situation, bounda ries and extent of the State—her soil and pro ductions —her rivers, population, and early settlement—progress of the first colony sent to Georgia—an account of the Yazoo Fraud— political Government—Judiciary—Militia Sys tem—Education—lnternal Improvements, and Religious Denominations. A very full and interesting description will be given of each county in Georgia. Departing from the plan of Sherwood, which made references to a sub sequent part of his Gazetteer for biographies of erpinent men, after whom the comities were Hacked, Mr. White follows Ina description of eatyi county witl) an approbate bkgraphy. He has been indefatigable in obtaining the materials out of which he has constructed his lives. He has done much in this respect. The people will have a knowledge of the prin ciple incidents in the career of those citizens who have been thus greatly honored by them. Much it is to be regretted that little could be recovered in reference to some. But what is given by Mr. White, will be valuable not only for preserving the memory of our public ser vants —and thereby encouraging, in addition to the impulses of patriotism, a devotion in others to public duty—but for contributing to the fund from which future historians will draw. The geological portion of the work is en richad by Bonner’s Map of Georgis, geologi cally illustrated. The work will be issued by Co'. William T. Williams, of this city. We cannot con clude this notice of a forthcoming book with out expressing our earnest desire that it will be well received atfo sustained by the people of Georgia, and that both author and publisher will be amply rewarded fortheir labor and en terprise. Letters Returned from Liverpool.— We understand from the Post-Office that a package containing merchants’ letters, was re ceived by the Europa from the Liverpool Post master, having been seized by the Admiralty Agent at that port. The letters, one hundred and five in number, all destined for the Conti nent, were sent from this port, by the Niagara on the 19th Sept, by a private hand, and be ing found in a passengers’trunk were breach of thp I’ost-vjftice jaw.-—New York Tribune. [Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.] New York, Oct. 27—4 o’clock, P. M. Horrible Suicide.—horrible tragedy has come to light within a day or two, in the discovery f the body of a decently dressed stranger in the grounds qf foe Cymosti Hills Cemetery, Brooklyn. A pistol grasped in his right h uid, and a bullet hole in his head indica ted his death to have been a suicide. He had evidently been for a long time dead, for his face and head were so much disfigured by birds or vepnin, fta to defy recognition by the nearest triend. Nothing was found upon bis person to indicate his name. Qn his little finger was a plain gold ring, and ill bis pocket a rat! road ticket io the Long Island race course, September 25, which leads to the supposition that, having staked his all upon the race, and lost, had taken this terrible foode of ending hfoiself and hjs troubles. Quebec, Monday, Oct. 29. A row occurred in this city on Saturday, at the Annexation Meeting—the Mayor refused to attend the Meeting at the Parliament Build ings, and it was adjourtjet} to foe Bt. George’s Hotel. Another row here occurred, but the assailants were driven cff. They then wept j to the house of Mr. Canchon, M. P., for I Montetacrenci, an anti-Annexationist, and : broke the windows, beside doing other damage. j Virginia.—Col. Geo. W. Thompson, (late I U. S, District Attorney) has been nominated ; for Congress by the Loco-Focos of the Wheei ! ing District, in the place of Alex. Newman. I deceased. Thomas S. Haymont] and one or i two other Whigs are stump candidates at pre- I sent, but will probably all but one withdraw, i Election, Thursday, Nov. 8. Vote for Presi- I dent, Taylor 4,042; Cass J,216. lu'44, Clay I 3,778; Polk 4,638. —New York Tribune. Again Respited.—The Camden Journal says : Our readers will recollect that last Fri day was appointed hy the second respite as the day for the execution of prisoner Brown; but the Executive clemency has again been successfully invoked. In consideration of his continued suffering, his Excellency the Gov ernor has extended his day us execution two months longer—to the last Friday in Decem ber. His broken limb, we learn, mends slow ly. but we believe he is regarded as being in a fairway to get well, Wild Geese.—Wild Geese are already be coming q <ite plentiful on the Potomac. Sev- j eral gangs have passed over our village within the last day or two. The arriya! of these ' fowls is regarded by old sportsmen as an indi- i cation of the near approach of hard wea her [Leonardtown Beacon, To the Editors. Gentlemen: I was pleased to see in a late number of the Union the excellent resolutions adopted and promulgated by that noble assent b'age of patriots and statesmen known as the Southern Convention of the Slate of Missis sippi. These resolutions clearly exhibit the attitude of the whole people of Mississippi in regard to the Wilmot Proviso and other kin dred measures, and announce the determina tion of the State to resist ali and each of said measures, and all measures of similar import i or tendency, however disguised or however insidiously brought forward, at all hazards and |to the last extremity. I have the honor to . transmit herewith the admirable address of j the president of the convention, Chief Justice I Sharkey, on taking the chair, and Jo desire 1 that it may find a place in your columns. As Judge Sharkey, however well and favorably known to the bar and bench of the country, may not have heretofore attracted the special attention of a portion of your readers, I beg leave to state a few particulars concerning his life and character. William L. Sharkey has been known for more than twenty years as one of the ablest jurists in the southwestern section of the republic. He is as rem irkable for all the virtues which belong to social and domestic life as he is for legal learning and elevated patriotism. He is distinguished above most men for sweetness and placidity of temper, a bland courtesy of manners, and a discreet and cautious circumspection and forbearance under all circumstances of trial and irritation. He has for many years past had no particular connection with scenes of political strife, but has been recognized by all who know him as a uniform and inflexible whig; and he voted in the late presidential election for the present Chief Magistrate of the United States, as did precisely one-half of the members of the convention over which he was on this occasion called to preside. When all these facts come to be duly considered, it is to be hoped that his words of stern remon strance and solemn warning will not be disre garded by those who love the Union, and are desirous that our free institutions shall be perpetuated. Most cordially and respectfully, H. S. FOOTE. STEECH OF HON. W. L. SHARKEY, PRESIDENT OF THE SOUTHERN STATE CONVENTION. Jackson, Oct. 6, 1849. Editors Mississippian and Southron : Gentlemen: In obedience to a resolution of the convention, I have the honor to hand to you the substance of the address delivered by me on taking the chair. As I have been compelled to rely on memory alone, the lan guage employed cannot be accurately given, though I think there is no material variance as to the matter. • Your obedient servant, W. L. SHARKEY. Gentlemen of the Convention: Whilst I sincerely thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me, I regret that the important duty was not assigned to some one more com petent than myself. I dissemble not in de claring that this honor was not expected by me, and hence feel more embarrassed in ad dressing you. The subject of your contemplated delibera tions is an important one : nothing less than a question involving in its consequences the liberty of the people—perhaps directly or re motely the liberty of other nations. I trust you will approach it dispassionately—that you will lay aside your parly predilections, and meet it, not as politicians, but as patriots—as statesmen. We had flattered ourselves that the capacity of man for self-government was no longer a subject of doubt. We have b.tast ed of ours as an example of a free government, based on an enduring foundation. I trust it may prove so, but events of recent occurrence seem to forbode danger. The convocation of this assembly—the intense interest manifest in every countenance here, are proofs that there is cause of alarm. For a time we have been prosperous and happy under a free govern ment; but that time, in the great history of man, is but a brief space, a mere point. The page of history is yet tresh which records onr existence as a nation of freemen. Scarce has the stain of revolutionary blood, shed, for li berty, faded from the face of the land, before it has been found necdssary for the people of ‘ the south to prepare to check threatened'ag gression. And whence this danger ? No foreign foe threatens us. Our countrymen, our brothers, are arrayed against us in civil strife. They seem to forget that they are al lied to us by the most sacred ties, and to forget the value of the Union. Blinded by the poison of fanaticism, they seek to abridge our consti tutional rights in the enjoyment bf our propei ty, under the mask of false humanity. If the right to do so was unquestionable, in Christian charity itshonld be asserted without inflicting remorseless stings to our sensibilities. The entire independence of the States was achiev ed by the most memorable struggle that history records. They were separate and indepen dent sovereignties, and first united under arti cles of confederation. These articles were defective, mainly in not having provided pro per means for raising a revenue, and in not giving Congress sufficient power to regulate commerce. These defects gave rise to our present constitution. In the convention which formed it, the States met as equals in political power. The small States were unwilling to relinquish their equality of power; the slave holding States were unwilling to confederate, unless their slaves should be made a basis of representation, and the owners secured in their right. They were exciting subjects. After great difficulty they were compromised. The second section of the first article pro vides that represpptaiivas and direct taxes should bp apportioned according to numbers, | to be ascertained by adding three-fifths of the slaves to the number of wtiites. The second j section of the fourth article provides fop re- I capturing slaves, escaping into those States 1 where slayery did not exist. In these pro visions we have an acknowledgment of the ' existence of slavery, and a guaranty for its protection as foe basis of representation, and 1 r.a property. The constitution did not create : property in slaves, Such right existed ante- i rior to and above the constitution. As slaves | were owned in many of the States, they would i not of course have entered into the canfeqera- : cy on such terms tfs wqulfi weaken the right ; of (he owuer to his slave, or diminish the value. One of the great objects of the con- ' stitution was, that it should, in its consequen- ' ces, protect property by giving protection. snd strength to the several States. But as foe , States were sovereign, they cmild not surreti-! der to Congress the right 'to control by legis- \ latioa the property of their citizens. Such a grant of power would have been a complete ) surrender of sovereignty. A great consolida- i ted government would have risen up. which > was an evil, of all others, m/ast dreaded, and ; most rigidly guarded against, by declaring that I j all power not expressly granted to Congress, | was reserved to the States or to the people, j : Hence no power can be exercised unless it has ! been granted by the constitution. The safety j of the States and of the people is best preserv-1 ed by holding Congress strictly within the limits of tlie delegated powers. No rule of, construction can be safe which encroaches 1 upon individual rights. Tiie right to hold ' slaves as property became a fixed principle, ■ , inseparable from the other provisions of the , constitution. Indeed, that description of pro- ’ j perty seems to have been thought worthy of : specific and special protection. The consti-; tntion niuat exist and harmonize in ali its parts. : Every principle it contains is inseparably con nected together. It is an entire thing, being the great frame work of the government, in dissolubly muted in all its parts. It would not have been formed without the insertion of every feature ; it is an infraction to violate any of them ; the symmetry is broken. Notwithstanding this unqualified recognition , of property in slaves, and the protection provi-; ded for its enjoyment as such, still it is con- i tended that Congress may prohibit and abolish , it iu the territories of the United States. The territories are common property, and cannct < be appropriated by Congress to the use of one i portion ol the common owners to the exclusion : of another. Equality of right must then pre- j vail; and any act which would destroy tfiqt ■ i equality cannot be valid. It is a principle in ' i the law of nations, that alt the members of j ' the community have an equ il right to tha us.e I ' of their common property.” Rufos may be I ' prescribed by the sovereign power regulating l t the manner of Its use, provided they are con- j t sistent with that entire equality which ought' t to be preserved. If the sovereign authority 1 in a State or nation can do nothing which I shall produce iiwquality in 'he eiij ryn.mt of 1 the public domain or property, surely such au thority is not possessed by the Federal gov- i eminent, which has but a limited power. The i attempt by Congress to prohibit slavery in the territory of California has caused this meeting. ! That territory is common property. There each citizen of the United States has equal | rights, is entitled to equal freedom in the en- ' joyment of the territories. lam proud to say, I that in acquiring it, Mississippians displnyed ' ns much valor as any other portion of their' brethren in aims, and shed as much blood, ; in proportion to their numbers, as the citi- ' zens of any of the Stales. They were dis- i i tinguished for their prowess in many a hard I fought battle, but now they are to be told 1 that restrictions must be imposed on tiieir I right to enjoy tlie conquest. Can we, should ; we yield the fruits of our valor, and surrender I with it our constitutional right of equality? I Congiess cannot deprive us of it, and ought [ not if it could; cannot say, that if we go, we | must leave our property behind us. Property l constitutes the means of enjoyment, and to i exclude the property of the people of the Southern States, is in effect to exclude the 1 people and appropriate the country to lhe i Northern States. Such a power is not possess i ed by a government possessing sovereignty ; it could not be rightfully exercised even by a j monarchy. The property of the South con j sists mostly in slaves, and to interdict its use | on our own soil, would not only be unjust, i but an arbitrary violation of tlie constitution, j It is vain to talk of our right to lhe territories, j if we may be deprived of the means of enjoy ing those rights. The mere soil is nothing; | it is the use that we may make of it which ; renders it valuable. As well might Congress interdict the use of any other property there ; it it can exclude a slave, it may exclude a horse or an ox. We do not derive the right to hold either from the constitution. That instrument is but subser vient to their use. But why is it that we must be deprived of this privilege ? Because, say our northern brethren slavery is a moral and a political evil. Who has lhe right to determine that it is.so ? Let them eradicate moral evils from their own land ; we can take care of our own morals. Is it possible it has come to this, that Congress has the right, under a limited grant of power, to travel into the wide field of ethics, and regulate our moral conduct ? That is a question for our con science. Mortality is twin sister to religion; they are as inseparably allied as cause and ef fect ; the power to regulate one necessarily implies the power to regulate the other. Is it possible that in defiance of the guards in the constitution, Congress will encroach on so delicate, so sacred a subject? If there is any thing dear to an American, it is his liberty of conscience—his right to worship his God at the altar of his choice. I must admonish my Methodist and my Baptist friends to be on their guard. You may soon be told that your religion is a moral evil, and must bo extermina ted, for if Congress bas the right to legislate on the ground of Moral evils, “ To this com plexion must it come at last.” But who has a right to say that it is a political evil ? We do not find such a doctrine inculcated by the constitution. Congress may decide on ques tions of expediency within the range of the delegated powers; but that cannot be a political evil within the jeach of its legislative power, which is secured to the citizen and prohibited to Congress. Congress has no power to say tiiat constitu tional rights are political evils. To that body nothing is a political evil which is secured to the States or to tlie people. Moral and political evils are themes which open wide fields for investigation, and if Congress may occupy them as the ground-work of its acion, the constitution is worthless. Instead of a limited we have an unlimited government. If the people, the fountain of power, should de termine tiiat a political evil exists, they may apply the remedy, but it is not with Congress. This political and moral evil, it seems, is ex clusively in the South, and those who have determined it to be so, and wish to eradicate it, reside in the North. As sovereign States we have the power to judge of and to correct moral and political evils within our limits.— We ask not the interference of the Nortii to correct our morals or our institutions. We do not intrude upon them ; but only demand to be permitted to an equality in the enjoyment of our common property. Congress,' it is true, may establish a government in the territo ry, butthat government must be founded in equality. It must protect the property of the common owner as well as his person. Wheth er this power is derived under the third section of the fourth aarticle of the constitution, or whether it is derived from the power, to acquire territory, or the war and treaty-making pow er, is not material—it must bo exercised so as to preserve inviolate every principle of the constitution. Butin the efforts to exclude our property from that territory, another false doctrine is promulgated which is equally disastrous to us. We are told that, as slavery was prohibited by the laws of Mexico, we cannot take slaves there without the authority of a law p nitting It. This is the doctrine of a class of puaiicians in our country who look no further than the surface of the law. If this error were con fined to politicians, it might be passed over as harmless; but it is also the doctrine which has been unceremoniously promulgated by a mem ber of tlie Supreme bench. We could over look the groundless fallacies of a few politi cians ; but when the sanctity of the bench is perverted, and its influence thrown as an element into the exciting cause of malcontent and strife, there is ground of complaint. If this could be a judicial question in any shape, that was the tribunal before which it migiit come. With the decision, the American peo ple would have rested satisfied. Quiet would have been restored. It was a great constitutional question, and on such ques tions tho people of the United States have been taught to look to the decisions of the Supreme Court with veneration ; but they have not been accustomed to have them promulgated in ad vance, and are startled at thus seeing them.— The effect is almost as injurious to us us a de cision regularly pronounced; because it has deterred the Squlh from an equal participancy in tl.e territories, whilst it has emboldened the North to persiat in its efforts. It >; as caused one- party to believe that it was right, and the other to fear that it was wrong. From posi tion, it h»f, made “the worse appear the better Cause.” I is not true that slavery does not ex ist in California, although it may have been prohibited by the laws of Mexico. True, the conquering country may permit the municipal laws of the conquered country to remain in force, but this is only true of private or strictly municipal laws ; it is not true ns regards po litical laws. By elementary writers laws are divided into public and private, or political and municipal. Political laws are such as are or ganic, and confer power and form on the gov ernment. They give it vitality as an organized body. ! These political laws, are sometimes reduced to the form of a constitution, which becomes • supreme and paramount to all other laws, ei . ther public or private. Our constitution is the ■ law of our being—it is the essence of our ' government; it is the combination of certain great principles, between each one of which I there is a connexion and dependency and the ’ aggregate constitutes a unit. To withdraw or i destroy any one of them would break the en . tire fabric. It would lop off an essential part of our political power. When we acquired California, it became subject to our constitu tion—our whole constitution—our constitution as an entire thing. The territory did not be come subject to part cf our government only, but every principle of the constitution prevail ed there as an active principle, and superseded of necessity, what ever was repugnant to any of them. No abridgement of the rights of the new comers would be permitted. The vested rights of the citizens there at the time we acquired it, may be protected by a princi ple not inconsistent with this position. The consequence is, that we have a right to take our slaves there, because they are our property, secured to us as such by the principles of our paramount political law. If it were true that slavery was then prohibited by the laws of Mexico ami could not be established there without positive laws, then the constitution went there a mere cripple. But not so. Wherever the stripes and stars float over a territory, as an emblem of political dominion, they rest upon a perfect pedestal, formed by every principle in the constitution indissolubly cemented together. As well may it be said tiiat our constitution must give place to the established religion of Mexico. How strange it is, that whilst Congress has no power over the subject of slavery, in con sequence of an inhibition, that it should he contended that the laws of the conquered country should secure a prohibition, and thus triumph over onr constitutional rights. Thus, as I conceive, stands the question of right ; but if it were a question of expediency merely, how ungenerous the conduct of the North. We are united as a family of nations. We may have different local interests, but our obligations to each other require an observance of good faith, of good feeling, of mutual sup port and forbearance. With them, it is matter of feeling only—with us, it is a question of in ! terest. Are they not prepared to yield their feeling and their prejudices for lhe sake of pro ' tectingour interests? If not they have for -1 gotten the objects of the Union—mutual safe- I ty, prosperity, and happiness dictated it. i Are they willing to risk all these for thegra- I fification of a mere imaginary philawtbropy ? It would seem so. The Wilmot proviso is but the entering wedge. That accomplished, and the rest will follow. Emancipation in the States is doubtless lhe ultimate object, and we have reason to fear that at no point short of this will the effort cease. The Union must be dissolved, and the blessings we enjoy under our government must become a sacrifice on the altar of fanaticism. We must become a degraded people, or abandon our country to the As i ,can race. We would say to them, be- _ ware! You but rush on to your own des truction. It is a subject of deep regret, tiiat the pow erful engine of prejudice is arrayed against ns. Enormities are falsely ascribed to u», with a view to excite indignation. They add insult to injury. We are held out as destitute of common mercy—degraded at home and abroad. The means employed are calculated to excite our slave population and endangep . our lives. We hope and believe that therq are still a few at the North, who value '.'ne Union, and do not engage in this unnatural warfare. Our Union should be social as well as political ; amity should prevail between the different divisions. But the ties that bind us are being daily weakened, and the love of the Union diminished. We have remonstrated, but in vain. We yield to none, in a deep and abiding love for the Union. We wish not to sever it, but to re-cement it. We can vindi cate it only by keeping it inviolate. We would preserve it in all its purity. We v/knt it as onr fathers gave it to us, and must uefend it against infraction as a sacred duty we owe to their memory. The South has borne a hope tiiat a sense of justice would ultimately cor rect the evil, but of this there seems now to be but little hope. We must take our stand. Let ns survey the ground well, and occupy that, position, on which we can stand within t’je pale of the constitution ; and when taken, lex us maintain it, like men who know their righto and are determined to protect them. We are not the aggressors, and if the result, should prove disastrous, let the blame resi on those who have provoked the quarrel. Thus, gentlemen of the convention, I have endeavored to point out what f regard as our constitutional rights. The fevils you know. Bhe great and serious inquiry is, shall we submit to further degredation, or shall we seek red ess? It the biter, how is it to be obtained? Let me again allude to the impor tance of the subject-—again 1 entreat you to weigh it well, calmly and dispassionately.— We meet not here to discuss on an ordinary topic. Here we can have no early preferen ces. W e are joint owners ci this great es tate. It is our birthright—our inheritance. We may have our honest differenccS’tif opinion about its management by our agents, but, when the whole is about to bewept from 118, we cannot differ as to the necessity of its pre servation. Let us confer together as patriots. Our country is above out party. Such feel ings 1 trust and believa you ali entertain, anti hope that they may lead, you to wise and hap py results. iLFThc three great local ideas in New York, at this time, are the bridge over the East river to Brooklyn, the Underground Rail Road, and the I.igJuirig vs Bruud WBJ* with OruuiaiiuiiU Lights. Plank Roads.—The Griffin Jeffersonian states, that the Plank Road from that thriving town to West Point, on the Chattahoochie,, will be completed in a year. Pofulation of South Cakolina.—Accor ding to a census of South Carolina, the white inhabitants now number 280,385, a gain in ten years of 23,269. ILFMadaine Augusta, with lier busband, the Count St. James, and a ballet troupe, are passengers in the steamer Isabel, for Havana. Texas—A meeting was held at Harrison, Texas, on the 29th of September, which re commended a of the seat of Govern ment of tlie "state. ILFStrakosch, the Biscacciants and Casini are in Richmond, Va.—The Montplasirs have just concluded an engagement in New Or leans. The American Envoy, Hon. Abbot lau rence, has arrived at London, with his family, and entered up-n the duties of his office. Mr. Macready appeared at the Haymarket Theatre, London, on Monday, October, Bth, in Macbeth. He was received by a dense audience, with a tempest of applause. The premises of Gooch & wool brokers London Wall, were burne.i up on October 6th; loss £IOO,OOO, insured. ' MARPtIED. On the 23d ult., by the Hon. E. C. Wil liamson, J. I. G., Isham H. Saflfold, jr., Esq., and Miss Martha Ann Louisa Prescott—all of Sandersville, Ga. On the 25th ult., by the Rev. Isaac Smith, Rev. Kinsey Chambers, of Hancock county, and Miss Martha O. Marlin, of Washington County. Special Notices. tr.r We are authorized to aw . uounce Major FURNEY GEORGE a solwU’.oi of the suffrages of the people of Burke counX y for the office of Tax Collector, at the ensuing elec tion in January, 1860. Oct 2 ID’ We are authorized to an* nouiice MATHEW J. PARSONS as a candi date for Sheriff of Burke county at the «.inuing January election. Aiqg 28 (EF We are authorized to announcet A. H. ROBERTS as a candidate for Sheriff of Burka County, at the election in January next. May 29th, J 849. !JT W’e are authorized to an* no nee GEORGE W. STONE as acnadidate fr. Receiver es Tax Returns, at the next January e.e .-tfon, for the county of Burke. Sept 6 smß MANY VOTERS. IT We are authorized to nu nounce Mr. W. M. ROBY as a candid Ate for Receiver of Tax Returns for the county t>f Put nam, by MANY VOTERS. sept 25 IT We are authorized to an nounce WILLIAM JENKINS as a candidate for Tax Collector of Burke county, at th(> Elec tion iu January next. Oct 11 ttJ“ Mr. E. O’NEAL will be sup ported for the office of Sheriff of Putnam bounty, at the election iu January next, by sept 25 MANY VOTERS. D- DR. E. A. METVAEF re respectfully offers his services to the citizens of Greene county as Physician and Surgeon. He may always be fouud at his office in Greensboro’. Aug 28 ts IVTEW ML'SIC. — The subscribers have _L 1 just received the following new Music, viz: Songs—Annie o’the Banks of Dee; Love’s Twi light Star; Am I no more remembered; Cue Flour Pour Response ; One parting word, Mary; Gentle Voices, by Glover; I love my home on the rocky shore. Ethiopean Songs—Nelly was a Lady; Commence ye Darkies all; Old Pine Tree; Rosa Dear. Waltzes—Eleanor, Memo, ry, Maben, Huckleberry Polka, Mosquito do, and a great variety of similar pieces. aug 25 GEO. A OATEB & CO. Broad-si,
