Newspaper Page Text
2
(Commercial Intelligence.
Office of the Republic, |
November 3, 1849. \
AIGISTA MARKET.
Our market was very quiet cn yesterday, as j
every one was willing to await the accounts now* j
due, ere they operated to any extent. On Thurs- I
day the sales were about 2000 bales, at very full ;
prices, for good Cottons, while the qualities below ;
middling fair were difficult of sale.
Comparative Statement
Os the quantity of Cotton received, shipped, ou
hand,&c. in Hamburg and Augusta, up to the Ist
of November from the Ist of September, 1849 : j
1849 1848-9 i
Stock on hand, Sept. 1, 1849, 13,819 26,553
Since received, to Ist November,sl,267 4 ,646
Total, 65,086 75,199
Total shipments, 32,068 44,958
Stock in Augusta, Nov. Ist, 21,795 22,029
Hamburg, 11,223 8,212
Total stock Ist November, 33,018 30,241
lEFThe receipts of cotton by the Georgia Rail
Road, during the month of October, were 20,678
bales, against 16,377 balesduring the same month
last year.
UfThe sales of cotton in Charleston, for
the week ending on Thursday last, reached
22,000 bales, at prices ranging from 10 to Hi
cents. The receipts, during the same time,
were 13,000 bales. Fair cottons were quoted
at 11 cents.
rrThe New York cotton market on Thurs
day was steady, and fair uplands were quoted
at Ili cents. Flour was firmer; and sterling
exchange at 10| premium.
Coffee—looo bags ot Rio, part of the
cargo lately imported direct, were disposed of
at 10| cents/ We understand that the balance
is limited at the same price.—Charleston
Mercury, Nov. 2d.
[By Telegraph to Charleston Mercury.]
Baltimore, Nov. 1, 6 P. M.
Madame Bodisco has published a card in
the Washington papers, pronouncing the state
ment concerning the banishment of her hus
band to Siberia a fabrication.
She has received a letter from him by the
Europa, in which he states that he will be in
Washington in the course of ninety days.
New York, Oct. 31, 6 P. M.
In Canada, affairs are in a very disturbed
condition. Many of the most influential in
habitants are taking a deaided stand in favor
of annexation to the United Slates.
The French Question in a Nut Shell.—
The New York Globe in publishing the fol
lowing letters, statesjhat they are not prepared
to say that it is a literal copy of the documents
in the office of Mr. Secretary Clayton,of the
correspondence which passed between , lb*
Whig Administration and the Frepa>*f»ister.
For shortness, sharpii§a»-* fi u personalities,
wetbinkit with the
and P artial translations
, ,-<fimhhave heretofore appeared ! It will be
Beer, that it places the matter of difficulty in as
intelligent a light as the lengthy documents :
THE FRENCH MINISTER TO THE I’RF.SIDF.NT.
[lmperfect Translation.]
French Legation, Washington, )
September 2, 1849. $
M. le President, Vieux Zack:
I beg leave to call ze attention of ze Gov
ernment de les Etats Unis, to von grand in
stance of rascality (bas) in gratitude on ze
part of one officare of ze U. S. Navy, M. le
Capitan Carpender. He has dare to save a
French vessel, ze Eugiue, whoso crow was
only half drown. Allow me to observe viz all
*e politesse characteristique of la belle nation,
which 1 have honneur to represent zat such
conduct vt! not -M fatotee* by hfa Majesty, my
master, zePresident of France: TnStanfTepr-'
ration is expect or ze bloody consequences
will rest upon ze Government de les Etats
U 'l have de honneur to be, ze distinguished
consideration, your excellency’s vare obedient
""gule’EM tell puss-in-boots.
The President to the French Minister.
Washington, Sept. 2, 1849.
To the French Minister :
Your note of the Istinst. is ungentlemanly.
You can withdraw it or cut a stick—just as
you please. . .
I have the honor to remain, with feelings ot
the utmost respect your obedimit^serw
The French Minister to the President.
[lmperfect Translation.]
Washington, Sept. 2, 1849.
M. le President:
Vat you call “ Cut Stick ? ” Do you take
me for ze wood chopper ? I have represent
xe French nation here little time and have seen
enough rascal to make ze blood freeze wiz
terrible. Your navy officers are a pack ot
scamps, and ze Government is not much better.
Renewing ze assurance of my big consider
ation, 1 have ze honor to romaine your most
obedient zervante.
G. T. PUSS-IN-BOOTS.
Ths President to the I" bench Minister.
[Evidently written in a rage.]
Washington, Sept. 3.
To the French Minister :
P-D-lense ff-go t-to h—l, you d-d Ma—r reneb
Crapo. Z. TAYLOR.
It will be seen from this, that the corres
pondence bad a rather abrupt termination.
The Great Southern Convention. —At
the late Mississippi Convention, it was sug
gested that a great Southern Convention
should be bold, at Nashville, on the Ist Mon-
In June next. The Nashville “True Whig”
•ays:
Among the resolutions adopted, was one
designating the first Monday in June next, as
the dav for a great Southern Convention to
meet at Nashville, to “devise and adopt some
mode of resistance” to further aggressions on
the part of the North.
We trust the Southern States will be fully
represented, as well tor embodying in definite
form the real sentiments of the South, as for
adopting such measures as may be best cal
culated to bring about unity and concertofac
tion in defence of her rights and interests, up
on this vitally interesting and exciting ques
tion.
Plank Road. —We learn that the stock
•40 ,000, for the plank road from this city to
Wetumpka la all taken. The estimate for
the distance, which, by the route selected, is
sixteen miles, is very liberal. It is expected
that two thirds of that sum may be ample ; in
cluding the bridge and all other expenditures.
The Tallapoosa will be crossed at Judkins’s
Terry, as it is considered the lowest point prac
ticable. The stock for the route above We
tompka is, we are informed, progressing ra
pidly.—[Montgomery Journal.
The Tunnel. —The Cherokee Adv. of the
Ist inst. says : We are informed by Col. Coch
rtn, the Contractor, who has just returned
from the work, that the perforation will be
completed this week, on Friday or Saturday.
The sound of tire pick-axe can be distinctly
beard from the opposite parties working to
wards each other. The arching &c. will be
finished by Christmas.
fTThe Marietta Advocate, of the Ist inst.,
■ays ? With feelings of deep regret we record
tha decease, on yesterday, the 31st ultimo, in
this place, of the Rev. Isaac W. Waddel,
after a long and painful illness. An afflicted
fcmily, will have m their loss, the sympathy
*f an extended circle mfauached friend*, who
■aieeme.i the deceased as a man 11 ' nin * s '
of the Gospel.
2UioUsta, QM.
Saturday Morning, November 3, 1849.
ILF See, in another column, the advertise
of Mr. Snowdon. His well known abilities
will, no doubt, cause as many as he can well
teach to avail themselves of the opportunity of
attending his night school.
Cuuiiinsliain’s Mills.
We are indebted to Messrs. S. D. Linton &
Co. for a beautiful specimen of some of the
first Flour which they have turned out from
their splendid Mills on the Canal in this city.
This is a beautiful and most excellent sample
of family flour.
We witness this commencement of the
flouring business in our city with sincere
gratification, and look forward to the day when
Augusta will become a noted market for
grains of various kinds. It is greatly to be
regretted that the wheat crop of the interior
proved so great a failure the past season.
Georgia, Carolina and Tennessee wheat
makes flour of a superior quality. For the
present, the enterprising owners of the mills
in this city w 11 be greatly dependent for their
wheat upon northern markets. Accessible as
Augusta is from all points of the compass, we
know of no reason why the mills here should
not do an immense business. We trust that
they may, and thus the proprietors reap a due
reward for their labor and enterprise, as well
as furnish a substantial market to .wheat
growers, and add to the general prosperity of
the city.
Chief Justice Sharkey's Address
to the Mississippi Couycfatiou. 1
We copy, from the Savannah Georgian, the
Address of Chief Justice Sharkey to the recent
State Convention of Mississippi, over which
he was called to preside. We also copy the
introductory letter of the Hon. H. S. Foote.
That is interesting for the brief sketch which
it gives of the public and private life of Judge
Sharkey. Nothing more is wanting to estab
lish for him a high reputation for logical acu
men, than the address which we now have the
pleasure of laying before our readers. Com
ing as it does from a firm but moderate whig,
a jurist of distinguished reputation, a mun of
amiable and placid temper, discreet and cau
tious in all the relations of life, we trust its
weighty truths, expressed in such graphic
purity and elegance, will make a universally
profound impression. It is singularly con
densed, and yet clearly comprehensible. The
question of southern rights iwihe territories is
placed beyond the pale of further doubt, and
all who read will pay the homage of a respect
ful deference to the intellectuality and legal
'learning which give it character and force.
If it contains but few high flights of elo
quence, it is full of something much better,
the majesty of truth, clothed in language of
rich purity and beauty.
That Chief Justice Sharkey is devoted to
the Union, as it was intended to exist by those
who brought it into existence, is evident from
almost every word of bis address.
We would respectfully ask of all our read
ers not to pass this effort by, if they could be
pleased with the use of a polemic blade,
sharpened by a high order of mind and guided
by superior legal and constitutional learning
and wisdom. To many by no means unskill
ed in legal jurisprudence, this argument of
Chief Justice Sharkey will prove an admirable
text for study, reference and comment. It is
cast in the true mould of mental greatness,
and stands like a solid rock around which the,
-s>>sSs«ull ilw isunalttn and aophts-
try may murmur and beat, in vain, forever.
The magnitude of the occasion and the sub
ject, the judicial position of the author of the
address, the convulsed and endangered condi
tion of the country, the consequences to flow
from the decision of the people, render the
question one of so profound an interest as to
justify ns in giving to it so much space in our
columns.
IT We copy, with pleasure, the following
notice of two paintings of a young and pro
mising artist of our city. We have, hereto
fore, inspected some of Mr. Boggs’s paintings,
and were impressed with the evidences which
they exhibited of his possessing true genius
for the pencil.
[From the Constitutionalist, of yesterday.]
Our Native Artists.—lt is the true inter
est, as it should be the pride and pleasure, of
every community, to encourage its native ta
lent. True merit struggling to rise, and aspir
ing to honorable distinction, is an ennobling
sight, and appeals to the most generous sym
pathies of every manly nature, Tiiat Augus
ta is not less keenly alive to these impulses
titan other cities, we would not do her the in
justice to doubt. When she finds, in her
midst, a ray of pure and true genius, shining
in a modest retirement, yet worthy, at some
day, to adorn the high places of intejlecf a»d
art, she will extend to it a warm hearted wel
come, we hope and believe for the honor of
our city.
These reflections suggested themselves on
viewing at Hogriffeand Schneider’s (the Man
sion House), two paintings by Mr. Boggs, a
young and native artist of our city. He is
quite a youth, but already exhibits a precocious
talent and capacity in the divine art of painting.
These productio is, are a copy of Huntington’s
celebrated painting “ The Page,” and “ The
Sybil,” a copy from the fine engraving dis
tributed by the American Art-Union.
We cannot speak of them as finished pro
ductions. But they are very handsomely ex
ecuted— would be an ornament to any parlor,
and are exceedingly creditable to so young an !
artist, and one almost self-taught.
Mr. Boggs will soon visit the city of New ■
York, to improve himself in the profession he '
has chosen, and will be absent a long time.
Let not Augusta shew herself unappreciative
of the early productions ot one who is destin
ed to reflect honor on his native city.
As a test of the merits of these Paintings,
we state that they were awarded a premium
at the Fair at Stone Mountain, in August last, j
Rehoboth Association The Minutes of
the last Annual Meeting of the Rehoboth 1
Baptist Association, which have just been !
printed, exhibit the following condition of as- j
fairs in the churches. There are 27 church-1
es, and 12 ministers in the Association. There
were baptised during the past year 81 ; receiv-1
ed by letter 67; by voucher 1; excommunicat- [
ed 11; restored 1; died 9; dismissed by letter |
146—making total number of white members
1042; blacks 667—grand total 1786. The
next meeting of the Association is to be held
at Shiloh Church, Upson county, on the first
Sunday in September next.—Macon Mess.
Failure of the Susquehanna County
Bank. —A respectable Broker of this city le
ceived a telegraphic despatch from New York
announcing the failure of the Susquehanna
County Bank. He considers the information
entirely reliable.—[Phila. Bulletin.
Montreal, Oct. 27.
Progress ofAnnexation in Canada —A
requisition for a meeting at Quebec, to take
I into consideration the best means of obtaining
' Annexation, was signed by several hundreds
iof persons, of both races. The meeting was
fixed for Saturday the 27th ulu
I ITFather Mathew arrived at Hartford from
I Springfield on Saturday afternoon, and ad
ministered the pledge Sunday the 2Sth Oct.—
He is coming to Charleston (S. C.)
ITCassius M.Clay has now entirely recov
! ered from the wounds he received in his last
j fight.
The I.nte Foreign News.
The political news bronglit by the late i
steamer is certainly far from affording any
certain conclusions upon the Russian and I
Turkish difficulty. We publish, to-day, the |
eloquent and powerful appeal of that great ;
and consistent patriot, L. Kossuth. It will be
seen that the Turkish Government does not '
occupy that noble and lofty ground, heretofore
supposed ; in reference to the unfortunate
Hungarian It was appealed to for
a piuct i r.i.gu an! protection, and after
granting it to them.it would now appear that
they must abjure t!.-. h religion and become
Musselmen to obtain the protection originally
iffered,
The following will throw additional light
:pon this matter:
“Some of the refugees at Widdin have
dopted the Mahomedan faith, in order to se
ure themselves against any danger of being
lelivered to the Russian Government. A let
ter, dated the 26th ult., states that before enter
ing the Turkish territory official assurances
were given by the Turks to Kossuth, that he
and his fellow-refugees were welcome guests,
and should be allowed to proceed to any part
of the world. The refugees were subsequent
ly alarmed by intelligence that the Russian
and Austrian envoys had demanded the deliv
ery of the Poles and Hungarians, and that a
council had decided in favor of granting the
demand, though the Turkish ministers strong
ly opposed it; but that all admitted that none
who should embrace the Moslem faith could
possibly be delivered to infidels. The minis
try despatched a reverend mollah to examine
the refugees separately, and expose to them
the state of lhe case, whilst timorous friends in
Constantinople recommended the adoption of
the suggestion as the only means of salvation.
No words can express the consternation of
the community at this intelligence. Many of
the Hungarians exclaimed, “Better the Rns
sianrthan the Austrians—better Mahotnedan
isin than the Russians ;” and there appeared
some prospect of the whole camp embracing
Islamism. A council of the chiefs was im
mediately held at Kossuth’s, where Bern at
once declared that his life was devoted to hos
tility to the Russians, and that he eagerly ac
cepted the suggestion. The mollah promised
at the same time the maintenance of their
rank and the liberal allowance customary in the
Turkish armies. Generals Kmellet and Staen
came to the same resolution, and several per
sonages were for temporising. When Kos
suth’s turn came to speak, he briefly reminded
bis companions in his expressive language,
that now, in a strange land, where all authori
tative bonds were sundered, each one was at
liberty to act according to bis own views, but
that, for his part, welcome, if need be, the axe
or gibbet, but curses on the tongue that dares
to make him so infamous a proposition. Guy
on the Irish general followed, declaring that
no human power should induce him to swal
low even a bunch of grapes upon compulsion.
General Dembinski, and Count Zatnoyski,
were equally determined. The example of
their chiefs was so effective, that of about 200
soldiers and 40 officers who had expressed
their willingness to abjure Christianity, the
soldiers, to a man, changed their intention, and
there remained only three generals, and some
twenty officers, firm in their resolve. Bern
took immediately a public step, and it is said,
assumes the name of Atnurath, and becomes
a three-tailed pasha with the Turks, who have
an exalted opinion of his military genius.—
Kossuth has written a very eloquent letter on
bis present position to Lord Palmerston, which
we give entire in another part of this paper.”
Beni’s desire to live to fight the Russians
cannot relieve him from the ridiculous attitude
which he must present as a three-tailed Pasha.
Doubtless, with but little religious impression
or opinion, of any kind, it is with him a great
object to be so placed as to have the opportu
nity, hereafter, of fighting the cruel oppressors
of his native land. But, looking at the ques
tion seriously, the demand by the Turkish
government is as bad as that of Russia. Rus
sia damanda the surrender of the fugitives,
j Turkey duumuda tlie übjuraiivn of ibeir holy
' religion and the embrace of the revolting im
positions of Islamism. While some have
given way before the terrors of their situation,
Kossuth, true to himself and his faith, would
sooner go to a Russian dungeon and perhaps a
scaffold. His is a great soul. It is full of
’ mental exaltation, of love of country and liber
* ty, and would have planted in Hungary the
seeds of national independence and greatness,
but for the treachery which sometimes dis
r graces individuals, and our very nature itself.
We scarcely know what to think of the in-
I tendons of France and England. But the
i probabilities are that if Turkey will be firm,
I they will sustain Iter. The demand of the
Emperor of Russia, that Turkey shall surren
der tho refugees is abhorrent to all ideas of
right, humanity and justice, now prevailing
among civilized nations.
' The Paris Journal des Debats, alluding to
i this question, and speaking upon information
| derived by letters from Constantinople, says:
“Jt is in fact said that when the idea of
! qaafong the exorbitant demand for extradition
j was started, the ministers pnd qjvisers of tlie
I Czar endeavored to turn him from the project
by representing to him lhe disastrous effect
I which il could not fail to have among the tree
I people of the West, and that the reply which
1 they obtained from their master was nearly as
! follows; .‘L et foe alone; [ have my designs;
i 1 know the advantage ! may one day derive
' from putting forward these pretensions, al-
I though I know very well that if I were the
I Grand Turk I certainly would not submit to
1 them.*”
j From this it would appear that the Czar is |
fully aware that he is playing lhe tyrant. We ■
fear tiiat France is more dispose I to bluster ■
than to act, and that England may not inter
pose wit!) resolute pertinacity when Turkey
herself shows the while leather, ant] seems al
most ready to bow to the Russian mandate.
‘ ft is stated that in the English diplomatic
[ note to tho Czar, he Is gomplimenteij for lend
ing the aid of his army to suppress [Tie Hunga
rian revolt, and thus rendering important ser
vices in securing the peace of Europe. We
had supposed that the sympathy of the Eng
lish nation was extended to tlie Hungarians.
Perhaps there is some difference between the
. sympathy of the naHon and that of the govern-'
’ merit. The note, it is stated, also appeals to j
the magnanimous heart of the Emperor! of J
a Despot who fleeces bis people to extend the
boundaries of his cruel and tyrannical power—
of one who sent his special compliments to the
fiendish Haynau, who spared neither ago nor
sex in his revolting atrocities!
Be this as it may, if England and France
show their gleaming swords above the intrica
cies of diplomacy, we think it probable Russia :
will recede rather than fight. She undoubted- !
ly wants a pretext for swallowing Turkey, but |
the time for her to do that has not yet arrived. !
It would seem probable that sooner than risk !
a contest with England and France at this
juncture, Russia would intimate to Turkey i
that the refugees might be allowed to make !
their escape, or find suitable homes some '
where on the continent of America.
The French difficulty with Rome is still in
a state of much complexity, which can only be
removed by the develepmetns of time. France
having disapproved of the conduct of Mr.
Poussin, the difficulty between her and the
United States will, doubtless, be soon uealed
by a few easy and simple explanations. Upon
the whole, the state of European affairs is
such as to make additional news from that
quarter ■ source of exciting interest.
17*A new steamship is preparing in Phila
delphia, intended as the pioneer ot a new lins
of steamers tjetweetl that city and Savannah
Kossuth’s Letter to Lord Palmerston. 1
Widden, (Turkey,) Sept. 20.
Your Excellency is, no doubt, already in
formed of the fall of my country—unhappy
Hungary, assuredly worthy of a better fate. >
It was not prompted by the spirit of disorder
or the ambitious views of faction; it was not a |
revolutionary leaning which induced my na
tive country to accept the mortal struggle
maintained so gloriously, and brought, by ne
farious means, to so unfortunate an end.
Hungary has deserved from her kings the
historical epithet of “generous nation,” for she
never allowed herself to be surpassed in loyal
ty and faithful adherence to her sovereigns by
any nation in the world.
Nothing but the most revolting treachery,
the most tyrannical oppression, and enmities
unheard of in the words of history—nofliing
but the infernal doom of annihilation to her
national existence, preserved through a thous
and years, through adversities so numerous,
were able to arouse her to oppose the fataHtroke
aimed at her very life, to enable her to repulse
the tyrannical assault of the ungrateful llaps
burghs, or to accept the struggle for life, honor
and liberty forced upon her. And she has
nobly fought that holy battle, in which, with
the aid of Almighty God, she prevailed against
Austria, whom we crushed io the earth, stand
ing firm, even when attacked by the Russian
giant, in the consciousness of justice, in our
hope in God, and in our hope, my lord, in the
generous feeling of your great and glorious na
tion, the natural supporter of justice and hu
manity throughout the world. Buttbisis over;
what tyranny began has been by treachery con
cluded : on all sides abandoned, my poor coun
try has fallen, not through the overwhelming
power of two great empires, but by the faults,
and 1 may say by the treason, of her own sons.
To these untoward events, I pray God that
my unhappy country may be the only sacrifice,
and that the true interest of peace, freedom
and civilization through the world, may not be
involved in our unhappy fate.
Mr. Francis Pulsky. our diplomatic age® in
London, bas received ample information as to
the cause of this sudden and unlooked-fo'
change in the affairs of Hungary, and is in
structed to communicate it to your Excellency,
if you are graciously pleased to receive the
same. It is not antipathy to Austria, though
so well merited at the hands of every Hunga
rian, but a true conviction which makes me
say, that even Austria bas lost far more by her
victory, gained through Russian aid, than she
would have lost in merited defeat through ho
norable arrangement. Fallen from her posi
tion of a first-rate power, she has now forfeit
ed her self-consistency, and has sunk into the
obedient instrument of Russian ambition and
of Russian commands.
Russia only has gained at this sanguinary
game: she bas extended and strengthened her
influence in the East of Europe, and threatens
already, in a fearful manner, with outstretch
ing arms, not only the integrity, but the moral
basis, of the Turkish empire.
May it please, yotr, my lord, to communicate
to your Excellency a most revolting condition
which the Turkish Government, at the sug
gestion of Russia, is about to impose upon us
poor homeless exiles.
I, the governor of unhappy Hungary, after
having I believe, as a good citizen and honest
man, fulfilled to the last my duty to my coun
try, had no choice left me between the repose
of the grave and the inexpressible anguish of
expatriation.
Many of my brethren in misfortune had pre
ceded me on the Turkish territory. 1 follow
ed thither in the hope that I should be permit
ted to pass to England, and there, under the
protection of the English people—a protection
never yet denied to persecuted man—allowed
to repose for a while my wearied head on the
hospitable shore of your happy island.
But even with these views, I would rather
have surrendered myself to my deadliestenemy
than to cause any difficulties to the Turkish
Government, whose situation I well knew how
to appreciate, and therefore did not intrude on
the Turkish territories without previously in
quiring whether I and my companions in mis
fortune would be willingly received, and the
protection of the Sultan granted to us.
We received the assurance that we were
welcome guests, and should enjoy the full pro
tection of his Majesty the Padisha, who would
rather sacrifice 50,001) of his own subjectsthar
allow onehuir of our heads to be injured.
It was only upon this assurance that we
passed into the Turkish territory, and accord
ing to the generous assurance we were receiv
ed and tended on our journey, received in
Widdin as the Sultan’s guests, and treated
hospitably during four weeks, whilst waiting
from Constantinople further orders as to the
continuation of our sad journey to some dis
tant shore.
Even the vlmbassadors of England and
France, to whom I ventured in the name of
humanity to appeal, were so kind as to assure
me of their full sympathy.
His Majesty, the sultan, was also so gracious
as to give a decided negative to the inhuman
pretensions of our extradition demanded by
Russia and Austria.
But a fresh letter from his Majesty the Czar
arrived in Constantinople, and its consequence
was the suggestion sent to us by an express
messenger of the Turkish Government, that
the Foies anij Hungarians, and in particular
myself, count Casimir Bathiany, Minister of
Foreign Ass airs of Hungary under my Govern
ment, and Generals Messaros and Perczel (all
present here,) won 1 ;} be surrendered unless we
chose to abjure the faith of our forefathers in
the religion of Christ and become Musselmans.
And thus five thousand Christians are placed
in the terrible alternative either of facing the
scaffold qr of pnrcljqsing tjieir lives hy ahan
donittg their faith. Solow is already fallen
the once mighty Turkey, that she can devise
no other means to answer or evade the de
mands of Russia.
Words fail me to qualify these astonishing
suggestions suebas never itay.e been r«>ade
yet to the fallen chief of a generous nation,
and could hardly have been expected in the
nineteenth century.
My answer does not admit of hesitation.—
ijetweetj qtfaiji aiqi shame foe choice can nei
* tber be dubious nor difficult, Governor of
| Hungary, and elected to that high place by
; the confidence of fifteen millions of my coun
trymen, I know well what 1 owe to the honor
of tny country, even in exile. Even as a
private individual I have an honorable path to
pursue. Once Governor of a generous coun
try—l leave no heritage to my children—they
shall, at least, have an unsullied name.
God’s wiil be done. lam prepared to die;
but as I thiuk this measure dishonorable and
injurious to Turkey, whose interest 1 sincere
ly have at heart, and as I feel it my duty to
save my companions in exile, if I can, from a
degrading alternative, J have applied to the
Grand Vizier tn a conciliatory manner, and
took also the liberty to apply to Sir Stratford
| Cunning and General Aupich, for their gener
' ons aid against the tyrannic act. Iu fulT reli-
I ance on the noble sentiments and geneous prin
[ ciples of your Excellency, by which as well
[ as through your wisdom, you have secured the
esteem of the civilized wprld, I trust to be ex
cused in inclosing copies of my two letters to.
the Grand Vizier and Sir Stratford Canning.
1 am informed that the whole matter is a
cabal against the ministry of Reschid Pasha,
whose enemies would wish to force him to
our extradition in order to lower it in public'
estimation, and render impossible its continu-•
ance in office. It is certain that in the grand j
council held on the 9th and 10th of September;
after a tumultous debate, the majority of the I
council declared in favor of our extradition, i
the majority of the ministry against it. No 1
deci-iou w T as come to in consequence of the i
a1..-:. atton which took place; but, notwithstand
ing, tiie ministry thought fit to make us foe i
revolting suggestion 1 have named.
This mode of solving the difficulty would I
not, I am convinced, save the ministry, because i
a protection only given, in contradiction oi:
the Sultan’s generous feeling, at the price of
five thousand Christians abandoning their I
faith, would be revolting to the whole chris-1
tian world, and prove hardly calculated so 1
whs sympathies lor Turkey in’ths event of war t
with Russia, which, in the opinion of the most
experienced Turkish statesmen, is approach- i
ing fast.
As to my native country, Turkey does, [ !
believe, already feel the loss of the negiectefl |
opportunity of having given to Hungary at |
least some moral help to enable it to check
the advance of the common enemy. But it
appears to me that it would be a very ill-ad
vised mode of gaining Hungarian sympathy
by sending me to an Austrian scaffold, aad for-
cing my unhappy companions to abjure their
religion, or accept the same alternative.
No friends to the Turkish government would ■
spring up from my blood shed by her broken
faith,"but many deadly foes. My lord, your !
heart will, I am sure, excuse my having called i
i yonrattention to our unhappy fate,since it has
' now assumed political importance. Abandon- I
ed in this unsocial land by the whole world,
even the first duties of humanity give us no I
promise ot protection unless, my lord, you
and your generous nation come forward to
protect us.
What steps it may be expedient that you
j should take, what we have a right to expect
' from the well known generosity of England,
j it would be hardly fitting for me to enter on. j
| I place my own and my companions’ -fate in ,
I vour hands, my lord, and in the name of hit- 1
inanity throw myself under the protection of
England.
Time presses—our doom may in a few days
bo sealed. Allow me to make an humble per
sonal request. lam a man, my lord, prepared
to face the worst; and I can die with a free
look at Heaven, as I have lived. But, I am
also, my lord, a husband, son, and father ; my
poor true-hearted wife, my children, and my
noble old mother, are wandering about Hun
gary. They will probably soon fall into the
bauds of those Austrians who delight in tor
turing even feeble women, and with whom the
innocence of childhood is no protection against
persecutions. I conjure your Excellency, in
the name of the Most High, to put a stop to
these cruelties by your powerful mediation,
and especially to accord to my wife and chil
dren an asylum on the soil of the generous
English people.
As to my people—my loved and noble coun
try— must she, too, perish for ever. Shall
she, unaided, abandoned to her fate, and una
venged, be doomed to annihilation by her ty
rants ? Will England, once her hope not be
come her consolation 1
The political interests of civilized Europe,
so many weighty considerations respecting
England herself, and chiefly the maintainance
of the Ottoman empire, are too intimately
bound up with the existence of Hungary for
me to lose all hope. My lord, may God the
Almighty for many years shield you, that you
may long protect the unfortunate, and live to
be the guardian of the rights of freedom and
humanity. I subscribe myself, with the most
perfect respect and esteem.
(Signed.) L. KOSSUTH.
ILF We copy, with great pleasure, the fol
lowing notice, by the Savannah Georgian, of
the forthcoming Statistics of Georgia by the
Rev. George White. Every Georgian will be
proud to see such a work issued. It will be a
great desideratum, and lhe interest taken in
the work will be increased from the well
known competency of the Rev. Mr. W. to
make it just what it should be.
Statistics of Georgia.—This book, for
which the Rev- George White has been en
gaged in obtaining subscribers during the last
two years, will, we learn, make its appearance
about the first of December. The Rev. gen
tleman has been untiring in his labors. We
promise to the public, in advance, a work of
much interest to the good people of this State.
Nothing upon its main subject, indicated in its
title, has been published hitherto, beyond what
we have in the small volume known as Sher
wood’s Gazetteer. A very interesting article
on the Geology of Georgia, prepared by a na
tive Georgian, one of our most scientific and
accomplished gen’lemen, will form the intro
ductory sketch. This will be followed by ex
tracts from manuscripts, by Col. Benjamin
Hawkins, upon the aborigines of Georgia.
Chapters succeed upon the situation, bounda
ries and extent of the State—her soil and pro
ductions —her rivers, population, and early
settlement—progress of the first colony sent
to Georgia—an account of the Yazoo Fraud—
political Government—Judiciary—Militia Sys
tem—Education—lnternal Improvements, and
Religious Denominations. A very full and
interesting description will be given of each
county in Georgia. Departing from the plan
of Sherwood, which made references to a sub
sequent part of his Gazetteer for biographies
of erpinent men, after whom the comities were
Hacked, Mr. White follows Ina description of
eatyi county witl) an approbate bkgraphy.
He has been indefatigable in obtaining the
materials out of which he has constructed his
lives. He has done much in this respect.
The people will have a knowledge of the prin
ciple incidents in the career of those citizens
who have been thus greatly honored by them.
Much it is to be regretted that little could be
recovered in reference to some. But what is
given by Mr. White, will be valuable not only
for preserving the memory of our public ser
vants —and thereby encouraging, in addition to
the impulses of patriotism, a devotion in others
to public duty—but for contributing to the fund
from which future historians will draw.
The geological portion of the work is en
richad by Bonner’s Map of Georgis, geologi
cally illustrated.
The work will be issued by Co'. William
T. Williams, of this city. We cannot con
clude this notice of a forthcoming book with
out expressing our earnest desire that it will
be well received atfo sustained by the people
of Georgia, and that both author and publisher
will be amply rewarded fortheir labor and en
terprise.
Letters Returned from Liverpool.—
We understand from the Post-Office that a
package containing merchants’ letters, was re
ceived by the Europa from the Liverpool Post
master, having been seized by the Admiralty
Agent at that port. The letters, one hundred
and five in number, all destined for the Conti
nent, were sent from this port, by the Niagara
on the 19th Sept, by a private hand, and be
ing found in a passengers’trunk were
breach of thp I’ost-vjftice jaw.-—New York
Tribune.
[Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.]
New York, Oct. 27—4 o’clock, P. M.
Horrible Suicide.—horrible tragedy
has come to light within a day or two, in the
discovery f the body of a decently dressed
stranger in the grounds qf foe Cymosti Hills
Cemetery, Brooklyn. A pistol grasped in his
right h uid, and a bullet hole in his head indica
ted his death to have been a suicide. He had
evidently been for a long time dead, for his
face and head were so much disfigured by
birds or vepnin, fta to defy recognition by the
nearest triend. Nothing was found upon bis
person to indicate his name. Qn his little
finger was a plain gold ring, and ill bis pocket
a rat! road ticket io the Long Island race course,
September 25, which leads to the supposition
that, having staked his all upon the race, and
lost, had taken this terrible foode of ending
hfoiself and hjs troubles.
Quebec, Monday, Oct. 29.
A row occurred in this city on Saturday, at
the Annexation Meeting—the Mayor refused
to attend the Meeting at the Parliament Build
ings, and it was adjourtjet} to foe Bt. George’s
Hotel. Another row here occurred, but the
assailants were driven cff. They then wept
j to the house of Mr. Canchon, M. P., for
I Montetacrenci, an anti-Annexationist, and
: broke the windows, beside doing other damage.
j Virginia.—Col. Geo. W. Thompson, (late
I U. S, District Attorney) has been nominated
; for Congress by the Loco-Focos of the Wheei
! ing District, in the place of Alex. Newman.
I deceased. Thomas S. Haymont] and one or
i two other Whigs are stump candidates at pre-
I sent, but will probably all but one withdraw,
i Election, Thursday, Nov. 8. Vote for Presi-
I dent, Taylor 4,042; Cass J,216. lu'44, Clay
I 3,778; Polk 4,638. —New York Tribune.
Again Respited.—The Camden Journal
says : Our readers will recollect that last Fri
day was appointed hy the second respite as
the day for the execution of prisoner Brown;
but the Executive clemency has again been
successfully invoked. In consideration of his
continued suffering, his Excellency the Gov
ernor has extended his day us execution two
months longer—to the last Friday in Decem
ber. His broken limb, we learn, mends slow
ly. but we believe he is regarded as being in a
fairway to get well,
Wild Geese.—Wild Geese are already be
coming q <ite plentiful on the Potomac. Sev- j
eral gangs have passed over our village within
the last day or two. The arriya! of these '
fowls is regarded by old sportsmen as an indi- i
cation of the near approach of hard wea her
[Leonardtown Beacon,
To the Editors.
Gentlemen: I was pleased to see in a late
number of the Union the excellent resolutions
adopted and promulgated by that noble assent
b'age of patriots and statesmen known as the
Southern Convention of the Slate of Missis
sippi. These resolutions clearly exhibit the
attitude of the whole people of Mississippi in
regard to the Wilmot Proviso and other kin
dred measures, and announce the determina
tion of the State to resist ali and each of said
measures, and all measures of similar import
i or tendency, however disguised or however
insidiously brought forward, at all hazards and
|to the last extremity. I have the honor to
. transmit herewith the admirable address of
j the president of the convention, Chief Justice
I Sharkey, on taking the chair, and Jo desire 1
that it may find a place in your columns. As
Judge Sharkey, however well and favorably
known to the bar and bench of the country,
may not have heretofore attracted the special
attention of a portion of your readers, I beg
leave to state a few particulars concerning his
life and character. William L. Sharkey has
been known for more than twenty years as
one of the ablest jurists in the southwestern
section of the republic. He is as rem irkable
for all the virtues which belong to social and
domestic life as he is for legal learning and
elevated patriotism. He is distinguished
above most men for sweetness and placidity
of temper, a bland courtesy of manners, and
a discreet and cautious circumspection and
forbearance under all circumstances of trial
and irritation. He has for many years past
had no particular connection with scenes of
political strife, but has been recognized by all
who know him as a uniform and inflexible
whig; and he voted in the late presidential
election for the present Chief Magistrate of
the United States, as did precisely one-half of
the members of the convention over which he
was on this occasion called to preside. When
all these facts come to be duly considered, it is
to be hoped that his words of stern remon
strance and solemn warning will not be disre
garded by those who love the Union, and are
desirous that our free institutions shall be
perpetuated.
Most cordially and respectfully,
H. S. FOOTE.
STEECH OF HON. W. L. SHARKEY, PRESIDENT OF
THE SOUTHERN STATE CONVENTION.
Jackson, Oct. 6, 1849.
Editors Mississippian and Southron :
Gentlemen: In obedience to a resolution of
the convention, I have the honor to hand to
you the substance of the address delivered by
me on taking the chair. As I have been
compelled to rely on memory alone, the lan
guage employed cannot be accurately given,
though I think there is no material variance as
to the matter. •
Your obedient servant,
W. L. SHARKEY.
Gentlemen of the Convention: Whilst I
sincerely thank you for the honor you have
conferred upon me, I regret that the important
duty was not assigned to some one more com
petent than myself. I dissemble not in de
claring that this honor was not expected by
me, and hence feel more embarrassed in ad
dressing you.
The subject of your contemplated delibera
tions is an important one : nothing less than
a question involving in its consequences the
liberty of the people—perhaps directly or re
motely the liberty of other nations. I trust
you will approach it dispassionately—that you
will lay aside your parly predilections, and
meet it, not as politicians, but as patriots—as
statesmen. We had flattered ourselves that
the capacity of man for self-government was
no longer a subject of doubt. We have b.tast
ed of ours as an example of a free government,
based on an enduring foundation. I trust it
may prove so, but events of recent occurrence
seem to forbode danger. The convocation of
this assembly—the intense interest manifest in
every countenance here, are proofs that there
is cause of alarm. For a time we have been
prosperous and happy under a free govern
ment; but that time, in the great history of
man, is but a brief space, a mere point. The
page of history is yet tresh which records onr
existence as a nation of freemen. Scarce has
the stain of revolutionary blood, shed, for li
berty, faded from the face of the land, before
it has been found necdssary for the people of ‘
the south to prepare to check threatened'ag
gression. And whence this danger ? No
foreign foe threatens us. Our countrymen,
our brothers, are arrayed against us in civil
strife. They seem to forget that they are al
lied to us by the most sacred ties, and to forget
the value of the Union. Blinded by the poison
of fanaticism, they seek to abridge our consti
tutional rights in the enjoyment bf our propei
ty, under the mask of false humanity. If the
right to do so was unquestionable, in Christian
charity itshonld be asserted without inflicting
remorseless stings to our sensibilities. The
entire independence of the States was achiev
ed by the most memorable struggle that history
records. They were separate and indepen
dent sovereignties, and first united under arti
cles of confederation. These articles were
defective, mainly in not having provided pro
per means for raising a revenue, and in not
giving Congress sufficient power to regulate
commerce. These defects gave rise to our
present constitution. In the convention which
formed it, the States met as equals in political
power. The small States were unwilling to
relinquish their equality of power; the slave
holding States were unwilling to confederate,
unless their slaves should be made a basis of
representation, and the owners secured in
their right. They were exciting subjects.
After great difficulty they were compromised.
The second section of the first article pro
vides that represpptaiivas and direct taxes
should bp apportioned according to numbers,
| to be ascertained by adding three-fifths of the
slaves to the number of wtiites. The second j
section of the fourth article provides fop re- I
capturing slaves, escaping into those States 1
where slayery did not exist. In these pro
visions we have an acknowledgment of the '
existence of slavery, and a guaranty for its
protection as foe basis of representation, and 1
r.a property. The constitution did not create :
property in slaves, Such right existed ante- i
rior to and above the constitution. As slaves |
were owned in many of the States, they would i
not of course have entered into the canfeqera- :
cy on such terms tfs wqulfi weaken the right ;
of (he owuer to his slave, or diminish the
value. One of the great objects of the con- '
stitution was, that it should, in its consequen- '
ces, protect property by giving protection. snd
strength to the several States. But as foe ,
States were sovereign, they cmild not surreti-!
der to Congress the right 'to control by legis- \
latioa the property of their citizens. Such a
grant of power would have been a complete )
surrender of sovereignty. A great consolida- i
ted government would have risen up. which >
was an evil, of all others, m/ast dreaded, and
; most rigidly guarded against, by declaring that I
j all power not expressly granted to Congress,
| was reserved to the States or to the people, j
: Hence no power can be exercised unless it has !
been granted by the constitution. The safety j
of the States and of the people is best preserv-1
ed by holding Congress strictly within the
limits of tlie delegated powers. No rule of,
construction can be safe which encroaches 1
upon individual rights. Tiie right to hold '
slaves as property became a fixed principle, ■
, inseparable from the other provisions of the ,
constitution. Indeed, that description of pro- ’
j perty seems to have been thought worthy of
: specific and special protection. The consti-;
tntion niuat exist and harmonize in ali its parts. :
Every principle it contains is inseparably con
nected together. It is an entire thing, being
the great frame work of the government, in
dissolubly muted in all its parts. It would not
have been formed without the insertion of
every feature ; it is an infraction to violate any
of them ; the symmetry is broken.
Notwithstanding this unqualified recognition ,
of property in slaves, and the protection provi-;
ded for its enjoyment as such, still it is con- i
tended that Congress may prohibit and abolish ,
it iu the territories of the United States. The
territories are common property, and cannct <
be appropriated by Congress to the use of one i
portion ol the common owners to the exclusion :
of another. Equality of right must then pre- j
vail; and any act which would destroy tfiqt ■ i
equality cannot be valid. It is a principle in ' i
the law of nations, that alt the members of j '
the community have an equ il right to tha us.e I '
of their common property.” Rufos may be I '
prescribed by the sovereign power regulating l t
the manner of Its use, provided they are con- j t
sistent with that entire equality which ought' t
to be preserved. If the sovereign authority 1
in a State or nation can do nothing which I
shall produce iiwquality in 'he eiij ryn.mt of 1
the public domain or property, surely such au
thority is not possessed by the Federal gov- i
eminent, which has but a limited power. The i
attempt by Congress to prohibit slavery in the
territory of California has caused this meeting. !
That territory is common property. There
each citizen of the United States has equal |
rights, is entitled to equal freedom in the en- '
joyment of the territories. lam proud to say, I
that in acquiring it, Mississippians displnyed '
ns much valor as any other portion of their'
brethren in aims, and shed as much blood, ;
in proportion to their numbers, as the citi-
' zens of any of the Stales. They were dis- i
i tinguished for their prowess in many a hard
I fought battle, but now they are to be told
1 that restrictions must be imposed on tiieir
I right to enjoy tlie conquest. Can we, should
; we yield the fruits of our valor, and surrender
I with it our constitutional right of equality?
I Congiess cannot deprive us of it, and ought
[ not if it could; cannot say, that if we go, we
| must leave our property behind us. Property
l constitutes the means of enjoyment, and to
i exclude the property of the people of the
Southern States, is in effect to exclude the
1 people and appropriate the country to lhe
i Northern States. Such a power is not possess
i ed by a government possessing sovereignty ; it
could not be rightfully exercised even by a
j monarchy. The property of the South con
j sists mostly in slaves, and to interdict its use
| on our own soil, would not only be unjust,
i but an arbitrary violation of tlie constitution,
j It is vain to talk of our right to lhe territories,
j if we may be deprived of the means of enjoy
ing those rights. The mere soil is nothing;
| it is the use that we may make of it which
; renders it valuable.
As well might Congress interdict the use
of any other property there ; it it can exclude
a slave, it may exclude a horse or an ox. We
do not derive the right to hold either from the
constitution. That instrument is but subser
vient to their use. But why is it that we
must be deprived of this privilege ? Because,
say our northern brethren slavery is a moral
and a political evil. Who has lhe right to
determine that it is.so ? Let them eradicate
moral evils from their own land ; we can take
care of our own morals. Is it possible it has
come to this, that Congress has the right,
under a limited grant of power, to travel into
the wide field of ethics, and regulate our moral
conduct ? That is a question for our con
science. Mortality is twin sister to religion;
they are as inseparably allied as cause and ef
fect ; the power to regulate one necessarily
implies the power to regulate the other. Is it
possible that in defiance of the guards in the
constitution, Congress will encroach on so
delicate, so sacred a subject? If there is any
thing dear to an American, it is his liberty of
conscience—his right to worship his God at
the altar of his choice. I must admonish my
Methodist and my Baptist friends to be on
their guard. You may soon be told that your
religion is a moral evil, and must bo extermina
ted, for if Congress bas the right to legislate
on the ground of Moral evils, “ To this com
plexion must it come at last.” But who has
a right to say that it is a political evil ? We
do not find such a doctrine inculcated by the
constitution. Congress may decide on ques
tions of expediency within the range of the
delegated powers; but that cannot be a political
evil within the jeach of its legislative power,
which is secured to the citizen and prohibited
to Congress.
Congress has no power to say tiiat constitu
tional rights are political evils. To that body
nothing is a political evil which is secured
to the States or to tlie people. Moral and
political evils are themes which open wide
fields for investigation, and if Congress may
occupy them as the ground-work of its acion,
the constitution is worthless. Instead of a
limited we have an unlimited government. If
the people, the fountain of power, should de
termine tiiat a political evil exists, they may
apply the remedy, but it is not with Congress.
This political and moral evil, it seems, is ex
clusively in the South, and those who have
determined it to be so, and wish to eradicate it,
reside in the North. As sovereign States we
have the power to judge of and to correct
moral and political evils within our limits.—
We ask not the interference of the Nortii to
correct our morals or our institutions. We
do not intrude upon them ; but only demand
to be permitted to an equality in the enjoyment
of our common property. Congress,' it is
true, may establish a government in the territo
ry, butthat government must be founded in
equality. It must protect the property of the
common owner as well as his person. Wheth
er this power is derived under the third section
of the fourth aarticle of the constitution, or
whether it is derived from the power, to acquire
territory, or the war and treaty-making pow
er, is not material—it must bo exercised so as
to preserve inviolate every principle of the
constitution.
Butin the efforts to exclude our property
from that territory, another false doctrine is
promulgated which is equally disastrous to us.
We are told that, as slavery was prohibited
by the laws of Mexico, we cannot take slaves
there without the authority of a law p nitting
It. This is the doctrine of a class of puaiicians
in our country who look no further than the
surface of the law. If this error were con
fined to politicians, it might be passed over as
harmless; but it is also the doctrine which has
been unceremoniously promulgated by a mem
ber of tlie Supreme bench. We could over
look the groundless fallacies of a few politi
cians ; but when the sanctity of the bench
is perverted, and its influence thrown as an
element into the exciting cause of malcontent
and strife, there is ground of complaint. If
this could be a judicial question in any shape,
that was the tribunal before which it migiit
come. With the decision, the American peo
ple would have rested satisfied.
Quiet would have been restored. It was a
great constitutional question, and on such ques
tions tho people of the United States have been
taught to look to the decisions of the Supreme
Court with veneration ; but they have not been
accustomed to have them promulgated in ad
vance, and are startled at thus seeing them.—
The effect is almost as injurious to us us a de
cision regularly pronounced; because it has
deterred the Squlh from an equal participancy
in tl.e territories, whilst it has emboldened the
North to persiat in its efforts. It >; as caused
one- party to believe that it was right, and the
other to fear that it was wrong. From posi
tion, it h»f, made “the worse appear the better
Cause.” I is not true that slavery does not ex
ist in California, although it may have been
prohibited by the laws of Mexico. True, the
conquering country may permit the municipal
laws of the conquered country to remain in
force, but this is only true of private or strictly
municipal laws ; it is not true ns regards po
litical laws. By elementary writers laws are
divided into public and private, or political and
municipal. Political laws are such as are or
ganic, and confer power and form on the gov
ernment. They give it vitality as an organized
body.
! These political laws, are sometimes reduced
to the form of a constitution, which becomes
• supreme and paramount to all other laws, ei
. ther public or private. Our constitution is the
■ law of our being—it is the essence of our
' government; it is the combination of certain
great principles, between each one of which
I there is a connexion and dependency and the
’ aggregate constitutes a unit. To withdraw or
i destroy any one of them would break the en
. tire fabric. It would lop off an essential part
of our political power. When we acquired
California, it became subject to our constitu
tion—our whole constitution—our constitution
as an entire thing. The territory did not be
come subject to part cf our government only,
but every principle of the constitution prevail
ed there as an active principle, and superseded
of necessity, what ever was repugnant to any
of them. No abridgement of the rights of
the new comers would be permitted. The
vested rights of the citizens there at the time
we acquired it, may be protected by a princi
ple not inconsistent with this position. The
consequence is, that we have a right to take our
slaves there, because they are our property,
secured to us as such by the principles of our
paramount political law. If it were true that
slavery was then prohibited by the laws of
Mexico ami could not be established there
without positive laws, then the constitution
went there a mere cripple. But not so.
Wherever the stripes and stars float over a
territory, as an emblem of political dominion,
they rest upon a perfect pedestal, formed by
every principle in the constitution indissolubly
cemented together. As well may it be said
tiiat our constitution must give place to the
established religion of Mexico.
How strange it is, that whilst Congress has
no power over the subject of slavery, in con
sequence of an inhibition, that it should he
contended that the laws of the conquered
country should secure a prohibition, and thus
triumph over onr constitutional rights.
Thus, as I conceive, stands the question of
right ; but if it were a question of expediency
merely, how ungenerous the conduct of the
North. We are united as a family of nations.
We may have different local interests, but our
obligations to each other require an observance
of good faith, of good feeling, of mutual sup
port and forbearance. With them, it is matter
of feeling only—with us, it is a question of in
! terest. Are they not prepared to yield their
feeling and their prejudices for lhe sake of pro
' tectingour interests? If not they have for
-1 gotten the objects of the Union—mutual safe-
I ty, prosperity, and happiness dictated it.
i Are they willing to risk all these for thegra-
I fification of a mere imaginary philawtbropy ?
It would seem so. The Wilmot proviso is but
the entering wedge. That accomplished, and
the rest will follow. Emancipation in the
States is doubtless lhe ultimate object, and we
have reason to fear that at no point short of
this will the effort cease. The Union must be
dissolved, and the blessings we enjoy under
our government must become a sacrifice on
the altar of fanaticism. We must become a
degraded people, or abandon our country to
the As i ,can race. We would say to them, be- _
ware! You but rush on to your own des
truction.
It is a subject of deep regret, tiiat the pow
erful engine of prejudice is arrayed against
ns. Enormities are falsely ascribed to u»,
with a view to excite indignation. They add
insult to injury. We are held out as destitute
of common mercy—degraded at home and
abroad. The means employed are calculated
to excite our slave population and endangep .
our lives. We hope and believe that therq
are still a few at the North, who value '.'ne
Union, and do not engage in this unnatural
warfare. Our Union should be social as well
as political ; amity should prevail between the
different divisions. But the ties that bind us
are being daily weakened, and the love of the
Union diminished. We have remonstrated,
but in vain. We yield to none, in a deep and
abiding love for the Union. We wish not to
sever it, but to re-cement it. We can vindi
cate it only by keeping it inviolate. We
would preserve it in all its purity. We v/knt
it as onr fathers gave it to us, and must uefend
it against infraction as a sacred duty we owe
to their memory. The South has borne a hope
tiiat a sense of justice would ultimately cor
rect the evil, but of this there seems now to be
but little hope. We must take our stand. Let
ns survey the ground well, and occupy that,
position, on which we can stand within t’je
pale of the constitution ; and when taken, lex
us maintain it, like men who know their righto
and are determined to protect them. We are
not the aggressors, and if the result, should
prove disastrous, let the blame resi on those
who have provoked the quarrel.
Thus, gentlemen of the convention, I have
endeavored to point out what f regard as our
constitutional rights. The fevils you know.
Bhe great and serious inquiry is, shall we
submit to further degredation, or shall we
seek red ess? It the biter, how is it to be
obtained? Let me again allude to the impor
tance of the subject-—again 1 entreat you to
weigh it well, calmly and dispassionately.—
We meet not here to discuss on an ordinary
topic. Here we can have no early preferen
ces. W e are joint owners ci this great es
tate. It is our birthright—our inheritance.
We may have our honest differenccS’tif opinion
about its management by our agents, but,
when the whole is about to bewept from 118,
we cannot differ as to the necessity of its pre
servation. Let us confer together as patriots.
Our country is above out party. Such feel
ings 1 trust and believa you ali entertain, anti
hope that they may lead, you to wise and hap
py results.
iLFThc three great local ideas in New York,
at this time, are the bridge over the East river
to Brooklyn, the Underground Rail Road, and
the I.igJuirig vs Bruud WBJ* with OruuiaiiuiiU
Lights.
Plank Roads.—The Griffin Jeffersonian
states, that the Plank Road from that thriving
town to West Point, on the Chattahoochie,,
will be completed in a year.
Pofulation of South Cakolina.—Accor
ding to a census of South Carolina, the white
inhabitants now number 280,385, a gain
in ten years of 23,269.
ILFMadaine Augusta, with lier busband,
the Count St. James, and a ballet troupe, are
passengers in the steamer Isabel, for Havana.
Texas—A meeting was held at Harrison,
Texas, on the 29th of September, which re
commended a of the seat of Govern
ment of tlie "state.
ILFStrakosch, the Biscacciants and Casini
are in Richmond, Va.—The Montplasirs have
just concluded an engagement in New Or
leans.
The American Envoy, Hon. Abbot lau
rence, has arrived at London, with his family,
and entered up-n the duties of his office.
Mr. Macready appeared at the Haymarket
Theatre, London, on Monday, October, Bth,
in Macbeth. He was received by a dense
audience, with a tempest of applause.
The premises of Gooch & wool
brokers London Wall, were burne.i up on
October 6th; loss £IOO,OOO, insured. '
MARPtIED.
On the 23d ult., by the Hon. E. C. Wil
liamson, J. I. G., Isham H. Saflfold, jr., Esq.,
and Miss Martha Ann Louisa Prescott—all of
Sandersville, Ga.
On the 25th ult., by the Rev. Isaac Smith,
Rev. Kinsey Chambers, of Hancock county,
and Miss Martha O. Marlin, of Washington
County.
Special Notices.
tr.r We are authorized to aw .
uounce Major FURNEY GEORGE a solwU’.oi
of the suffrages of the people of Burke counX y for
the office of Tax Collector, at the ensuing elec
tion in January, 1860. Oct 2
ID’ We are authorized to an*
nouiice MATHEW J. PARSONS as a candi
date for Sheriff of Burke county at the «.inuing
January election. Aiqg 28
(EF We are authorized to announcet A. H.
ROBERTS as a candidate for Sheriff of Burka
County, at the election in January next.
May 29th, J 849.
!JT W’e are authorized to an*
no nee GEORGE W. STONE as acnadidate
fr. Receiver es Tax Returns, at the next January
e.e .-tfon, for the county of Burke.
Sept 6 smß MANY VOTERS.
IT We are authorized to nu
nounce Mr. W. M. ROBY as a candid Ate for
Receiver of Tax Returns for the county t>f Put
nam, by MANY VOTERS.
sept 25
IT We are authorized to an
nounce WILLIAM JENKINS as a candidate
for Tax Collector of Burke county, at th(> Elec
tion iu January next. Oct 11
ttJ“ Mr. E. O’NEAL will be sup
ported for the office of Sheriff of Putnam bounty,
at the election iu January next, by
sept 25 MANY VOTERS.
D- DR. E. A. METVAEF re
respectfully offers his services to the citizens of
Greene county as Physician and Surgeon. He
may always be fouud at his office in Greensboro’.
Aug 28 ts
IVTEW ML'SIC. — The subscribers have
_L 1 just received the following new Music, viz:
Songs—Annie o’the Banks of Dee; Love’s Twi
light Star; Am I no more remembered; Cue
Flour Pour Response ; One parting word, Mary;
Gentle Voices, by Glover; I love my home on
the rocky shore. Ethiopean Songs—Nelly was a
Lady; Commence ye Darkies all; Old Pine
Tree; Rosa Dear. Waltzes—Eleanor, Memo,
ry, Maben, Huckleberry Polka, Mosquito do,
and a great variety of similar pieces.
aug 25 GEO. A OATEB & CO. Broad-si,