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Southern Convention. I Remarki of the Hon. Beverly Tucker, of Virginia. Mr. President : —lt gives me pleasure to remember that the first time I ventured to ob trude myself on the notice of the Convention, it was done in the hope of allaying excitement. lam happy to believe that my few remarks contributed to effect that object. I have now risen, sir, for a like purpose. Indeed, it is on ly thus that I can hope to deserve the attention of the house. It is certainly not for me, in whom time has quenched the fire of youth and chilled the fervor of imagination, with my weak voice and lagging utterance, to pour forth those tempests of eloquence which shake the~wathi of this building, call down the plau dits of the galleries, and lead captive the hearts and minds of men. It can only be by “ speaking forth the words of truth and sober I ness,” such as become my gray hairs, that I ■' can hope to secure the respect of this body to ---anything that I may say. My colleague (Mr.* Gholson) has asked whether any gentleman here present is pre pared to say that the Union should be dissolved in case the compromise bill be passed with f amendments. I shall not deny the gentleman’s right to put such questions, insisting at the same time that it rests on the discretion and f taste of every other gentleman to decide for himself whether he will answer or no. For my part, sir, lam ready to answer, and shall fully and frankly ; and yet I appre- that my answer will leave the gentleman BL wise as he is now. He is an able luw ‘ would hardly put snyh air— inlerroirs ; a content. 1 delighted. But then I must have the, ■#&(ngofit. I know nothing that can not bemended but crushed egg shells and abused friendship. Give me the mending of that bill, and I will mend the breach in the con stitution, and cement the Union, and restore mutual friendship and confidence, and brother ly love among all the States ot this great con federacy. Is this answer evasive because it tells nothing but wh t every body knows 1 No air. The gentleman did not ask whether I would go for disunion in case of the passage of that bill without amendment. He did not intend to ask this. The form in which he has presented his interrogatory, shows that he himself is not prepared to answer that ques tion, and he is too ungenerous to press it upon others. But Ido not shrink from it, though I can say no more than that I too am not prepar ed to answer it. I know nobody tnat is, sir, and it is precisely for that reason that we are here. That there is evil in the land—that we have been wronged—that dangers hang ever us, all this every body knows. But the reme dy for the evil—the redress for the wrong— the against tne danger—these are the wmeh we are sent here to consider and to discuss, so that, having compared thoughts and obtained light from each other’s minds, we may shed that light on the minds of those who sent us. I was not sent here to represent any opinion of others, or to act on any fore- of my own. In such a state F?>Wnind, I should have been unworthy to take fe my place among the able, experienced, cun- K did, and upright gentlemen by whom lam ? surrounded. In one thing only dol find myself bound. Vi rgin's baa said authoritatively and almost unan '■ imoruvy, that she will resist the Wilmot pro “ at all hazards, and to the last extremity,” What Virginia says, I am ever ready to HW'.icate. and what Vugiw does 1,/t all by offering instead of the Wilmot proviso, this California bill, which differs from it, as he who burns down his neighbor’s house he may plunder, differs from the simple burglar. Ibis assertion I shall not discuss now, I have already discussed it in a paper which is before the convention, and will be laidbefore Virginia. If the Governor of Vir ginia thinks as Ido, he will summons con vention of the State; and if that convention thinks so too, it will be for that body to decide on the mode and form of that resistance to which the state is pledged. That it will be “ at every hazard and to the last extremity” no one can doubt. Having answered my colleague’s question, , I beg leave to repeat, that, on the question , actually before the convention, I intend to , speak with all moderation. In proof of this, J I will say, sir, that had the language of the s address been precisely that of tho proposed 1 amendments, I should have voted tor it. < >•—*fiad any one proposed to amend it, sons to ' make it read as it now reads, I should have ‘ endeavored privately to dissuade him from • bringing forward his amendments, and should { have voted against them if necessary. As , the matter stands 1 ain entirely satisfied with , the address as it is; if I had had the ears of £ the gentleman who has brougnt forward the | amendments, I should have endeavored to dis- t suade him from introducing them, and now t that they are introduced, I shall quietly vote > against them. I take to tnyself neither shame « nor praise for this. Between the two things there is no essential ! difference, and I urn decided mainly by the J comity, which is due every committee. It ’ is that the paper before us ( and those , **oHbe convention, and vindicates them übly, . and had I the vanity to believe that I could ( make it ten-told, more eloquent than it is, , I would not move to cross a 'l', or dot an I I But while I am thus zealous for courtesy i and harmony, I am not sorry that this debate has sprung up. I am glad that the trammels 1 of order have been so completely broken to ; pieces as to throw open every subject, on which any gentlemen may wish to speak. We all owe our best thoughts to each < ther on every topic which agitates the public mind. It is for that, we are here, and every thing that concerns the Hights—the wrongs—the Remedies—the Resources, and the duties of the South—their duties to themselves—their ancestors —their children—and to God—all is befertrHs. I beg the Convention not to be alarmed at the thought that I propose to talk about all these various matters. No, sir, I have nothing in view but to apply some sort of sedative to that excitement of the public mind which has, in some degree, manifested itself in this de- ' bate. Some gentlemen seem to speak under the influence of a vague and undefinable ap prehension of some great danger, the more ap paling because unseen, tho’not more real than the fiends with which superstition peoples the night Another sees the danger and defies “Stiffens the sinews—summons up the blood,” while every tone and every glance is that of one who exchanges looks and words of de fiance wi h a present enemy. Ido not pretend to withhold my sympathy from eiiherof these. Fear is contagious, and men not liable to su perstition have become frightened while play ing on the superstitious fears of others. But he must be thrice a coward who does not catch infection from the brave tnan who “snuffs the battle from afar” exulting by anticipation in the ceriaminis gaudia. But after all is said on both sides, and calm reflection re sume- its functions, I see neither goblin to fly from nor enemy to fight. On the con trary, Sir, I find myself in a condition which enables me alike “to put away all wrath and doubting," and to say to the one “there is nothing to fear”—to the other, “there will be ue tight.” We have a pretty epigrammatic saying about'men “who know their rights, and, know ing, dare maintain them,” but I am afraid there are some who would rather not know their rights, than be obliged to defend them at all hazards and to the last extremity. Nothing so blinds the mind, disables the faculties and per x \verts the judgment as fear, and what tear can 'be more appaling than that which threatens ■ Uw.MwAMifcjaf.ujM tire-aide, in a country has trod for seventy years, that if I saw a danger .■ have-a ,ii.en>l«g.\.:■_'••• ai.-' ier- to the itttl* cues tnat must wo . » w BE Kll C. * * 7 1 * __ nWWy ■ BY JAMES M. SMYTHE, Proprietor. ’ 9 3ournal ’ iUDUtti) tO News, politics, - - - - emroßs. Citerature, ®ratral Jttltlltgtnte, &c. ROBERTA. WHYTE, - - C ASSISTANT EDITOR. " fIR -™ ~ - Or $2,50 if not paid within two mouths 'vL , . . S4OO v mary rates. Tri-Weekly, per annum in advance v Or $5.00 if not paid withm two months. Z z VOLUME 111. left without a protector, I might make up my mind to sneak quietly to an obscure grave and there hide my gray head and my dishonour to gether. But, sir, I have no such fear, and I do but judge others by myself, when I say, that among all rhe topics which call PIWJU kMWWMiai’ber., Map If we wish the free exercise of our own reason, if we wish to act with eflact on the reason of others, we mustfirst divestour minds and theirs of fear. When you see a boy flying from his shadow, and about to throw himself into the water, if you wish to step him, don t tell him of the depth of the water. The one thing to be said to him, and the only thing he will hear is that the pursuer is not the devil, that it is no more than his own shadow. Make him sensible of this, and he will presently be as much alive to the evil of being drowned as you can desiie. Just so sir, if we can con vince our people that, the fierce philanthropy and malignant love of our northern brethren will never manifest themselves by carrying fire and sword through the borders of a Southern confederacy, they may bring themselves to see that the loss of a thousand millions of slave property—the destruction of ail value in our lands for want of labor, the necessity of des troying the negroes, or of amalgamating with them, or of succombing to them, or of fleeing the country and giving it up to them, are real ly very bad things. It is too much to suppose that they may also begin to suspect that an eternal separation from those, whose pretend ed fanaticism and malignant rapacity would drive them to this extremity, would be any thing but an evil? Let us speak to them then, not of iheir wrongs, for these they know, but of their remedies and their resources ; notin the tone of dismay and despair, but with words of encouragement, in accents of hope full of joyful expectation. Let me not bemet again, sir, w : th the still re peated cuckoo song, “ the people are not prepar ed for this or that measure.” I know it, sir. The people are not prepared, and therefore we are here. They are not prepared to lie down pa tiently under their wrongs—they are not prepared to submit to further aggression, and uufortunate ly they are still unprepared to decide how the wrong is to be redressed, and the aggression re pelled. Just so, sir, the patient is not prepared to submit to the amputation of the gangrened limb, while the surgeons are still consulting, in a hope that the operation may not be necessary. But still less is he prepared to die, and when put to choose between the loss of a limb and the loss of life, we know what choice he will make. So let the people of the south once see distinctly that they must choose between the Union, and all the rights and interests that the Union was intended to protect, and they wih not hesitate to renounce it, even though a bloody war should be the conse qnenee. tatilLtfipre » ea M nrh II linirilii? andi UI6IT ©H©- mie® toll them that a peaceful separation s im possible, and it is in the hope of restoring them to the use of their faculties that I undertake to show, and will proceed to show, that such an event can not be any thing but peaceful. It is Mr. Webster, who, of late, in his oracular way, aud in his deep cavernous tones, such as might issue from the cave of Trophonius, has put forth this raw head and bloody bones declaration, “that a peaceful severance of the Union is im possible.” I beseech you to consider what these words mean, as spoken by A: r. Webster. Ils has no right to speak for the South. We are not his clients. No part of that liberal fee which Massachusetts has paid to secure his advocacy of her peculiar interests ou the floor of the Senate was contributed by us. She is his country, his whole country and for her only has he a right to speak. But when have we said th s, and who has said it for us? And if any amongst us should say so, what would it be but an expression of his fears? What motive, what means, what end could a Southern confederacy have for making war upon the North? Sir, no man among us dreams of such a thing—no Northern man ap prehends it. What then means these words ot Mr. U ebster? Are they any thing but words of menace? When we of the South do but cry out “don’t tread on us; we beseech you by the me mories of the past and the hopes of the future, don’t tread on us,’ they call that menace. ‘Certain ly it is menace,” say they “for do you not mean to intimate, that if w’e do tread on you, you will strike? Yes: and as such we despise it. Fur have we not trod on you, and you did not strike? And are we not treading on you, and if you attempt to elude us by secession, we will trample you into the earth.” Sir I did not do justice to the strength of Mr. Webster’s language when I called it the [auguage of menace. It is much more. It is outrage; it is the contemptu ous spurn of one who scums strike to a coward foe. But it is not Mr. Webster alone who has said this Mr. Clay echoes it, aud he is a South ern mau. General Cass toe echoes it, and is not he a Northern man with Southern principles? A marvellous coincidence of opinion, sir, among men who so rarely think alike I But is there not some thing yet more marvellous in the triple league of amity, between these men heretofore so hostile ! An ominous conjunction, sir, Clay, Webster and Cass—Caesar, Pompey and Crassus—Augustus, An ouy audLepidus! Triumviratesail! Depend uptm it, sir, this preciM uumbei three is not toi tui tous. It w lull of meaning, when two men of un principled ambition, are eon tending for supremacy; when they have put down all other coiupetitors, and nothing remains but a division of empire, or one great final struggle lor supremacy, it some times happens that all things are prepared for this division, or this final struggle. What then so convenient as to call in some kind person, some “light unmeritable man, fit to be sent on errands,” to serve as a stake-holder until the others should be ready to play out their despera e game. So too in France, where it was yet doubtful whether the ultimate triumph would be to the constitution al theories of Sieyes, or to the military despotism of Bonaparte, they set up a temporary consulship. The idea of consuls was taken from Rome, where there were two consuls. Now we have two men of rival parties, and something like equal consideration. What did they want with a third! They wanted him as a stake-holder—or, as Tally rand then said, as a sort of wrapping-paper, be tween the two to prevent collisions. Hence they took a man, never heard of before, or since, who came iu he knew not how, and went out, no one else knows when. It is an old saying that “ when rogues fall out, honest men come by their own.” But what are wetosay, sir, when men long hostile to each other, men who, for years, have spoken all man ner of evil against each other, are seen to coal esce I What have these men in common? They have indeed one common object—the Presidency; and they may combine to put down every thing which can uot be made to rally, to the supp< rt of some one of the three, when this is done two will combine to run off the third, Lepidus will disap pear, and then comes the battle of Actium. Hence it is sir, that this Southern party is to be nipped in the bud. The nucleus of such a party is to be broken up, and its members driven back to their old positions of whiggery and democracy. Why is this, sir? The reason is plain enough to those who will analyze the question. AV ill a Southern party follow Mr. Clay ? No sir. They have followed him far enough. They followed him in the Missouri compromise, the root of all this present evil. They followed him 'n the tariff compromise ot ’33, which ended in the crushing tariff of '42. They can follow him no longer. Can they follow Mr. Webster, who says one thing to day, and takes it back to-morrow! Great credit is claimed for Mr. Webster bacause he made a speech some time ago, a part of which it was thought nngbl be displeasing to some of h» constituents. “Self—sacrificing magnani mous Mr. Webster”! Sib.li was tho cry. Weil air, did he sacrifice himself Has he loot ground! Shin'd southern Wings take him as their cwo didate for the he !«• , in New England? The self-sacrifice of a man ■ whose whole life has been a sacrifice of every thing else to self!! not to the gratification of one passion only, but of all! Does he worship at the f shrine of ambition only? What altar of the dei ties raised up by the evil passions of the ancients • I trotfndee? the temple of Mars: and that for the all sufficient reason, that he who weuld find acceptance there, must go prepared, if need be, to make a sacrifice of himself, and this Air • Webster, ever true to himself, will never do. I Shall’we put up with Gen. Cass? Shall we look for*the defence of our rights to one whose ’ ideas of right and wrong are so confused, that he ’ prates about natural rights acquired by the perpe tration of wrong, a shallow pedant who, affecting ' to lecture on international law, and the philoso ! phy of government, would place the lives and property of conquerors at the mercy of a con- > quered province ; who can see no distinction be tween a chance assemblage of unconnectediudi viduals and a people ; who imagines that a nation can exist where there is no family ; who attri butes to a multitude of adventurers sovereignty over a country, in which not one of them has a home ; who recognizes their right to shut out all others from a vast region in which not one of them owns a foot of soil; and who would place the final destiny of a country, which is to be the home of millions, in the hands of a handfull of ma rauders ; whose only aim is to tear open the bow els of the land, seize upon its hidden treasures, and, like the eagle returning to his ®ry, laden with his prey, to bear away their plunder to the distant lands where lie their families and their hopes. Sir, I have never much admired General (’ass. I have never looked upon him as much better than a clap-trap charlatan. But he never could have been so silly as to believe himself, while talking all this nonsense. Why did he say it? Was it not to fool us— to bamboozle us— to throw his pinch of dust into the eyes of those among us who look to him for light, while the rest are led blindfold by Clay and Webster This is General Cass’s allotted function in the triumvirate. If old party lines can be re-estab lished among us, if, instead of banding together in defence of the south, we can be set to wrang ling with each other about party names—if the Southern Democracy,thus re-organized, will take up General Cass for its candidate, the Northern Democracy will support him too, and then ! Yes, then he may at last be President, and some body else may be Vice President, and seven more i somebodies may be Cabinet ministers, and a do zen more foreign ministers, to say nothing of rich collectorships, fat consulships, and a hundred other good things, all of which are bespoke in ad i vance. But look only at those offices which are set apart for those who set up for being party leaders, and whom we, poor fools, follow and call great. Remember, sir, there are three sets of them, all duly registered, each in his order ou the seveial rosters of Clay, Webster and Cass, and then wonder if you can, that among all these great men there is not one to say a word for the . trodden South ! |rt No sir. the present agitation be allayed ; let the south bow the neck to the northern yoke, and General Cass will be laid upon the shelf forever. Like Lepidus, his name will vanish from the page of history ; and the lead ers among us, who have enlisted under his banner for the campaign, will again, when it is too late, be clamorous as ever for the rights of the south, and try to negotiate terms for us, but most especially for themselves, in bargain ing away the support of the south for Clay or Webster. The highest bidder of the two will have them. But am I not afraid to speak thus lightly of the great ones of the earth ? Am I not asham ed to speak evil of dig. hies. Dignity, sir! Show me true dignity. Tell me where to find the enlightened mind, the elevated sentiment, the great purpose, the pure, brave, unselfish heart, and 1 will make a pilgrimage to worship before it. Yes, sir, when I bow before that shrine, I shall feel that my eye is directed to waid God himself, reaching beyond the mere mental manifestation of the Godhead, with which he sometimes blesses the earth. Such a one was vouchsafed to us in Washington, and to him, to that safe and healthy condition of the human mind in which it yields itself up to the influence of true greatness, we owe all our institutions, all that lias made us great and happy. He took no part indeed in the discus sions of the convention over which he presided. But he was there, standing between every man and the highest object of ambition, himself inaccessible to selfish motives, and inapproach able by all who were not. The highest post of honor and of power was confessedly for him. The rest were to be in his gift, and in his pre sence ambition had to restrain its aspirations, and self love to forbear its schemes, and all bad to work together as if one common aim, and that the public good,had been the aim ofall. But every good has its concomitant evil, and the blessings of God himself are curses to those who abuse them. Man ceased to look from the creature up to the Creator, whose viceger ent he was. Man worship became the estab lished religion of the country; not the senti ment which alwaj’s bows the knee of man in the presence of one who bears the impress of the Divinity, but a superstitious eagerness to find o;i some no belter than themselves some thing to be mistaken for that divine seal. From that day to this, sir, we have never been easy . without some divinity of flesh and blood ; some Bull Apis, not distinguishable by common usage from any other call, about whom the Priests and and Hieropists pretended to disco ver the true marks of divinity. The genius of Jefferson, the virtue of Madison, the strong will of Jackson, served the times pretty well. Some few indeed have been found to set up a claim on behalf of every successive President, but they made few converts. The Priests of the Temple had some hopes from the advent of a second military chieftain. But they soon discovered their mistake, and the poor old man is left to the epitaph which Tacitus propheti cally wrote for him near two thousand years ago, “ Consensu omnium dignus imperio nisi imperassit.” But superstition must have its idols, sir. Egyptians must have their calf. Americans must have their human God—and as the spirit of party runs too high to permit us to agree in any thing, we have quite a Pantheon of Gods ; so that what we call politics has come to a sort of religious controversy between their respec tive votaries. For my part, sir, I confess myself, as I have said, a little prone to this sort of worship, but it has been my misfortune through life to have met with no God in human shape. Mr. Clay does indeed look something more like it than the rest. He has genius,eloquence, a high and gallant bearing, and a prevailing influence over all that approach him; but I look in vain for wisdom, statesmanship and disinterestedness. In place of these I find management artifice and legerde main—sometimes overreaching others some times overreaching himself. Never falling but to rise, he never rises but to fall; always ma king the sacrifice of the South the stepping stone of his elevation-always in his reverses catching at the south in his falland pulling her down. The author of the Missouri compromise, and ot the present scheme for robbing the south of all it professed to secure, the avowed enemy and open denouncer of J. Q,. Adams as a tra tor and a liar, and the worker of the wires which placed him on the throne; the author of the Tariff compromise of 33, to the faithful ob servance of which he personally pledged him self in my hearing, and the author of the tariff of 42, in open violation of that pledge, I see uoth- AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 9, 1850. ing in iVI r. Clay but a sort of Jupiter Scapii, be fore whom 1 can never bring myself to bend the knee. But Mr. Webster! The master mind of the age! He Chom his admiring countrymen haye already distinguished as **B>e .1.0 .1.-VOUI ;ia bowed before a shrine, would not recognize the Godhead in the statue of Jupiter Tonans himself.il seen lying in a kennel—plaistered over with the mire of profligacy and debauch ery. There let him he. I will say no more of General Cass. I have ; said too much of all these men. But when ■ I see them, who agree in nothing else, con-1 spiring to cheat, oppress and trample on the South; when in their fiercest strifes, I see them “ hacking each other’s daggers in the sides” of the constitution,! am templed to for get my self-respect, and scourge in hand des cend to the office of public executioner. But I have a higher and a worthier object. There are few of those whose minds I desire to influ ence, on whom the name of one or the other of these men is not a spell of great power. To them I say “ your Gods are no Gods. Turn from them to the only living and true God, the God of the righteous arid oppressed, and put your trust in him. you want lead ers ? Seek for them in the true spirit, and you will find them. Seek for men distinguish ed by virtue as well as talent, men worthy to minister between God and you in the great concerns of duty as well as right. He will not leave himself without a witness, and even now “there walketh among you one whom you know not, the latchets of whose shoes these men are not worthy to unloose.” Who ( is he? I know him not. | But let your actions show you worthy of such a leader; let your determined resistance to wrong, and devotion to the right, demand him, and he will appear. When our fathers first resolved to resist the stamp act, Washing ton was a surveyor, Patrick Henry an obscure county court lawyer—Greene vi as at his forge, and even now in the depths of your forests are other such men wanting nothing but a right eous cause, and brave .nen resolute to support it, to secure independence and freedom to you, and immediate honor to themselves. I very much regret, sir, the time I have de voted to these men. You will rememberthM I undertook to show that, should the south !»e driven to secession, there is no reason to ap prehend that such a step would lead to wir. To prepare your minds for what I have to say on this point, it was necessary to put out of my way the authority of those who have concurred in declaring a peaceful sepa ration to be impossible. It is only with tliis view that I have spoken of them ; I kne.v them only Augusta, Thursday Morning, July 4, 1850. SOUTHERN RIGHTS MEETING. The friends of Soutliern Rights and of the Nashville Convention, and who are in favor of the extension of the Missouri Compro- i mise to the Pacific, as a practical and desirable settlement of the pending controversy between;! the slaveholding and non-slavehold ng Sates, are I requested to assemble at the Crrv Hall, at 8 o’clock, THIS (.Thursday) EVENING, 4th in stant. jy4 The Day. Another political Sabbath of our country has returned—another anniversary of tho na tal day of American Independence. It is a day which is justly dear to the hearts of the people, associated with ten thousand glorious memories of the past. It is an occasion whose advent is always welcomed with feelings of gladness and commemorated with becoming patriotism throughout the length and breadth of our great and glorious Republic. It has been well called “ a hallowed day—a day never to be forgotton while an American heart beats in an American bosom.” And it is fit and beco.ning’that it should be thus. Many and glorious influences com bine to render the day one of uncommon interest, and to endear it to the hearts of mil lions of freemen. It is associated with the proudest memoties of the past and the most glowing hopes of the future. It is associated with the names of a Washington, an Adams, a Henry and with a.l the noble deeds of onr ancestors in the cause of freedom and all the heroic achievements of the patriots ot ’76. It presents the inspiring spectacle of a nation forgetting the calls of business and the ordina ry avocations of life, surrounding the altar of their common liberty, and rejoicing in the benefits resulting fr< m the successful opera tion of our free and republican institutions. The festivities, proces-ions and illuminations of the occasion impart a common joy and all classes, sects and conditions claim a common share in the commemoration of its annual re- turn. The citizens of the United States have rea-, son to be proud of their institutions and of the rapidly advancing greatness of their country. It is a source of the highest gratification to every patriot to observe the prosperity and happiness of the people, and the unparalleled rapidity of their progress in wealth, intelligence and re finement. The splendid success which has followed the establishment of this government —the freest und most popular in the world, is the best commentary upon the wisdom of its founders and affords the best evidence that Republican institutions tend not to make a peo ple poor, turbulent and depraved—regardless of national honor or intractable to their own elected officers. The extraordinary prosperity which has thus far signalized the career of the United States —the magical advances she has made in wealth, population an-i political influence, the advantages she has derived from her elective system, the lightness of the public burdens, and inc extraordinary power and greatness which she seems destined to obtain, are all matters of public rejoicing and deservedly awaken feel- ings of the deepest gratitude. But amidst the glowing thoughts which are suggested by the occasion, some of sad and gloomy import involuntary intrude themselves into the mind of every reflecting Southern man. Never in the history of the -ountry, has the return of this day beheld the feeling of sectional hostility more fully developed or the bonds of the Union in more danger of being rudely snapt asunder. | . A feeling of deep and growing hostility to the south pervades the northern mind—a fierce fanatidßh which utterly disregards the obliga tions by the written law of the land, -«Aii^^^LblicTaub liledged bv solemn com- I in utrebtioii, streng'h 'goin a union of zbslots, wild fanatics, and corrupt as { pirants for power, it continually enlarges its j demands, tramples upon the constitution, ap peals to “ a higher law,” and while denying to i the south its just rights as an equal member ' of the Union, threatens destruction to ths Uni . on itself. People of the south, this is no pic ture—no chimera of an excited The times are full of threatening iflßger— your rights and honor are in peril. Let us, every where, however, be true to the past, and go up to day, to worship at the altar of freedom. We trust that after the celebration of the Bons of Temperance, and citizens generally, shall have passed during the day, our people, cur true hearted friends of equality and jus tice, will meet at the City Hall in the evening to make a heartfelt and necessary oblation to them- In doing that, they will serve at once the cause of the Union and of the South. We feel melancholy to know that there is any rea son to talk of the cause of the South in con nection with the Birth Day of the Union. But | it must be done, it is demanded of us by every consideration of duty and self preservation. Let us meet then, and hear the response to the question, “ Watchman, what of the night ?” Those who will not, we fear, would sleep upon a volcano, or fold their arms in apathy, while the serpent of death might be coiling around the bowers of their false security. Let us be united. “ These are the times that try men’s souls ; the summer soldier or the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his country; but he who stands it now de serves the love and thanks of man and wo man.” How applicable at the present time is the above glorious sentiment written in the year 1776—a dark and perilous period—by one of the noblest champions of American Inde pendence. At thr t time the cause of our coun- almost utterly hopeless seerrs the cause of the south. Divisions prevail among us—the peo ple are silent, or speak not in tones of emphat ic firmness, their counsels are varier.t and fluctuating, and all things are boding evil, soon perhaps to overwhelm us. While such is our desperate condition, how full of activity are our aggressors—what a feeling of unanimity and consistency prompts and directs their every movement. “ Take courage, friends of freedom, and march for ward,” is the battle cry of the free soil politi cians, echoed by the solid phalanx of the as sailants, as they press on with a stern spirit of determination to oyerthrow the constitutional rights of the south, and reduce her to a state <4 pitiable degradation. A universal feeling of opposition to our institution pervades the von-siaveholding states, and the aim of all endeavors seems to be directed against the longer existence of slavery. _That the above is the true condition of the two sections at the present moment, is as clear as the sun in mid-heaven. But we still do not despair ol our cause. The present con dition of things indeed only calls for more ear nest endeavors than ever, on the part of every trsa-hearted man to protect the right—to lift a warning voice to those who are pursuing the wrong—to unite and fortify the minds of the people for the sake of union and harmony among ourselves. And this is the only availa ble and sure preventative of further injury and injustice. In union there is strength—without it weakness and utter destruction. Haa the South not been lulled into a false security by the infidelity or ruinous error of some of onr own presses—had she not been backward in demanding justice and her rights, her condi tion at present would be far different n—n what it is. This is the truth, and the whole truth. The South, to obtain all she demands, io display a united front—to fall upon I plan of action—to be heard with ' and that the voice of outraged | justice. And there are no barriers in the way of such I a union among the people of the South, whe ther Whigs or Democrats. The Nashville Convention has supplied what was so greatly j needed—a platiorm upon which ail true South i ent men can stand, and with united hearts and I hands, be prepared to labor earnestly and un ! ceasingly to protect the rights aud interests of ■ the South, and counteract the evil influences of Northern sectionalism. Even the New York Herald admits, that if the will of the Southern pe. pie concentrate upon a great principle, such as this Missouri Compromise ’ line extended, the present difficulty will have i; a masterly and decisive termination. The i Nashville Convention will be the means of ; | forming a great and powerful party, aud the • j great event will be justice to the South and t! the harmony of the confederation. The importance of union now cannot be over ; estimated It is all-essential to the triumph of i the Southern cause, that it should have the gen eral support and co-operation of the Southern people. A public sentiment must be heard fa vorable to the plan proposed by the Convention or the action of that body will have been in vain, and worse than useless. This sentiment exists, we have no doubt; all that is necessary is to let it have voice and expression. Too long I have the southern people folded their arms when they should have been zealously working for the preservation of right—too long has this ; indifference been looked upon by the North as submission and cowardice. Their voice must be heard at this crisis, and that in tones not to be misunderstood. Let theacticnof the Nash ville Convention be ratified by the people—let i i them stand by the Missouri Compromise line, Hand, while contending fortheir just rights, lake nothing less, and all will be well. In such a cause as that in which the South is en gaged, unity of sentiment and unity of action must be obtained. Without it, all is discord, confusion, and tending to no tesult; with lusw. I.'hX!}'!," than et>»y to obtap “I “ ‘ < "lU'fijsneflw’su] usf* ment upon the i<isis of the Missouri line ex tended the Krcific. Speech of the Hon. Beverly Tucker, of Virginia. At our request, the venerable Judge Tuck er, of Virginia, has written out his speech for publication in the columns of the Republic. We present it as it came from the hands of the author. With some of its views we can not fully concur, and from the severity of a part of its language, we must express our dis sent. We have solicited a copy of the speech, and it has been politely and kindly furnished. That we may not be misunderstood, we state distinctly, that we should have given it a place in our columns, if we had been requested to do so,by thelearned and distinguished author. The responsibility of the speech rests with him, and he is fully able and ready to bear it. These are fearful and dangerous times. Indepen dence, equality, honor, property, and even per sonal safety, are invo ved. This is no time to muzzle the press, or contract freedom of opi nion or speech. The thoughts, the doctrines, the counsel which this speech contains, ema nate from no common man. 1-egal learning has been distilled from his pen, and wisdom, clothed in eloquent and classic language, has added, to the fame of the Professor and J udge, the charms of taste and diction. But it is not our purpose to eulogize the distinguished ju rist. He needs notour feeble compliment,to add to the number or the greenness of his laurels. Our principal object is, simply to give an introduction to our readers, of this able produc tion. It is right in the main. No one can object to the style, for that is pure—nor to the attachment of the author to his own section, for that is patriotic and honorable—-nor to the defence of truth, justice and constitutional right, for upon their preservation, depend the preservation of liberty and its blessings. He has alluded to men with great severity of lan- Ji will be apparent to all, that in bis perceptions of wrong and right, in his detestation of the one, and regard for the other, he exhibits no sham pretentions, no fastidious delicacy, and rises always in intellectual strength to the fuil stature of a man. It is not our purpose to review the learned au'hors remarks. That, if it would not be a hopeless task, would be an unjust one. We would deface the work ot a master sculptor, and daub the finished por trait of a master’s pencil. That portion of the speech yet to come, will be read with more profound interest than this, which we publish to-day, and will do much to nerve the strong, and encourage the timid and weak in the hour of intense public solicitude. While the South will see that she need apprehend no loss from a dissolution of the Union, we trust the North will find much to deter her from further aggression. We ask i he attention of ail our readers more especially to those'parts of the speech which we shall lay beloro them on Saturday and Tuesday next. It will show the South how her fading grandeur is owing in a great measure to herself, and how like a strong man or giant, s he submits to be crippled by a dwarf. The impregnable ar guments by which she will be convinced ot her power, will arouse her to resistance to tyranny, and elicit admiration from thousands of hearts, heretofore locked in apathy, or frozen with timidity. Her pathway, encumbered with sup posed dangers, will be lit up, not with the illusions and enchantments ot deceptive hope, but the bright and heart-bracing realities of fact. The skill of the artist will be seen and acknowledged, but the beauty of the picture will consist not in its coloring so much as its truth. Its conclusion in reference to his mother Virginia, is full of sacred tenderness i and love. We a.c tempted to quote it as fol- I lows. “Virginia is no coward cur, and how- I ever reluctant lo strike for sordid interests, she will never disavow those who pledge her hon our for the defence of Honor. I thank God that he has spared me to this day. Equality or Independence is the watchword of Virginia. One of these she will have, and if I can be ’ at all instrumental to such an achievement, I i shall not have lived in vain. I But if the heart of Virginia is dead within her—if that spirit which has been to me the breath of life, is fled—if that fountain of just principles and elevated sentiments, is dried up, there is nothing left for me, sir, but to lay my head on the cold bosom of my venerated and lamented mother, and to die there.” How beautiful, how touching, how much like the old Virginia patriot and gentleman, i whose flashing eye and magic eloquence glances his scorn upon insult and oppression, and appeals to his countrymen to resent and I repel it. The honorable author of this speech 1 has lived long and done valuable service to his State and country. Nearly seventy winters have whitened his locks with their snows, but j we see in this powerful effort that his heart is still fired with the glowing ardor of youth—that though bis step may not be as elastic as it once was, his spirit, unquenched in its enthu siasm, still animates and sustains a pure, un dimmed and lofty intellect in its unchanging ■ devotion to liberty, equality and justice. Long may he continue to live for good, snd to reap the rich reward of his patriotic labors. His cannot be the player’s art. Ambition has for him no charms to lure him from duty, and when the “ long grass may be growing on his I heart,” symbolical of that which may cover his tomb, may Virgin.a present to his reclining head, upon which to die, a bosom, not insensate : ‘ and cold, but throbbing with affection and i glowing with unsullied independence. D'News from Santa Fe has produced much excitement in Texas, Public meetiugs have been held in Austin and other places, and an extra session of the legislature will probably be called. NUMBER 28. Rev. £. P. Rogers on Election. This is the title of a handsome little volume with which we have been kindly presented by Rogers. A. the doctrine ot election is stated, defended from objections, and in a practical man-j ner. These Discouises were delivered, itiff staled in the preface, in the ordinary course of his ministerial labors, and appear in print in accordance with a general expression ot a wish to that effect on the part of his congregation. The work is prefaced with an introductory es say, relating to the same subject, by the Rev. Thomas Smyth, D. D. of Charleston. The argument used by the Reverend author, in the exposition of his subject, is forcible and lucid, the style of the work is pure and pleasing, and the doctrine is treated in all its bearings in that clear and masterly manner character istic of the pulpit efforts of the Reverend gen tleman. ID-We return our thanks to Hon. Wm. C. Dawson, of the Senate, and Hon. Messrs. Jackson, Orr, and McQueen, of the House, for valuable congressional speeches and public do cuments. Judge Tucker’s speech. As 700 copies of the Weekly Republic containing the above speech have been spoken for, we shall publish an additional number. Persons who may wish to obtain copies of the paper can do so by application at the office on or after Tuesday next. Ice Cream Saloon. See Mr. Zinn’s advertisement. He has fit ted up his Saloon in handsome style, and fur nishes such pleasant delicacies as Ice Cream, Iced Soda Water and Lemonade, exactly to suit the taste and season. ILT We regret that the proceedings of the Hopewell Presbytery, which sat in this city, on Tuesday last, at the instance of the Rev. E. P. Rogeis, were received at too late an hour for insertion in our paper this mor ning. They shall appear on Saturday. The Savannah Georgian, of the Ist instant, says, “ We are pleased to notice the finish of dance of Mr. Seldon, and there is now a fair prospect of an early completion of the build ing. It will be an ornament to the city.” Later from Europe. The news by the steamer Europa was tele graphed to this city on Tuesday. She brings three days later intelligence than the Pacific. She left Liverpool on the 22d June. The cotton market remained unchanged. Sales of the three days 15,000 bales. Sales of the week 28,000 bales. [By Telegraph for the C iarleston Mercury.) Lord John Russell delivered a brilliant speech in Parliament in defence of the Minis terial policy on the Greek question, in which he treated the opposition with the most indig nant contempt. There is less probability than ever of the speedy adjustment of the diff culty. An attempt is said to have been made upon the life of Louis Napoleon the President of the French, but the permitted to transpire. Nbw York, July 1, 6 P. M. A case of Asiatic Cholera in Boston was reported to-day. which terminated fatally 12 hours after taken. Baltimore, July 1,9 P. M. The United States steamer Vixen sailed from the Washington Navy Yard this after noon with despathes for the commander of the United States squardon off the Island of Cu ba. She was fitted out in great haste, the workmen engaged upon her being employed night and day. (U"We learn from a friend in Milledgeville, says the Constitutionalist, that the Hon. John W. Hooper has been appointed by his Excel lency Gov. Towns, Judge of the Superior Court of the Cherokee Circuit, vice Hon. A. R. Wright, resigned. Runaway Negroes.—Officer A. E. Jones in attempting to capture two runaway negr. es came near losing his life on Wednesday night last. He had found .them oil board a boat in. the river and when arrSstgcl they attempted to throw him overboard. Seizing each of them he pulled both overboard with him. He swam ashore with one of the negroes, the other was drowned, refusing assistance which was of fered him. The negro drowned had been runaway for a long time and belongs to Mr. Jacob Barrett of Charleston.—Savannah Geor. The Magazine.—The new Magazine for this city, has just been completed. It is built of brick and cement, and, measures 40 feet long, 30 wide, “ ith walls 20 feet high. The side walls are 6 feet thick, ends 4 feet—brick arch at top, 7 feet thick. Altogether it is a very substantial building, and will undoubtedly answer the requirements of our citizens, who trust, may never have occasion to use its con tents against their enemes.—Savannah Geor. Good.—The Hon. Joseph W. Jackson, of the Ist District, sends a copy of his speech to the Georgian, accompanied by the following note: Washington City, June 12, 1850. Editors of the Savannah Georgian : Gbntlemen: I send you, by this mail, the mere skeleton of some poor remarks made by me in the House of Representatives on the 7th inst. I had been for some time unwell. I considered it proper to declare my opinions, and I did so without preparation, and without notes. Had I time now, 1 would write out what I said in the form of a speech. But we are engaged in a most exciting struggle, and I cannot spare the necessary hours. I regret from my inmost heart, that I cannot agree with you, and perhaps a majority of my Savannah constituents. It is painful to me that they have not a man to represent them who can see, as they do, the justice and beau ties of the proposed adjustment. It must be amended before I can render to it my vote. I am very respectfully, JOSEPH W. JACKSON. Important Movement in Texas—Advices have been received at Washington city from Mr. Calhoun, U. States Indian Agent in New Mexico, stating that Major Neighbors had re turned to Texas for military aid, and was ex pected to return with a large military force in the month of July. CougreM. In Senate June 27. The bill granting lands to the State of Mis sissippi in aid of the completion of a railroad, was passed. Mr. Foote’s resolution calling upon the President for full information in regard to in struction and facts connected with Tale events in New Mexico, was adopted. The adjustment bill was taken up. Mr. Soule’s amemdment still pending. Mr. Webster addressed the:Sunate at length in reply to Mr. Soule’s arguments. He dwell on the expediency of admitting California at once, unless some insuperable objections should be urged against it. The various ob jections urged by Mr. Soule he stated, and proceeded to reply to them iri detail. Mr. Foote spoke with a view to explain his position, inasmuch as the vote was to be taken to-day. He explained the reason why he should vote for the Missouri comprotnica as involved in thia amendment, though he was confident that the amendment would not meet the sanction of a majority ol thia body or the other House. Mr. Barnwell rose and expressed some re luctance toengage in debate, having long been out of practice is public assemblies, and feel ing under embarrassment in succeiding ao distinguished a Senator as his predecease r. It was impossible for any one associating with that Senator (Mr. Ca)h< un) to avoid tl.e influ ence of his opinions in many respects. His position as to the Missouri compromise was, he presumed, the same as his own. He claim ed for the South equality of rights. To their intellecual and moral excellence he might ap peal as being such as warranted no exclusion of them from a participation in the common of all the Stales. ' He went on to recite the Snuih baC- nufed Iron) tht pooplo I —not fanatics, but c."!cbrau»d and inieiligetl! m en—members of Congress. The territorial -uestions Stere only indicationsof ilils disease, ’so deeply rooted. He argued that . laves v>..04 fcMWrtv, and had beeiwialmsd ah such Vy nf 1 Sime papers, ,'le was with the currr-Sit history ol others were, but he would review the grouifde taken by the North on tho territorial qussiiors, and see what right they have to say the slaves, as property, should not be admitted in any territory of the United States, as well as any other species of preperty. He declare , in conclusion, that the South would assent to the Missouri compromise, as a recognition of the equal rights ot the South, but they would demand that South of the line slavery should bo protected. Mr. Foote commented on the inexpediency ofasking legislative protection of slavery. Mr. Buller explained Mr. Calhoun’s doc tr ne as to non-intervention. His wish was that the people should form their constitution without any dictation as to the Missouri Com promise. Mr. Calhoun was, before California assumed her position, willing that the Missouri line should be drawn by those whose doctrines would allow them to vote for it, though he did not vote for it himself. Mr. Jefferson Davis rose and addressed the Senate, declaring that from the moment when he ascertained that the amendments he desired to the bill could not be obtained,he determined to say no more till the bill reached its final stage. He proceeded to vindicate his position in regard to this bill—bis ultimatum which ha had announced before his constituents, and which the Nashville Convention had suctioned. Mr. Davis alledged that, from the beginning of the session, the country had been filled with missives abusive 1 f Senators and of all who sustained the rights of the South. Newspapers were employed aod the more base instruments of letter-writers, to brand every Southern man as a disunionist, who opposed tlie compromise. One letter writer, he said, the basest Hessian of them all, was now receiving pay, to him and other Southern men as If any respectable person would say that was a disunionist, lie would answer him nosyllables. Ile bad a superstitious for the Union. gfl- Mr. Foote replied. Mr. Daws u 1 k v> av 'o ais i'..ui In ’-JijSi adjouriwd. \Vhen the doors were The adjustment bill was taken up, and Mr. Jefferson Davis concluded his speech yester day commenced. He contended that Califor nia, south of the line of 36, 30, slaves might be profitably employed. Mr. Soule reinforced his argument in sup port of his amendment, and replied to Mr. VV< bster and Mr. Douglass. Mr. Webstef and Mr. Douglass spoke briefly. The question on Mr. Soule’s amendment was taken and resulted as follows. Yeas—Messis. Atchison, Barnwell, Berrien Butler, Clemens, Davis, of Miss., Dawson, Downs, Foote, Houston, Hunter, King, Ma son, Alorton, Rusk, Sebastian, Soule, Turney Yulee—l7. Nays—Messrs. Badger, Baldwin, Bell, Ben ton, Bright, ass, Chase. Clarke, Clay, Coop er, Corwin, Davis of Mass., Dayion, Dickin son, Douglass, Ffelcli, Greene, Hale, Hamlin; Jones, Miller, Norris, Pearce, Phelps, Pratt, Seward, Shields, Smith, Sturgeon, Under wood, Upham, Wales, Walker, We.ster, Whitcomb—36. Mr. John Davis, Massachusetts, addressed the Senate at length in opposition to the bill. Mr. Davis, without concluding, yielded to a morion to adjourn. Mr. Clay expressed a hope that the Senate would agree upon a day to take the question an the engrossment of the bill. He suggest ed Wednesday next. Mr. Bell objected. He wished to give his views. He and others would not be able to address the senate, if so early a day was fix ed. Mr. Yulee laid on the table an amendment to the bill. After an Executive session, the Senate ad journed. House. —Mr. Parker introduced a bill res pecting the national armories at Springfield and Harper’s Ferry; which was read twice and referred to the committee on military af fairs. The House then proceeded to the considera tion of the two contested election cases. The discus#on was continued by Messrs. Disney, Thompson, of Pa., Toombs, Van Dyke, Mc- Donald and Strong. The debate beiipr Clofifd thn,,Qhair Would first t>O Inti. I Mr Van 1) lie to ■!,. , , r . A .... •, -II ’“afl ' resolution of the majority of the elections, to give it to the democratie member Mr. Thompson. The question was put and decided in veas 95, nays 94. The Chair voted in the negative. So the amendment was not agreed to. The House is now voting, 4| o’clock, on a motion to adjourn. Recovery of Treasure on Cumberland Island.—We understand from a gentleman who came passenger on the Florida boat on Saturday, that a party who had been excava ting on the south end of Cumberland Island for some time past, succeeded in finding and carrying off a large amount of treasure. The existence of this treasure has long b en a mat ter of speculation, and many persons have hitherto been attracted to the place by re ports of its whereabouts, but have been un successful in their attempts to discover it. The present party it appears, procured their information in regard so its locality, from an old man, long suspected of having been con nected with piratical operations, and have thus been successful in securing the long hidden treasure. A schooner had been lying off and on the south end of the Island several days, whose movements created some surprise. She at length came in, took the party on boan 1 , and sailed for parts unknown. We understand the party consisted of fifteen persons.—Sav. Georgian, Ist inst. Oh, marry the man you love girls, if you can get him at all; if he is rich as Croesus, or as poor as Job in his fall, P-ay, do not marry for pelf, girls, ’twill bring your soul into thrall; but marry the man you love, girls, if his purse is ever so small. Oh, never marry a fop, girls, whether he is tittle or tall ; he’ll make a fool of himself and you—he knows nothing well but to drawl. But many a sober man, girls there are a few left on this ball; and you’ll never rue the day, girls, that you ever married at all. Wilkes County Rail Road.—The Wash ington Gazette, of the 27th ult. says—“ The list, when we last heard from it, amounted to something upwards of $180,000,”