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Hr Augusta, (®a. ■Thursday Morning, "\ov. 7. ISSO. W Southern Rights Ticket. GEO. IV. LAMAR, ■ DAVID F. DICKINSON. JOHN C. SNEAD, ■ JAMES M SMYTHE, Mr. Stephens’ Letter. F r~ We will reply cu Saturday to a letter of I I Mr. Stephens’, which appeared in the Cfironi ■* cle and Sentinel yesterday. We would du so B to-day, it space would permit. f Lest we might be misunderstood, we would ■ observe, that some introductory remarks to ex | tracts from speeches of Mr. Toombs, to be followed by those of Mr. Stephens, which w ill be found on our first page, were struck off be fore we saw his letter or we were aware of its publication. Self respect would not have permitted us to have expressed ourself as we did in those remarks, in reference to Mr. Stephens had we have been aware of the pub lication of the letter referred to. Augusta, Nov. 5, 1850. Messrs. Editors: Dear Sir:—-It affords me great pleasure to announce to the public, that no case of Small Pox has occurred in our city since my last report. The cases at the Pest House are rapidly convalescing. - - The c;ity Is remarkably healthy, and no epi- T-mic prevailing. Respectfully,' ( v w m. E. Deabikg, M. D. ; _£heirman Boaad ofHcalth. | •- ■" Vfr luw been gratified to r,<;la ®* speech of the Hon. John MePhr f i- i- .Jearn that the at toe dinner given him, on .. • , n i Arson Berrien, ggW the citizens of Bur!:e, was a noF ’ f effort in defence of Southern r| 41 ‘ ast y ■ A writer in the Chronicle ovi' 6 and Ondld ■ of “ Troiius” says : /« bts and honor ' fe r > -#r the signature Waynesboro’, .< 6 Mr. Editor : —To-day JJj struck the blow which has pov. 4th, 1850. B rampart behind which disunldge Berrien has To show how this writrf * th ® iaßt ■ , yon could rally. B taken as a whole, we copy I ... , , 1 , ■ , , , A liked the speech, ■ the same article: A ... . , ■ re .. .■ . >ne following fi om “ Now I have the bight B ° I Bei tien both as a get tlenl I but candor compels me fst respect for Judge ered his speech to-day, y an » and a politician, an oratorical effort, or wijo say, that I consid its positions, as unwortl/vhether regarded as Probably “ Troilus" f’.'J® B^,, 10 80me ° f thv of him because he If ? ° , '*?’ ... , Bhought it was unwor- sitions. We copy lr<> , . . „ , , , look the following po- count of the speech. / „... “Without preterdf" Tr °“ Ba ° Wn ac ' an extended report of t I shall cont-nt mytewg to give anything like as well as I remem Judge Berrien’s remarks, points assumed, and O with a mere statement, your readers todra Jr them, of the principal Upon the Cuhfornitileave it to the discretion of able Senator conteijr their own conclusions, that territory was Jqneslion, then, the honor because Congress Jded that the admission of ® ereate new of the constitution, ' been made a Statfad the right to admit not to milted into the. a[, d t -at Cafffbrnia had point was essentfby Congress, and then ad ■Biakn in the tieMBF His argument on this Irfaily' the same <i» that made by i-otilie I ti led Slates, in a m the public mind. He different <1 orin- " > > 5 *7t • n '’ v > r have .\o», t,f "iavery been J *' "” ,t -N.-rth and °? e ' OICP condemned so >^^Wr i ' ona - r “° said, >" o" c Ae*^^B a . ,n I,IH '‘“constitutionally be- X. » (A %«‘^K°. he L r “ llereK, > in as much as by ws« '\ bee, ‘ enaW ed to filch a vast ' oe'CllU-'.' Ik'f c’niJUHd Ibai- dangers arising from the agitation of the question. But in bis opinion, her admis sion was unconstitutional and detrimental to the South in the highest degree. He regarded the passage of the fugitive slave bill as nothing but an act of justice to the South; and allhough it might be deemed a good and efficient law, as be believed it to be, yet the South has obtained nothing more than justice by it, and the Congress of the United Slates was entitled to nothing more than the accord of the simple commendation which fol lows the performance of an ordinary duty. The abolition of the slave trade in the Dis trict of Columbia was not in itself an assump tion, by Congress of the power to abolish sla very in the District, but it was tantamount to such an assumption: foe the penalty for the offence of trading in slaves in the prohibited li mits wns the liberation of the slave, which he asserted was nothing less than a practical aboli tion of tho institution. These, said Judge Berrien, were the griev ancee of which he complained, and whi"h he thought called tor redress. He was therefore for resistance, not by dissolution, not by se cession, but within tho pale ot the Constitution. He was of opinion that the Convention about to assemble should tberefore resist them: Ist By a demand upon the northern states to put down the abolition excitement as a thing dangerous to the social relations of the Union and insulting to the South, and, 2d. By rendering Georgia independent of the free states for articles now produced in Georgia and manufactured by the north. This was to be accomplished not by non-intercourse but by foal' ring Southern manufactures, by ex- ; empnug from taxation all capital employed in that way—by taxing articles, imported from ’•"'•fret' States und by advising direct trade be tween foreign countries and Southern cities These I believe were the principal points of a speech which required three hours for its delivery.” Pretty good Southern Rights doctrine, that. We say, hutrah ! tor these doctrines of Sena tor Berrien. Wo won d call him a good old Georgia patriot even upon this show- Troiltw.” S|l All of us go tor maintaining our rights in RMfhe Union if we can. s4J.»t we await further accounts •Wewueie. - - SWAIN’S PANACEA, lorsale by P. A. VirVtSE, Druggist. . P“6tASH._ 2000 lbs. No. 1 Potash, for sale by n9P- A. MOISE, Druggist- SUPERIOR STARCH for family vise tor salt at 13 j cents per lb by u y P. A. MOISE, Drugyist. English and french hair brush es, of all sites, for sale by n 9 P. A. MOISE, Druggist. Hot)d House, MACON, Ga. By BUFORD dr WILLIAMS, D 8 ’ WASHINGTON HALL, MACON, Ga. By ROGERS «• MEARA,OS MARRIED, On Tuesday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Rogers, Mr. William Hunter, of Savannah, and Miss Julia Tracy, daughter of Wdbam 1. Cionldy Esq., of this city* In Atlanta, on the 21st tilt., bj- the Rev. J. L. Wilson, Mr. W. C. Moore ofClarke county to Miss A. A. Mead,of Atlanta. DIED, 7?>>uista, Ga., August 30, Mary Jane, """T***^-John and Mary Fryer, in the , She w« .Liable in 30th year of her «*<^ n!lssualinJ , iu her manners, and possessed m an a the esteem and love ot all who timatel v. For several years she has beeff> member of the M. E. Church and by her up right and consistent course, demonstrated the honesty and depth of her religious faith, ror several years her health has oeen senous.y impaired, vet her death wasrather sudden, and preceded bv entire unconsciousness, one was, therefore, unable to express her confi dence iu the goodness and mercy of her hope of a blessed immortality, but be: be reaved parents and friends felt assuredlb* the God, she loved and served, u‘d not desert her in the hour of trial, but has genUv md her ■ spirit through “the dark valley and shadow of death,” to lb*Still staters and green pastures cf WEEKIYt BY JAMES M. SMYTHE, Proprietor. ’ < c—lUfckln loimuil, dcUOtcb to NciVS, politics, R^OBEkTA S w}nrTE\\ . . . . editors. r^: literature, Oenerai Intelligence, Agriculture, &c. ■ Al ‘ ~ Terns-.TWO DOLLARS a year, iurariably inadvance Advertisements inserted at the custo- Or $2,50 if not paid within two months ~ *T / Tri-Weekly, per annum in advance ;.$4.00 JUtll TiitCS* Or $5.00 if not paid within two months. , VOLUME in. Calculating the Value of the Vuion, The Southern Rights party of Georgia has been much censured of late upon a charge of having calculated the Most of the readers of . u "a ii.ai. i y bi Vs 32 snd ’33, calculated the value of the Union because of the wrongs inflicted upon '(he South by, as they contended, the uncon atituttftnal tariffs of those days. Some of'the leading submissionists of the present day were ready then to dissolve the Union, becanse of those wrongs. Now, when fifteen hundred millions of slave property is endangered, when our rights are denied us, and our equali ty in the confederacy also is, in effect, denied us, and of course, our honor placed in jeopar dy, many of those who advocated dissolution then, profess to be struck with horror at the bare possibility of such a thought. But we leave the reminiscencies of those days to speak of the present. We say, then, that if the Southern rights party have calculated the value of the Union, they have not done so more than some of the leaders of the present submission party. We shall show this by extracts from the speeches of Messrs. Ste- phens and Toombs. These gentlemen, distinguished for their intellectual powers and their popular elo quence, are exceedingly popular with the peo ple of their respective districts. We have ad mired and sustained them with our votes, our pen, and our voice, in days that have past. It so happens, that, in the revolutions of politi cal events, they, end many of their old friends, now occupy antagonistical positions. New parties have been formed, and Messrs. Toombs and Stephens,’the Nullifiers of 1832and’33, are the submissionists of 1850. We would give but a poor expression of cur feelings by saying, that wa deeply regret it. It is a sub ject to us of mournful sorrow. ;■ Jalusi- Utwould take tbat to make us yield oir convictions to these distinguished gentlerifl-n. We are so. ced, by moral neces sity, to chpose between duty to the State and the South, and political friendship and devotion to them. While opposing them now politi cally, we do not leave sight of our regard for them as how?, as men of kindly sympathies and emo- i We use this language not to propitiate favor but to reveal the true character of our position. Wo oppose them not because we do not admire them as men, not fr* m ill- - '.ill or any secret feelings of opposition, but from a sense of duty. Their personal character, popularity and intellectual power, are now brought out in all their strength, to carry the State of Georgia for the measures which have recently been adopted by Congress. We believe that they have been inconsistent, and that they furnish the Southern rights party from their own quivers, with arrows for its defence, in its bold and noble stand in favor of Southern Rights. We shall now proceed to show that Messrs. Stephens and Toombs have calculated Ihe val ue of the Union even upon the great question which now shakes the Union to its centre. When, therefore, the submissionisls charge upon us a calculation of the value of the Union, let them remember that these gentlemen have also calculated its value. We claim to be long to the faithful guard upon whom no in fluences can be made, save through open, undisguised and naked justice. We quote as follows from Mr. Toombs’ speech in the House of Representatives, of Dec. 13th 1849. “It seems from the remarks of the gentlemen from N. York, that we are to be intimitdated by eulogies upon the Union, and denunciations of those who are not ready to sacrifice national honor, essential interests, and constitutional rights upon its altar. Sir, I have as much attachment to the union of these States, under the constitu.ion of our lathers as any freeman ought to have. I nm ready to concede and sacrifice for it whatever a just and honorable manought to sacrifice—l will do no more. 1 have not heeded the aspersions of those who did not understand or desired to misrepresent my conduct or opinions in relation to those questions, which, in my judgment so vitally afl’ect it. The time has come when I shall not only utter them, but make them the' basis of my political action here. I do not, then, hesitate to a row before, this the cowFfiuqnd Ag .G-.nL. Flue Col®ss*c Mr. I’. A. Moise has presented us with a ‘ bottle of C< logne Water, manufactured at his establishment, which is a rich and exquisite ! article. He furnishes it at 75 cents per quart, i which is cheaper than common. We are in favor of patronizing domestic manufacture. This delicious article for tha toilet is purchas-1 ed in great quantities from abroad. If it can be got as good at home ".nd, especially, cheap-1 er too, let us encourage its manufacture here. The remains ofGen. Taylor reached Louis-, ville (Ky )on Friday last, and was buried in the family cemetery, eight miles from the city. There was a solemn procession and a I general suspension of business on the occa sion. By telegraph from the Constitntionalst. Charleston, Nov. 6. Kingsland, the Whig candidate, has been elected Mayor of New-York, by about five thousand majority. Charleston, Nov. 6- P. M. Cotton.--Prices remain without change.— The sales to day reached 1200 bales at 13 to 13 J cents. New-York, Nov. 6, P. M. ! Cotton.—The market is drooping. The .ales reach 700 bales. I The Whigs have elected their Governor, ; and a majority of Congressmen. to the Constitutionalist. Charleston, Nov. 7, P. M. Cotton —Slh*>G'da.v 1500 bales. Sales of the week S.OOOaXj'o 14 cents. Re ceipts of the week 7,400. closes at firmer prices, Middling FairTS» eents. New York, Nov. 7. Cotton.—The market has declined f cent, with sales of 700 bates. Rice 3|. Seymour, the democratic candidate, haa been elected Governor by 3000 majority, and seventeen Whigs and sixteen Democratia elected to Congress. We quote as follows from Mr. Toombs speech of the 27th of February, 1850. “These causes have brought us to the point where we are to test the sufficiency of written constitutions to protect the rightsofa minority J Mitj-'i. ‘*wii*au>rit'f ■Peten,iinaiiß||B:is question willdeveriti anA PERMAHENt v of the GOV- ERNMENT.” “Our security under the constitution is based solely upotr,.GOOD faith There is nothing in its structtfve which makes aggres sion permanently impossible. It requires neither skill, nor genius, nor courage, to per petrate it; it requires only BAD lAITH. I have studied the histories of nations and the characteristics of mankind to but little purpose if that quality shall be found WANTING in the FUTURE ADMINISTRATION of our own affairs." “This Government was established for the protection of the rights of persons and the rights of property of the political communi ties which adopted it. These are the primary objects of all good governments. The pio tection of property is the corner stoi e of in dustry, of national progress, of civilization. No government can stand in America, or ought to stand anywhere, which brings its pow ers in hostility to the property of the people. These principles are the foundation of the positions which I assumed at the opening of this Congress.” “Our lives, oun property, our consti tutional PRIVILEGES AKE REALLY INVOLVED IN THE issue. Your position offers us the fate of Hayti, or, at best, of Jamaica, or re sistance to lawless rule. I trust there is nothing in our past history which ought to in duce you to doubt which alternative we shall accept. Though the Union may perish— though slavery may perish—l warn my coun trymen never to surrender their right to an equal participation in the common properly of the Republic, nor their r'glit to full and ample protection of their property from their own government. The day they do this deed “ THEIR FALL WILL BE LIKE THA I’ OF LUCIFER, NEVERTO RISE AGAIN.” “Whatever any of the States recognize as property, it is the duty of this Government to protect. When it places itself in hostility to property thus ln or sub verted. t his-is a quesiion which affects the rights of all the Slates.” ‘•Gentlemefa may spare their threats; he or is already degraded. 'I he people who count the cost of maintaining their political riohts are readyjar slavery. T> e sentiment of every true man at the Mouth will be we hiql from which the Constitulicn.and the rights ol the South are to be assailed.” “ Let the South mark the man, who is for the" Union al every hazard, and to the last extremity. When the day of her peril comes, he will be the imitator of the historical charac ter, the base Judean, who for thirty pieces of silver, tnrew away a pearl richer than all his tribe.” “ Our next and last acquisition was Cali- ( forma and New Mexico. They are the ( fruits of snccesstul war. We have borne an equal share of its burdens—we demand < AN EQUAL participation in its benefits. The rights of the South are consecrated by the blood of HER children. The sword is the title by which the nation acquired the coun try. The, thought is suggestive, wise men will ponder it brave men will ACT UPON IT.” “The folly of some, the timidity of some, and perchance, the treachery of others in the South, may roll back for a season the wave that shall overwhelm and destroy it. But it will be the reflux of tho advancing not the re ceding tide; it shall gal her strength from eve ry breaker, and will finally accomplish its mission. The first act of legislative hostility to slavery is the proper point for Southern re sistance. Those in advance may fall—it is the common history of revolutions—but the cause will not fall with them; no human pow er can avert the result—it will triumph. Though hostile interference is the point of resistance, non-interference is not the mea sure of our rights. We are entitled to non interference from alien and foreign govern ments England owes us that much —France owes us that much— Russia owes us non-inter vention. You OWE us MORE. You owe us protection. Withhold it, and you make us aliens in our own government. Our hostility to it then becomes a necessity—* necessity justified by our honor, our interests, and our common safety. These are stronger than all human governments.” “We who are contending for a principle es sential to our interest, our safety, ant! our po litical union, can suffer no greater calamity than its toss. 'Phis is an appeal from the argu ment to our fears. I answer that appeal in the patriotic language of a distinguished Georgian who yet lives to arouse the hearts of 1 his countrymen to resistance to wrong:— 1 “ When the argument is exhausted, we WILL STAND BY OUR ARMS.” of the South I hold that when the stipulation of the late treaty shall be complied with and | the money paid which is provided for in it, they will constitute an acquisition made at I the cost and treasure of the whole Union, towards which the South contribute d as gen ' erousiy as the North, and in which the South is entitled to a just and equal participation-, ! and that it is the duty of Congress to see to 1 it, that the just and equal rights of my section are GUARDED, PROTECTED and SE ‘ CURED by all necessary legislation. The ! right to acquire and to hold territory brings with it the duty to govern it. The Supreme I Court has so decided, and, in governing, it ' is the duty of Congress to act justly and j fairly towards the rights and interests of all : who are entitled to an equal share, in the common domain. This sir, is MY POSI TION and upon it I shall STAND or FALL. ” “ Now sir, I do not believe in compromises or settlements that are not fully and clearly and distinctly understood on BOTH SIDES at the time.” “As long as I have a seat here, 1 shall main tain thejust and equal rights of my section up*n this as upon all other questions. 1 ask noth- I ing more and shall take nothing less. , All I i demand is, common right end common justice; these I will have in clear and express terms, or I will have nothing. I speak to the North irrespective of parties. I recognize no party association in affiliation upon this subject.” From his speech of August the 9th, 1850— «I am for conciliation if it can be accom plished upon any reasonable and just princi- Tie. lam also for making a clean breast of it. am for no partial arrangement. If we aim at peace, let us have no temporary 'ruce, but permanent quiet and repoise. This in my , opinion can only be done by a settlement of all the questions growing out of these territo rial acquisitions upon liberal and proper terms. ar* such terms ? This is the practi , kt, for 3,s to consider.” “ the /Soufi have as much right ip colonize these terri i tones of the north have with theirs. This upon i j which I stand and the principles upoPri-which ' i! re-tsare as immutable as right and justice. AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING, NOVE Mr. Tt'oom I>s’ grounds for coin! -'i.graceful scenes o.' the las plaint, and Resistance. V- urs, and restore tranquillity ts We have shown, by extracts from Mr. -‘^ use them, and, so far as Ih Toombs’speecheu, that he has calculated the J ct discord reign foi ever. 1 value of the LimonJ> rU ; r^peec^. nrnVr" 1 C now introduce a few more of the causes w Southern discontent, given by him, and then follow them with his grounds for resistance. Speech of Dec. 13th, 1849 : “ The territories are the common property of the United States, purchased by their common blood and treasure. You are lheir common agents; it is your duty, while they ate in a territorial state, to remove all impediments to their free enjoyment by all sectionsand peo ple of the Union, the slaveholder and the non slaveholder. speech of the 27th feb. 1850. “ I propose as a representative of a portion of the people who participate largely in tnis discontent to inquire into its cause, and if it be well founded to ask you to remove it. It is based upon a well founded apprehension of a fixed purpose on the part of the non slave holding States of the Union to destroy their political rights; to put their institution under the ban of the empire, by excluding them from an equal part cipation in the common benefits of the Republic, and thereby to bring the pow ers of their own government in aireci hostility to their property. This brief statement sug-’ gests the propriety of the investigation upon which I now propose to enter. What is the true relation of this government to property in slaves? We are now, sir, in a transition state; heretofore, the distribution of political power, under cur system, has made sectional aggression impossible. I think it would have been wise to have secured permanency to such distribution by the fundamental law. It was not done. The course of events, the in crease of population in the Northern portion of the Republic, and the addition of new'States, are about to give, if they have not already given, the non-slavehol ing States a majority in both branches of Congress, and they have a large and increasing majority of the popula tion of the Union. These causes have brought us to the point where we are to test the sqfltciency of the people. Upon the determination on/2 jttssltdn will depend and otighT to depend the permanency of the Government." P »„r2 e r‘?i. the faCe of * hese facta > an d in defi ance of these provisions of the consiimtion we are told on this floor by New England Z’ resentatives, that slave nmwu. ? , . P ~ protect ion meet in Fanieul Hall. In rny judgment, line of policy is the fairest, most just, most hoi est and defensible of all the enemies of our institutions. And such will be the judg ment of impartial history. ‘ They shun no question, they wear no mask.’ They admit some at least of the constitutional obligations to protect slavery. They hold these obliga tions inconsistent with good conscience, and they therefore denounce the institution as a ‘ covenant with hell,’ and struggle earnestly for its overthrow. If their conduct is devoid of every o her virtue, and every other claim to our respect, it is at least consistent. They do not seek as many members do here, to get the benefits and shun the burdens of the bar gain. Notwithstanding the constitutional safeguards which I have enumerated, the ene mies of slavery here attempted, and are now aitempting, to get by implication, that power to war upon it which was so studiously with held.” “ ‘Slavery is a fixed fact’ in your system. We ask protection against all HOSTILE im pediments to the introduction and peaceable enjoyment of all our property in the territories; whether these impediments arise from foriegn laws {Mexican laws,} or from any pretended domestic authority ; we hold it to be your duty to remove them. Foreign laws can only exist in acquired territory by your will, express, or implied. It is a FRAUD on our rights to permit them to remain jo our prejudice." We submit the following extracts from the address to the people of the southern states, of May 7th, 1850, signed by Messrs. A. P. But ler, Jackson Morton, R. Toombs, and J. Thompson. The address was published in behalf of a large number of southern represen tatives, whigs and democrats, who recom mended the establishment of a Southern Press at Washington city to defend the rights of the south. “In the c r ntest now going on, the consti tutional equality of fifteen Slates is put in ques tion. Some sixteen hundred millions worth of negro property is involved, directly and indirectly, though not less surely, an incalcu lable amount of property, in other forms. But to say this, is to state less than half the doom that hangs over you. Your social forms and institutions, which separate the European and tho African races into < ialinct clas-es. aa-l ques.iori, Air' Ksphen s, now believes, will have to be decide by the same Supreme Court, under the Clay com promise, which has just passed both bouses us Congress. • Is Mr. Stephens now, as he said, then be would be in such an event, “for iHunion— i openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution ?” 1 Another interesting question—now for the answer tc it. Mr. Stephens then says, in immediate con- i nection with this: “ Now, I wish to say through your paper to the public, who may not be informed on the • subject, that the above statement is utterly un true. I used no such language as is here at- ; tributed to me, on the Clayton Compromise— | I opnosed that measure and contributed all in ! my pvwer to its defeat, because it did * sur render,’ in my opinion, 1 th* rights of the south.’ I stand now by every word ai d sen tence I ever spoke or wrote upon that meas ure. It is not true that I ever said I should be for disunion if that measure passed. Mr. Stephens then proceeds to stale the po : sitiou which he took, in his speech, in August I last, at which time he used the language above ; misquoted by the Republic. He says; , “And 1 stand by the same language now— I 1 reaffirmed it in the presence of the Editor of ' i the Republic, in the public discussion in yeur I city. My position cannot be mistaken by | him, however he may attempt recklessly and without regard to truth to misrepresent it to > others.” He proceeds to quote the 4th and seventh of the resolutions srbmitted by him to the meeting in Taliaferro to show that he took the same position in them. He enters in o a brief statement to vindicate his consistency. He then says: “Nor is it true, as stated in tae Republic, that I said in my speech in Augusta “I am per fectly satisfied with the Compromise—every Georgian should be—we obtain £ven more than we asked for.’ I used no such language in tuat spgecjt. Ra the contrary. 1 said express ly that those Bills were not in ie nature of a Compromise at ali—that nothifcwas compro mised in them—that r-aeh m- upon ... Bitgyw the governrfMtlo protect?" 1 z “ We hold it to be the duty of their govern ment to protect the persons and property of the citizens of the united states wherever its flag floats and it has paramount jurisdiction. And ss a just corollary from this principle, we af firm that as the territories of the United States are the common property of the people of the several states, we have the right to tn ter them with our flocks and our herds with our men servantsand our maid servants and whatever else the laws of any of the states of tliis union declare to be property, and to re ceive full and ample protection from our com mon government until its authority is right fully superceded by a state government. This istquity; this is whet we call equality, and it jsjwhat you would cal! equity and equality but for your crusade against slavery." •■We ask protection against all hostile im pediments to the introduction and peaceabls enjoyment of all our property in the territories whether these impediments arise from foreign laws or from any pretended domestic author ity, we hold it to be your duty to remove them Foreign laws can only exist in acquired terri tory by your will, express or implied. It is a fraui upon our rights to permit them to re mairito our prejudice." “U’e demand an equal participation in the wriolt country acquired, or a division of it between the North and the South.” “We are entitled to non-interference from alien ind foreign governments. England owes us thit much; France owes us that much; Russia owes us non intervention. You owe us mor° You You owe us protection." “Our next and last acquisition was Califor nia anil New Mexico. They are the fruits of successful war. We have borne an equal share qi' its burdens— We demand an equal XS£tici|Ltion in Its benejils." ffirTkg now shown what Mr. Toombs de- l was its duly to do, we proceed to 1 were his grounds of resistance in /ailure to perform it. cane n f M' ds recc,lt letter to his constituents. Fm-, Whig cau C‘"‘, «t the opening of B 8 "’ 'r, n,y speech in December; in my in Mm February; in my letter to Gov Gongans j n March, I affirmed my own grounds ?P ei W- 'stance to the gover. ment, or disunion, to I he abolition of slavery ! 2nd. 'l’lie ether grounds Os resistance, I did not tjjandon or compromise one jot or tittle of tliint 1 did not enlarge them to include the er rors i?ad follies of Southern men, or diminish them to conciliate the hostility of Northern men; I stood by them and they are not viola ted by the legislation which I am about to re view.” Froji Mr. Toombs’ speech, Dec. 13th 1849. “ I do not, then, hesitate to avow before this House and the country, and in the pre sence of the living God, that if by your legis lation you seek to drive us from the territories of California and New Mexico, purchased by the common blood and treasure of the whole people ; and to abolish slavery in this District, thereby attempting to fix a national degrada tion upon half the States of this confederacy. lam for disunion; and if my physical cou rage be equal to tha maintenance of my con victions of right and duty, I will devote all I am and all I have on earth to its consumma tion.” FEBRUARY SPEECH OF 1850. “No government can stand in America, or ought to stand any where which brings its powers in hostility to the property of the peo pie.” “Though the Union may perish— though slavery may perish, 1 warn my countrymen never to surrender their right to an equal par ticipation in the common property of the re public, nor their right to full and ample pro tection of their property from their own gov ernment. The day they do this deed ‘ THI-UL-FALL WILL BE LIKE THAT OF LuCIFKR, NEVER TO RISE AGAIN.” “ Whatever any of the St ites recognise as property, it is the duty of this government to protect. When it places itself in hostility to property thus secured, it becomes an enemy to the people, and ought to be corrected or sub verted. This is a question which affects the rigritsof ail the States. This is the only rule which can preserve the harmony of the Union, and enable the General Government to per form impartially its duties to States having dif ferent interests and institutions.” “i_iemand to-day that protection for my constituents which we have never withheld from you. It is the price of our allegiance. Let us understand each other.” “ The sentiment of every true man at the Sont|t will be—we took the Union and the Was this intended as the bluster of the brag gadocio. Was Mr. Stephens vainly trying to ape Falstaff I Now let us see whether if the Clayton Compromise bill had passed he would have obtained the “just and equal rights” of i his section, and lhe common right and com mon justice, of which he spoke. Let Mr. Ste-1 pheus answer. He said in his speech on that i bj; “This compromise bill, sir, did, in my | o pinion, endanger and surrender the then rights ; of the South by a continuance of the municipal i laws of Mexico, which were of force at the time of the conquest, and by which slavery ; was abolished there.” What did Mr. Stephens mean by his brave ■ words, that if the North voted the South down,' and denied her her just rights, “it will be for I tbe people of the South to adopt such a course I as they may deem proper.” What did he mean by saying “I do not stand I here to make any threats in their name,” &c. i What did he mean by saying, “Nor shall I ■ be awed or Intimidated,” &-c., “by any of the i trembling alarms that the Union is in danger.” . It is true that Mr. Stephens did not say, in i so many words, that he would be in favor ol | disunion if the Clayton compromise biil should be passed. But what did all the above mean ? i As our associate said it looked “disunimish.” 1 Let us see what Mr. Stephens said its pas \ sage would do. i t’Tben, air, what are we of the South to gain jby this Compromise? Nothing but what we I would have even with the Wilmot Proviso \ the poor privilege of carrying our slaves into a country where the first thing to be encoun , tered is the certaia prospect of an expensive ; lawsuit, which m*y cost more than any slave ! is worth, and, in my opinion, with the absolute certainty of defeat in the end. and with no law ■ in the meantime to protect pur rights oi proper- Ity in any way whatever! This, sir, is the - substance of the compromise, even in the most 1 favorable view it can be presented.” Ber 12, 1850. I’. =!!5 | twenty four country, tm concerned, Whatever any bfcjHslhr. tr a a S lbT a a w !h"' e bel , n °y. we know that I shr nL % h and tber efore we should n t 80e j. ? fourteen or fifteen States of the confederacy— all rest upon the result of the struggle in which we are engaged. We must maintain the equality of our political position in the Union. We must maintain the dignity and respectability of our social position before the world; and we must maintain and secure our liberty and rights, eo far as our united efforts can protect them, and, if possible, we must effect all 1 his within the pale of Union. The union of the South upon these vital inteiests is necessary, not only for the sake of the South but perhaps for the sake of the Union. We have great interests exposed to the as saults not only of the world at large, but of those who, constituting the majority, wield the power of our own confederated States. We must defend those interests by all legit imate means, or else perish either in, or with out, the effort. To make a successful defence we must unite with each other upon the one vital question, and make the most of our politi cal strength. We must do more—we must go beyond our entrenchments, and meet even the more distant and indirect, but by no means harmless assaults, which are directed against “ A'l that we ask is, that he shall consider the constitutional rights of the South, which are involved in the great abolition movement, as paramount to all party, and political con siderations. And surely the time has come when all Southern men should unite for pur poses of self-defence. Our relative power in the legislature of the Union is diminishing with every census, tlie dangers which menace us are daily becoming greater, and the chief instrument iu the assaults upon us is the pub lic press, over which, owing to our supineness ihe North exercises a controlling influence. So far as the South is concerned, we can change and rever.-e this state of things. It is, not to bo borne that public sentiment at th/ Soi»nr~sbould be stifled or controlled by the' HMLeress-” From another formys 4 eEf NO d FOß OTHERS >BUa TUR MY&ELF. Deprive us of this riglil and appropriate this c< mmon properly to vour selves, it is then your government, not mine. I hen 1 am its enemy, and I will then, if I can, bring my children and my constituents to the altar of liberty, and like Hamilcar, I would swear them to eternal hostility to your foul do minion. Give us our just rights and we are ready, as heretofore, to stand by the Union, even pert of it. and >t« f n f,p„ Toornbs talked boldly about resistance, let us see first, whether he had a hope ol getting the justice lie demanded, and, secondly, whe ther he obtained it. FROM HIS FEBRUARY SPEECH. Alluding to his demand to have the territo ries opened alike to tlie people o! the South and tlie Norih with their property of every kind, he said: “ The demand is just. I can see no reason able prospect that you will grant it. Tlie fact cannot longer be concealed— the declaration of members here prove it — tho action of this house is daily demonstrating it. that we are in the midst of a legislative revolution, the object of which is to trample under fool the consti tution and the laws, and to make the will of the majority the supreme law of the land.” “Our security under the constitutian is ba sed solely upon good faith. There is noth ing in its structure which makes aggression permanently impossible. It requires neither skill nor genius, nor courage, to perpetrate it; it requires only BAD FAITH. I have stu died the histories of nations and the character istics of mankind to but little purpose if that quality shall be found WANTING in the FU TURE ADMINISTRATION of our oum af fairs." Now we will show that Mr. Toombs fears were fully realized. The following is a part of the debate in the House of Representatives: “Mr. Seddon, of Va., moved the following amendment, to come in immediately after the provision that the Territories when formed into States, should be admitted with or without slavery, as the people should in their constitu tions declare : ‘“And that prior to the formation of State constitutions there shall be no prohibition by reason of any law or usage existing in said territory, or by the action of the territorial legiala'ure, ot the emigration of all citizens of the United States, mth any kind of oroperly, recognized as such in any of tbe States of the Union.’ ” This just and reasonable proposition, for which Mr. Toombs voted, obtained 55 votes, and was lost by a negative of.Ss_yglL2fi__2£li!A Greznsboro, Nov. 2, 18doT| At a meeting of the Southern Rights i party of Green county, on motion of Maj. R. ' L. McWhorter tho Hon. Thomas Stocks was I elected to preside over the meeting. Messis. J. M. Thornton and T. P. Janes were appointed to act as Secretaries. The ' object of the meeting was then eloquently; and succinctly stated by the Chau man Whereupon the following Preamble and Re solutions were presented by Dr. F. W. Chen- ey. PREAMBLE k resolutions. When the Federal Constitution was adop ted, the relations between the North ern and Southern members of the confedera cy were cordial and amicable. Having fram ed a more perfect Union, to secure the gen- j era! welfare, and for the maintainance of do-. mestic tranquility, they mutually tolerated , each others dift'erences, and neither sought i in a hostile manner, to thwart tbe interest nor to disturb the peace of the other. The I connection of the South with the institution | of domestic slavery, was considered as no bar to moral and political equality, and the | North was willing that she should, without interference, manage her own institutions in i her own way. Unhappily, however in tbe progress of time, a aad change lias taken place for the worse. During tbe last twenty years, influences have been at work in the non slaveholding S.ates which have trans formed them from brethren into systematic, j determined and inveterate enemies; and we I can be no longer blind to the fact, that from . no other sonree have the Southern States u. this confederacy reason tp apprehend greater j danger to their peace and safety. The proof of this is unhappily but too abundant. In the year 1830, slavery was abolished iu the ; British West India Islands by an act of Par-1 things in the Southern Slates, the larger nor" ‘ lon « f 'he press and of the political literature’ of the world has been directed against us moral power of public opinion carries poi itica] street, alon g with it, a O d,ifagai ns i u, me tnust tores, io with H dj- fall." ’ a..-Shftr Tom to defend tha rights of The ly its case, the papers here (in WashingtHfi are engaged in lulling the South into a false se curity, and in manufacturing there an artificial public sentiment, suitable for some Presiden tial platform, though at the expense of any and every interest you may possess, no matter how dear or how vital and momentous ” We have offered but little comment in con nection with this presentation of facts from the speeches and writings of Mr. Toombs. We make no charge agrinst him of infidelity to the south, but he will find it difficult to re concile his former with his present position; nor can he “refute the arguments” which these extracts present, without denying and refuting his previous lofty positions, and thril ling vindication of southern honor, and rights. KJ* Some friends have asked us for more 1 miscellaneous reading. We beg them to in. dulge us till the election is over. After that time their wishes shall be gratified. KT A report which reached us that Presi dent Fillmore had ordered troops to Boston, to enforce the fugitive slave law, turns out to be untrue. It is contradicted by the Washington City Republic the organ of the administration. We think any dependence upon Mr. Fillmore, to defend the rights of the South, will prove idle and vain. H« is against us and time will prove it. [communicated.] Messrs. Editors: As the opinions ot the can 4idates_ara differently understood, ’tis but na tural, that some may desire to know for what they vote. Allow us, then, to ask through your columns, these short questions. Neither of those eight gentlemen would de-ireto con ceal their true sentiments from any voter, no matter how humble? ■■■■candidates FOR THE CONVENTION FROM RICHMOND COUNTY. . opiuinion tbat a state has the rieht Ia the Will you advocate the adoption of a Plat form which, when encroached upon by the North, will justify, in your opinion, the im- the Union? Will you advocate the imposition of a tax ; discriminating between articles of Northern 1 and Southe: n Manufacture ? Do you believe that, in the recent acts of con- I gress for the settlement of the territorial and | slavery questions, the South has been wrongid j and the constitution violated ? Are ycu in favor, in Con-cntion, of censur ing the Legislature and Governor of Georgia ' for their aciion on this question ? A. H. McLAWS. JOSEPH E BURCH, ALEXANDER DEAS, and others. Augusta, Ist Nov., 1850, Gcntlpmen—Having been nominated by the Southern Rights Convention of Richmond county, as candidates to represent said coun ty in the state convention, to be held in Mil ledgeville, on the 10th of December nett, we fully recognize your right, to enquire into our opinions, upon tlie great questions which agitate tlie public mind ; and proceed cheer fully, to reply to your questions, in the order in which they are propounded. Ist. Never have we for a moment, at any period of our lives, doubted the right of a sov ereign state of this Union, to resume the pow ers delegated by it to the federal government and to secede from the Union, whenever in its judgment, its happiness, safety or honor should demand it. Such has ever been the doctrine, of the advocates of the true rights of the states. We deem it only necessary to ex- this opinion, without troubling you with our reasons for it. 2nd. Should we be honored by our fellow citizens, of Richmond county, with seats in the convention, we woull “ advocate the adoption of a platform” for the maintenance and secu rity, of tho rights of Georgia, with the pledge of the state, that it would secede from the uni on, upon its essential violation, by federal le gislation. he acquisition of the mines of California, which, if it bad had access to them, wmild have increased its value in a two fold degree. Not content with this, they have cut off from Texas a large part of her territory, whichXhey themselves tacitly acknowledge to be hers in agreeing to pay her for it, and by the same act, they make it obligatory upon us, if we submit, to pay the greatest part ol the bribe offered to Texas to desert our cause. 3rd. This hostility to us was shown again in the prohibition of the slave trade in the Dis trict of Columbia—a bill for which every north ern representative voted—thus by act of Con gress making it criminal to buy or sell slaves in the District. Nor can this be excused on the ground that some southern elates have passed laws of the same kind : for tbe cases are not at all paralei. Those southern states enacted those laws to counteract a supposed tendency in the more northern slaveholding states to abolish slavery in their midst by re moving tire blacks further south—while tbe motive of Congress was to gratify abolition an tipathies, and to make the sale and purchase es slaves unlawful and disreputable. And as if to make their motive more apparent still, while they make it unlawful to trade in slaves they refuse to pass a law with a punishment adequate to the crime of those who decoy servants away from their masters. Such ia a brief though imperfect sketch of Northern aggression upon us. If we were assured that these are not to be succeeded by further aggressions, degrading as it would be to us, we yzoplJ endeavor, in the present divided state of the South, to bring ourselves into submission: but when did fanaticism ever learn moderation from success. Tbe same agencies which have produced these Jesuits, are still in operation with inc/eaeed vig- r aud efficiency. Unless they are met j open the territories, to the people of the south 1 with their property of every kind, was rejecte Iby northern votes. The people of the south, 1 will be debarred from moving to the territories by the threatened and expensive lawsuits, a-, effectually as they would haye been, by the Wilmot proviso. j 6th. Never should our votes be given in convention, to censure the legislature anJ Governor of Georgia, for their action on this | quesiion. We believe they both did their du. | ty I but even if they erred, we would not bring | them down to the feet ol northern fanaticism and oppression, by a vote of censure. They j were seiking to protect our rights, against un just assaults and encroachments; and we would shield and protect them under the cir ' cumstances of their action. A declaration by the convenlion, tbat the south has not been wronged in the (miscalled) settlement of the slavery question by Congress, and a vote cf censure of the Legislature and Governor, would degrade the state of Georgia, and sully her hitherto untarnished honor, in the eyes of the civilized world. We are, very re pectfully, your obedient servants. GEO. W. LAMAR, JNO. C. SNEAD, M A u M SMYTHE. Messrs. A. H. McLaws, Jos. E. Borch A Deas, and others. NUMBER 46. j The “ Union” 51 eeting at New York 1 he proceedings of the meeting on Wednes day evening, occupy a large space in the New York papers, but the following abstract, which we find in the Baltimore American gives the onl ine of all that was done on the occasion.—Charleston Mercury. . New York, Oct. 31. Garden, in this cHy -est assembly perhaps ever seen tn this city. Hundreds were unable to gain admission into the immense building. The best citizens, of all pursuits, were in attendance, and there seemed to be but one sentitnen' prevailing— that for the Union, and nothing but the Union. The people commenced assembling at an early hour, and, about half-past 8 o'clock, the meeting was called to order, by appointing George Wood, Esq., President. He made a brief and patriotic address, in stating the ob ject of the meeting, which was to harmonize all bad feeling, and give to the world an ex pression of sentiment which would show tbat the people of New York were not only for the Union, but for maintaining ihe integrity of tlie laws, and wf the constitution, at al! hazards and against all encroachments, come from where they may. A letter was read from the Hon. Daniel Webster, which, the H' raid says, rung like a trumpet call from the mountains, speaking in tones of thunder to the disorganizers ot the day. The letter condemns them all, those of the North and South. It ia purely patriotic, and knows no cause but that of the Union. A series of resolutions we e read, approving the recent measures of Congress for the ad justment of the dangerous questions arising from the acquisition of terri.ory from Mexico. Also, holding that these measures should be sustained by every patriot in the land; holding in gratitude the Senators and m mbers of Congress who threw aside party prejudices, for the sake of their country. Tlie resoluiions censure severely those who, disregarding the will of the majority, seek, by again agitating the subject, to throw fire-brands into Congress and the country: They regard the Fugitive Slave Law,, as passed by Ceej7UHß~Tn ’1798,'’ and sigmd by Washington, as in accordance with the express stipulations of the Constitu tion. They finally oppose supporting any one for office who is known to be hostile to the present peace measures of the country. The meeting continued io session until after 11 o’clock. During the whole time it was marked by the strongest enthusiasm and feel ings of patriotism. The New 5 ork Evening Post, an Abolition paper, in giving a list of the Ameng them will be of several sound democratic m f or t fi e from lime to time during the recent struggles to stand firm in opposition to the encroachments of slavery. Mississippi. The Mississippian contains an account of the reception of Ex-Governor Brown, M. C., at Jackson. A snlute of five guns, repre senting each one of her true sons in Congress, was fired. A large assembly convened in the Representative Hall and elicited a speech from him. We extract the following para graphs as worthy of particulai attention : “ He asked where was submission to stop ? Here was a estate admitted into the Union un der circumstances, and with boundaries which outraged ail precedent—a portion of Texan territory was bid for, with no other object in view than to withdraw it Irom the jurisdiction of a slave State—the slave trade in the Dis trict of Columbia was abolished to conciliate the prejudices of Northern abolitionists—and the abolition of slavery in that district receiv ed a very respectable vote in both branches of Congress. In the House there were silty-one members voting for it and twenty-seven ab sentees were known to be in favor of the bill, makins at this early day seventy-eight votes for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia I Was submission to stop here, or was it to go on at each advance step of the Notth till the abolition of the slave t ade be tween the States—the slave basis of represen tation—and slavery in all our territories here after to be acquired, and every 01 her measure, to the purchase of slaven in Delaware and other S.ates and their emancipation, were car- ■ ried out by Congress ? “Gov. Brown was eloquent in his appeal to the honor and patriotism of our people to copy the glorious examples of their forefa thers in resisting British encroachments. To do so was at one time called treason, but . ihe men of that day were not to be 'orced into submission by any appeals of that kind, ' and they told their oppressors if resistance o tyranny was treason—to make the most i of it. What was treason soon became pa triotism; and now the memories ot Washing ton, TnytHne slave i.-nde between tnewnesv'T llli ■. swer that question But I have time wily toll epeat my regret that I caniiol be with yoti t Yours, trulv. C. DOUGHERTY. The Preamble and Resoluiiom tvere again rend and adopted without a disseip-ifig voice. On motion of Maj. McWhorter a committee of seven were appointed by the chair, whose duty it should be to nominate suitable candid ates to represent the Southern Rights party of Green, co., in tho state Convention to be held in Milledgeville on the 10th of December next; Whereupon the following gentlemen were appointee, Messrs. J. R. Sanders L. Green, A. S. Williams, D. Geer, J. M. Hough ton, J. D. English, and James A. Thornton. The committee nominated the following gen tlemen, Jesse M. Thornton, Dr. A. H. Rr.ndie R. J. Willis, and C. N. Daniel. On Gtotion of Dr. Cheney the Committee were empowered to fill vacancies if any of thq nominees should fail to accept. On motion, the thanks of the meeting were tendered, to Mr. Smythe for his able and eloquent address, also to the Chair man and Secretaries for the efficient discharge oflheir respective duties. On motion of Dr. T. P Janes, the proceed ings of this meeting were ordered to be pub lished in the Augusta Republic and all other papers friendly to Southern rights. On mo tion the meeting was adjourned sine die. THOMAS STOCKS, Chairman. T. P. Janes, J.M. Thornton, Secretaries. LOST. ABOUT a week since, between this city aud Atlanta, a uete for fifteen hundred dollars, dated October 15tb, 1850. Principal, Thomas R Thomas ; endorser, John E. Thomas ; note iu favor of Samuel T- I’attenon. AU persons are hereby cautioned against tra ding for said note, and if d«livercd to me, the finder will be paid a reward of 810. SAMUEL T. PATTERSON. N- B Said LOU may be delivered te any of the ■"■Editore ot ikis city. '■ t- 1