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2 Meteorological table for Oel. 1850 kept by E.M. Pendleton, «>• At Sparta, Ga. Lal. 33 q 16' N-Long. from Washington 68 W. Eleva tide sso feet. : - - --- * j i Ulear Course of Rain I = BAROME- THERMOME- ness Wind . in REMARKS. S TER. I TER.aky. inch- 's Sun 3 o’clL> Slgl£ IgaS J Sun 3p M es. S Rise. P. M. aj Q z 3» «. rlse -_ ; 1 J N „ E 2 “43 “ 40154 81 27 20 67| 8 4N W N 3 “38 “46 6177 16 23 69 910 N ENE Windj. 4 “45 “ 50154 76 22 23 65 10 10 N ES b 5 “48 “ 45153 79 26 21 66 10 10 N E N iw’/Xiirhl 6l “42 “45588022 21 69 10 9N W N Windy at nigh . 7 “49 “5559 74 15 21 661 3 7N EN L 8 “51 “55537320 18 63 8 8 N 8 E 9 “ 57 “ 52 55 76 21 24 651 10 1° \ E 10 “52 “56 52 76 24 13 64 8 4 N 8 E U “ :: MII -It ??i lIOV N W ]Fir. t Quarter. 14 “36 “ 38161 81 20 18 71* 09 E W Mist of rain. 15 “43 “406382 19 19 721 5 7 E IN E , 16 “43 “47638320 20 73 94NES h , JJ “S o 6S EW 0 30 Thunder and lightning. J? “?2“41 ?6 IS !°5 1? 53110 WNW N W Full Moyn. 2! “46 “534467 23 21 551 10 10 N NW 22 “48 “ 48|46 74 28 24 60 10 10 N » W g:U“■S* 11 ® »V| W »J> HS y ..d wind A »«M. 25 “29 “ 26|60 52 811 56 0 OS’EN W 0 26 Wester 26 “23 “24 41 56 15 191481 10 9 N W NW Cold North Wester. 27 “40 “ 49'37 59i22 19|48 10I0NWNW Last quarter. 28 “58 “ 62|40 64j24 22152 10 9NE N E First frost. Cotton ntppe - ’29 « 531 “554271 29 23 SBJ 9 BNWBE ;Frost. 30 “ 52] “55487022 18 59 6 9INIE S E 31 « 521 “ 54152172120 19162 8 10|N Ep E 1 Mean. Temprature, 63.2.—Mean, Btirnmeifi*-? 9 -- 40 sky, and great range of thermometer. I'UO alter date application will be made to the Honorable Inferior Court of Richmond county, when sittmgfor ° rd ‘“” ? purposes, for leave to sell the real estate of Ml ehael Kincbley, Ute of -id September 98,1850. S rbl’lCEl—Four months after date, applica- JN tion will be made to the Inferior Court of Orlethorpe county, when sitting as a Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell the negroes belonging to the estate of Jacob Eberhart, deceased. ‘ ABEL EBERHART, ) Ex . r3 . ADAM EBERHART, S September 21» 1850. OURMONTHS afterdate, application will be made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Richmond county, while sitting for or dinary’ purposes, for leave to sell the real and per sonal property belonging to the estate of John 1 Diehl, late of said county, deceased. MARY DIEHL, Qualified Ex rx. August 13, 1850. _ be made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Richmond county, while sitting for ordi nary purposes, for leave to sell the real estate and AdmiMiMtrator with the will annexed. August 13, 1850. _ after date application will tj be made to the Inferior Court of Warren county, when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for leave to sell the real estate of Williams. de ceased. MARY WILLIAMS, Adm’x. July 23 si MONTHS after date application will J? be made to the Honorable Justices of the in- Court of Burke county, when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for leave 10 sell a m’g ro J'°y> Al en, belonging to the 'estate of Henry Godbee, deceaied. SIMEON 8. GODBEE, Adm’r. July 9,1850. FOUR MONTHS after date application wit be made to the Inferior Court of Burke coun tv. when sitting for Ordinary purposes, for leave to sell two tracts of land in said county, on the line of the Augusta and Waynesboro' Railroad, also the lands in Twiggs, Wilkinson and Jones, belonging to Sarah J Jones, a minor. J. yv:, William E. IKghes. . ROBERT B. McCORD, Guardian for Wm. E. Hughes’ childien. September 14,1850. , TIOUB MONTHS after date, application Jc will be made to the Honorable Inferior Court Os Burke county, when sitting far ordinary purposes, for leave to sell all the real estate of Mrs Martha Darlington, late of Burke county, deceased. RICHARD H. DARLINGTON September 14, 1850. Adm r. WwMW PHILIP A. MOIbE, ' a DEALER IN FRESH AND GENUINE WF HL DRUGS AND MEDICINES,® PAINTS, OILS, DYE STUFFS, BRUSH ES. PERFUMERY. PATENT MF.DI CJNRS, SURGICAL INSTRU MENTS, 4c. 4c. 4c. MetcalFs Kti-’B?’ Broad.strrel, august a, geo., Has just returned from N»W.. A «rk with a large and well asserted stock “f the above articles, which he offers for sale as low as they can be purchased iu the Southern couutry. Mer would do well 4 U a are authormed Io announce that the IWhorable John McPherson Berrien will ad drew the citizens of Coweta county i„ the town of Newnan, on Tuesday, the 12th of tois Republic. despatch received in Macon on Thu a d?y’|fr° f ni ' r " 1 Ju S bee '." ow *n Boston in search the fugitives, Crafts aild his wife.sayX " ei^ Se 7 e ' ed a,ld ,ba ‘ "* had nor been able to make the arret. Another <’es patch was also received from a prominent merchant of Boston, a-king the present own m u.eP 8 P " C t Up °“ ,be 't'Sttives, with a view o their purchase and emancipation. This pn.postt.on, it is understood, was declined by I that gentleman, until after the return of the ! *hve. home when he is willing to sell them «l a reasonable prtce—Constitutionalist. 6th . , By Telegraph to the Constitutionalist. „ _, Nkw York. Nov. 5, P. M. stJememof h .b nel °P Rf P oblic “‘’“‘"‘dicta the *atement of the Present ordering troops to Charleston, Nov. 5,—P. M a. t ,T°.V There “ ere7So l»>es sold to-day •l 13 to 13j cents. Prices are drooping. ' [Telegraphed for the Constitutionalist.] Charleston, Nov. 4,7 p, xr en ‘ EiT** y es,erda y ordered the whole dtsposah<e force ot the United S-ares Artillery and Infantry to Boston. r m New ' Nov. 4> P. M. \° TT ?* —The market is quiet, with sales Rice— Sales at s3s. v Char lestos, Nov. 4, P. M. . ® er Prices are fully sustain-. rd, and the sales to day reach 2,000 bales at pnow ranging from 13 j.ifl to iaicenu ’ iEFSr. P. F. Eve will leave for Lo««- about ten days, and expecU to resume the Practice of Surgery {m this shy by the 10th of March. Attorney J Mr. J.C. Carmichael will be his Attorn . during his absence. ENGLISH, French and American 7 OILET POWDER, just received and for safety 029 P. A MOISE, Druggist. rNIRE SCREENS, FIRE SCREENS—A C beautiful assortment of ire Screens. For sale by DUNHAM f BLEAKLEY j«l REGIMENTAL NOTICE 10TH REGIMENT, G. M. DR T. B.PHINIZY having been appointed Surgeon of the 10th Regiment, all l>e™°"’ Who are legally exempt from M.ht.a duty will apply 10 him fortheir certificates., ByRD , o » Colonel 10th Regiment, G. M. 3iiguota, ®a. Saturday Morning, Nor. 9, 1850. The Military and the Fantasti cals. We want room to say, what we intended, about the parade of the 10th regiment of the militia, and the Fantastical on Thursday. This latter company was unique of its kind. We are pleased to learn that it was not intend ed to ridicule the militia system, nor to bring into contempt the enforcement of the militia UllU . 1 laws of the state, but m rcly to give arcJujesa to absurdity, and life and spirit 10 a rich gdn ceit. Our neighbor of the Constitutionlhsi served up yesterday a graphic the Fantasticals, their dress, bearing and c<FF lege, which was well calculated readers. Our crowded columns opportunity to give a descript' the „ f „ ur JLI ° WD > ■ U :' l 11 :ii ' gratified at the complete success of Col. Byid, in his attempt to organ ize the Re, iment. He deserves much praise, and the large turn out of our citizens showed how most of them appreciated his efforts. The day was fine and the pageant novel and pleas ing. Southern Kights meeting in Greene. We had the pleasure of attending the meet ing in Greene, the proceedings of which we publish to day. It was gratifying to our in most soul, to see the spirit, the determination, and zeal which animated the intelligent free men, who participated in that meeting. They vindicated gloriously the noble character which the people of old Greene have heretofore berne, as the firm, consistent advocates of the rights ot the States. The preample and resolutions contain a suc cint and able exposition of the caures of South thern discontent and take lofty and true South ern ground. The venerable Thomas Stocks presided over the meeting with the gtace, dignity and firm ness which have heretofore characterised him, as the presiding officer of our State Senate. We looked upon him as the President of a meeting assembled to protectour tights and honor, with peculiar interest and admiration. The caodid-tes, whose names will be found in the reported proceedings are men of firmness, reliability and intelligence. The character of Greene and Georgia will be safe in their bands. We would bo pleased to say more, but our space forbids it. Messrs- Toombs and Stephens. We learn that the friends of submission re fused free discussion on the occasion, ot Messrs. Toombs and Stephens’s meeting with the citizens of Muscogee on Saturday last. T|ieir tiforts it is reported were of no avail I I'll-l p frbm the territories and Veto easwe of the whole people; al.-d to abolish fixa e n y l i In ‘7 Dis ' rict ; 'hereby to fix a oitional degradation upon ha)f s dl P s ,f (es ° f ' b ? n^ der,c y. 1 «« for disunion ; an I if ' „ J ’physical courage be equal to the mainten ’“fy my convictions of right and duty I unll devote all lam and all I have,n earth to consummation. “from 1787 to this hour, the people of the South have asked nothing but yusrice—noth inghut Hie maintenance of ihe principlesand spirit which controlled our fathers in the for I mation of the constitution. Unless w e nre j unworthy of our ancestors, we will never ac-! cept less as a condition of union.” You admit you have not performed your constitutional duty; that you withhold from us a right which wa- one of our main induce ments to the Union; yet you won“ t £ 'm2, ZZ f" r '"i iOgieS ° f * Union most Scared principles you hate thus trampled ! “Your fathers accepted the trust, protected the slaveholdei and another cn,r.ens in their rights, and in all respects faithfully and hon estly executed the trust; but they have been u. alhe y d t 0 the ’ r ftlbers . and H was left to their degenerate sons to break their faith with , us,and insolently to attempt toplay the mas . ter where they were admitted as 1 brethren I trust, sir, if the representatives of the North prove themselves unworthy of their ancestors iro shall prove ourselves not unworthy of ours-. ' h h .d ,h et 'T thcC< ’ U ? ge t 0 what they the valor to “We must tell them boldly and frankly that XrL7 a aiam,ites submission to such degradation and rryury as they would entail up.-n us; that we hold that to be the consum mation of ail evil. I have staled my positions 1 have not argued them. I reserve ffist for a future occasion. Thaw > a « which I aether*.” •’•pniniples upon | Calc«iat>nS t,,e Value of the Union—-Mr. Stephens- , We have shown that Mr. Toombs has cal- | culated the value of the Union. We now ■ proceed to show that Mr. Stephens has done the same. From Mr. Stephens’ speech of the 7th of August, 1848, on the Clayton Compromise, bill? Alluding to what he called a called a false security offered by that bill, he said: “ And this is the security for the S° u, h which I had the temerity to rg'ect. Would that the people of that section may ever have men on this floor of such temerity ! 1 did re ject it, and I shall continue to reject all such favors. If I can get no better compr-raise, 1 shall eertainlv never take any at all. As long as I have a seat here, I shall maintain thejust and equal rights of my section upon this as well as upon all other questions. I ask no thing more, and I shall take nothing less. All I demand is common right and common justice; these I will have ik clear and express terms, or I will have nothing. speak to the North irrespective of parties- 1 recognize no party association in affiliation upon this subject. If the two parties of the North combine, and make a sectional issue, and by their numerical strength vote down the South, and deny us those equal rights to which I think wo are in justice entitled, it will be for the people of the South then to adopt such a course ae they may deem proper. Ido fiot stand here to make any threats tn their name, nor have I authority to commit even my own constituents to any course of policy. They must do that for themselves. My com mission here extends only to the maintenance of their rights upon all questions and mea sures that may come before me in this House. iiwedcV intimidated in the discharge of thu high duty,’-by any of the trembling alarms ot the official organ that the ‘Union is in dangei —that, unless AGITATION on this sublet is quieted the ‘free-soil movement’ in the North will sweep every thing before it, and that the irovernment itself will be endangered, bum. appeals may have their effects upon the hearts of the timid. lam myself, not quite so easily terrified into a surrender of my rights and those of my constituents. From Mr. Stephens’ speech ot August the 9th, 1850, on President Fillmore’s Texas Mes- sage- “I iepeat, I am no enemy to the Union—and I am lor its preservation and its perpetuation, IF IT CAN BE DONE UPON FRINCIPLI S OF EQUAL! TV AND JUSTICE. “We have heard but little from gentlemen from that section, (the North,) f. r eight months past but EULOGIES UPON THE UNION. “If they expect the South to make ail too sacrifices, to yield to every thing, and to per mit them to carry out their sectional policy un der the cry of ‘our glorious Union, they will find themselves most sadly nnstakea. It u time for mutual concessions ” “Allegiance and protection ate reciprocal ; where no protection is extended, no rightful allegiance can be claimed. And no people, 111 mv judgment, who deserve the name of free men, w ill continue their allegiance to any gov- ernment which arrays itself, not only against their property, but against their social and their civil organization. It you gentlemen of the North, then, intend to engraft upon the policy of this common government your anti slavery views and tn make its adion conform to yv ur sectional purposes,if is useless to say any thing more of compromise, settlement,adjustment or Union.” . “ I do not place a low estimate upon tho value of the Union to the south ; but 1 do not consider its dissolution, with attending people, in my opinion, follows submission to insult, injury, outrage, an^cravcn-hearted; it is the last appeal OF TV RANTS.” “1 have told you, sincerely and hones'ly, ; that I am for peace and the union upon any I fair and reasonable terms, it is the must cber ■ ished sentiment of my heart.” 1 “But if you deny those terms—if you con tinue deaf to the voice of that spirit of justice, right and equality, which should always char acterize the deliberations of statesmen, I know of no other alternative that will be left the people of the South but, sooner or .ater to ‘ac quiesce in the necessity’ of‘holding you, as the rest of mankind, enemies in war—in peace, friends." We have shown that Mr. Stephens very liberally calculated the value of the union Wt v ill now show what he esteemed in part at least tbe causes of Southern d scontenl. We copy from his speech of the 9tli of Au gust 1850. “ A public domain lias been acquired by the common blood und common treasure of all, and the south who is charged with endea vouring to control the government for their purposes, ask nothing but that the common territory which is the public property, mav be opened to the entry and settlement and equal enjoyment of all the citizens of every part of the Republic, with their property of every descrip tion-, while it is the north *’ho comes here and demands that the whole of this common dom.in t hall be set apart exclusively for themselves, or for themselves and such persons from tbe south as will str p themselves ot a certain spe cies of their property, and conform their views lo the policy of the north. I submit it to every candid man in this house,ard toevery ' intelligent and candid man in the world i outside the house if this is not a rxvß. state i ment of the question." 1 “If that is the basis you propose, we need ■ say nothing further about agreement, or ad justment—upon those terms we cannot settle.” “But you men of the north say that we of the ' south wish to carry our slaves and that the free labor of ti.e north cannot submit to the ' degradation of being associated wilh slave labour.” We will now show what Mr. Stephens ! demanded of tiie North. R*^"^**"^^ w *‘ w,— flW r WM?!errSn3 bill. i ‘I speak not for others but for Myself De prive us of ihis right and appropriate the com , mon property to yourslves, it is then your government not mine. Then lam its enemy and I will then, il l can, bring my children* and my constituents to the altar of liberty, and .ikeHAMn. c 4R ,l would swear them to eter nal hostility to your foul domination. Give us our just rights, and we are ready as here tofore to stand by the I’dion, evert- part of it and ns eve iuureß| r EFUBE Afw ' DENCE ” Li ' STR,Kfi FOR INOEPEN- ’' tv vTytVr 01 ’ 0F k CH ATTANwZ—The Depu ■ i ty Marshal for taking the Census of Hamilton county, has just finished taning the census of . Chattanooga, and has kindly furnished us wi h I ’ ■■ White Females, T«.l, BS , Increase from Ist June to Ist Oct 315 Total, ] 2f)R Deaths from Ist June 1849, to Ist June*! 850. Disease. Measles. . Consumption J 10 Fever. J 1 do. ■J Scalded w-. . 40 Aneumonia. XV e questions very much whefoer there is another town in the state containing a trnpm lation of J2OO persons, that can preset a cleaner bill of mortality than this, for the W twe.ve months -Cha/anooga Adjr. 30fo Methodist Chvrch North. The Methr, i St North numbers 686.682 mem bers, 4.129 travelling preachers, 5,420 local P eachrrs, and 30 conferences. As comtXXd of iarV' ye n r> re,urns “bow an increase I’bey are the principles of natural law founded jin natural justice, as recognll|jH>y the ablest] Publicists who have written ujWthe laws ot 1 Nations and the rights pertaining to conquests. ] ■ffh<-se acquisitions belong to tlie whole peo- , Je of the United Sta’es, as conquerors. '1 hey juild them under the Constitution, and the Gen e)gl Government as common properly in ® corporate capacity. >“ Under our constitution, the power of nta kibg regulations for the enjoyment of the r( ji7mon domain, devolves upon Congress, the common agent of all the parties interested ijAt. And so far from this common ageßt hazing an y right to exclude a portion of the jple, or “ to make distinctions to it is the duty of Congress to open t j )e V'-ountry by the removal of all obstructions, w h e Mier they be existing laws or any thing else and < to g’ ve e( l ua i protection to all who may ava ii themselves of the right to use it.’Z—. « Now sir, all that we ask, or all .that I i*h is sod Congress to open the entire country and an equal right to all the citizens of all the %taldf to ENTER, SETTLE and colonizl rt wi//, /heir property of every kind or to make an eqifi ta^e division of it. Is this wrong . u Well then we say, as the patriarcfTtrf old said .5 his f riend and kinsman, when disputes arose between the herdmen of their <smlti: no strife, I pray thee, between me an( jJtbee, and between my thv hejdmen, for we be brethren. Is not the whole £»nd before thee, separata thyself, I ofay thee fri m me - thou wiit wke ,he left f an( *’ hen will Fgo ‘o ‘l> e ri g ht ’’ or if depart! o the ri H bt liand llieu ’ 1 W1 " ’° the leftT . t “Inoll ler words, we say, if you cannot agree to eniovl thia P ublic domaill > tts it. Vn . taic a share,,and let us -1 — r vrarfl^f7ii - «tlbmn r to did world if the proposition is not fair anO?»t- And whether its rejection does not amountlo a clear expression ol your fixed delermintfon to exclude us entirely from any participation tn this public domain." Now has Mr. Stephens got the equal partici pation which he so strongly and so constantly demanded? Was it not REJECTED, and yet Mr. Stephens cannot now see in it the “fixed determination” of the north to exclude US ENTIRELY FROM ANY PARTICIPATION! IX THIS public domain I Here is the froof of its REJECTION. The following is a part of the debat/ Jn the House of Representatives: “Mr. Seddon, of Va., moved the flowing amendment, to come in immediately alter the provision that the Territories when; termed into States, should be admitted with or without slavery, as tbe people should in their constitu tions declare : , - # “ ‘And that prior to the formation pf state constitutions there shall be no prohibition by reason of any law or usage existing in said territory, or by the action of the territory legislature, ot the emigration of all cititens of the United States, with any kind of property, recognized as such in any of the Suites of the Union.’ ” 1. . This proposition to open the territories to the south was njected by an ovtywhelming vote. It met with no favor on Hid part of tbe north. Mr. Stephens has admitted that Con gress refused to repeal the Mexican laws (which he says excludes us with our slaves) that they were not repealed by tie measures of settlement over which the south is How called upon to rejoice by some of oarptfesses and politicians. r _ T A r^sc3 * n SFSsI, SO do the ingenious bta . iipd I those, who insist that ,he 80 ,® l enC‘of this her rights, or an honorable Bellle ® rnth . When question, pale before the light ol W fay PF.OFES men resolve on death or JVSTI ‘ j atler j 9 Sion, and tamely submit when tf ur WITHHELD, they are not B , )d freemen, who have rights in J e^l^^ ake the HONOR at pent. Let the The Hon. piicns. In a letter to the editors of the Chronicle and Sentinel, which appeared in that paper of the 6th inst., Mr. Stephens says: 3 LaGrange, Ga , 31st Oct., 1850. Messrs. Editors I have just seen a copy of the Augusta Republic of the 24 h inst., which contains an editorial in relatiuit to my seif that I cannot permit to pass unnoticed. The article, amongst other misrepresentations, u ics the following: Wnat did Mr. Stephens say, he would do, if. the Clayton Compromise bill was passed by Congress .’ This is an interesting question. Here it is—here is what lie said, remember, what he would do in such an event. The sentences are strong and decidedly ultra— they are considered disunionish at the present time: “And no people, in my judgment, who deserve the name of freemen, will continue their allegiance to any government which arrays itself not only against their property but against their social and civil organization.” “And whenever this government is brought in hostile array against me and mine, I am for disunion; openly, boldly and fearlessly for re volution. I speak plainly. Gentlemen may call this‘treason’if they please. Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. The charge ot ‘trai tor’ mav be wispere i in tbe ears of the timid and ciaven-hearied; it is the last appeal of tyrants.” We think we see him in Congress deliver ing these words ! His eyes flash the light of southern indignation, nt the bare thought of leaving the just rights of the South to be decided upon by the Supreme Court. We imagiiewe hear the throbbings of his migh ty heart, too large for the narrow confines of his b>dt, as be yelis forth his indignation, and pours out his bitter denunciations upon those who are thus attempting to defraud his constituents and the South ! Bitter invective, scathing sarcasm, biting irony, and supreme contempt, are all manifested in every word, look, and action ! What pathos, what esrnes,- • nees, what fiery impetuosity, what indignant ‘ rebukt’, what utter carelessness conse- I qucnces ! Never was anger more feelingly ] displayed, than in his person, as he contein i plaied the possibility of the question being left j-^Um_.t y ci l i, <1 hv the Supreme Court of the forefre 0 d aC “ . a d,tterent sphere ‘ n society, are threatened wiih overthow. Whether the ne gro tsto occupy the same social rank with die * b "« ma n and enjoy equally with him the rights, privileges, and immunities of cidzen s np,tn short all the honors ar.d digniiiesof so ciety, is a question of greater moment than any mere question of property can bo.” W hoever will look to the history of this question, and to the circumstances under which we are now placed, must see that oul “"f. ° f immineni to L defended by all tire means, moral and political of which we can avail ourselves in th/prerent emergency. pre-ent “All means,political,diplomatic, and literary have been used to concentrate the public opim ton, not only of the world at large, bu of our ° Wn C 7 ,n ! r L 3BainS ' «d restin' npon the undoubted truth that our domestic foathX ttons were the subjects of no Government and concerned no one but ourselves, we have been passive under the assaults, until danger men aces us from every quarter. A Ims grown up, and is increasing m the United States wnich seems tn think U a duty they owe und Heaven, to make war mititUMn upon which are staked our property , out social orssnizaiiim ~ safety. 11 and our peace and i effect nDd ? E tb * Constitution is in enect denied, our social institutions are derided Having shown Mr. Toombs’ grounds of .gafo,, the north, we now proceed 0 show- his grounds for resistence. And in the first place we will make a few extracts ™t Whatbeh€ - dtobetfaed^^R egov. , X™™ his B P eec h Os December I3th, 1849 ■ Ciive me securities that the newer of the organization which you s ek will not be used to the injury of my constituents, then you can have my co-operation, but not till then Grant them,and you prevent the recurrence of the I its own merits—that no principle was conce ded by the South in them—that as far as they I went, they were directly in the line of my own ■ policy—that they contained nothing against I the rigiits of tbe South—that if they had gone ! one step further, and declared that the slave holder should bo protected with his slaves 11 the territory, they would have been perfect as I could have desired to see them. After proceeding next to explain what he did say in his speech in this city he said in I conclusion. “The same paper contains several other er roneous statements with regard to myself, which I have not time or inclination to notice. Mv object is not to answer or reply to the edi torials of the Republic, but simply to advertise that sheet, from its continued perversions of truth and f.ct, as not entitled to credit or be lief by a confiding public. ” As we cannot conveniently make room for the entire letter of Mr. Stephens we have made these extracts and comments that the reader may have a correct idea of its whole scope and bearing. Mr. Stephens says: “ I re-affirmed it in the presence of the edi tor of the Republic in the public discussion in your city. My position cannot be mistaken by him, however he may attempt recklessly and without regard to truth to misrepresent it to others.” From this we infer that Mr. Stephens attri butes the article to the pen of the senior edi tor. We will inform him that it was prepar ed by our esteemed and taiented Associate. We have so much confidence in his ability, in- 1- be tical inspection. We palled at his room,, where he has been confined for nearly two | weeks with serious indisposition, after we saw Mr. Stephens’ letter, and he informed us that he was misled by quotations from his speeches which he had seen in other papers. In our absence he had all the duties of tbe office upon his hands for some days at a time, and as he bad to read, write and select in haste, and is somewhat inexperienced in the history ol poli tics some years back, it is not surprising that he should have been led into just such an er ror as the one complained of by Mr. Stephens. No one who knows Mr. Whyte will believe for a moment that he would intentionally mis- represent any one, or pervert the truth. While we and others are aware of his fine talents and cultivated taste, wo know also, his purity and nobleness of character. We write this with- I out his knowledge, to vindicate him against the j aspersion of Mr. Stephens. So far as we are concerned we shall have something to say in the sequel. Se much for the incorrect application of ex tracts from the speech of Mr. Stephens, of the 9th of last August. By an examination of the two extracts taken from Mr. Stephens’ speech of August 9th, 1850, it will be seen that our associate was not wrong when he said, “The sentence - are strong and decidedly ultra— they are consider ed disunionish at the present time.” We will now show that our associate might with propriety, have used that language in re feret ce to portions of Mr. Stephens’ speech on the Clayton Compromise bill, and, hence, il he did unin'.entioflally misapply the extracts, he as to their spirit. We quote as follows from the Clayton Compromise speech of Mr. S. “ Then, sir, what are we 0! the south to gain by this compromise? Nothing but what we 1 would have even w ith the Wilmot proviso— • the poor privilege of earning our slaves into a 1 country where the first thing to be encounter ed is the certain prospect of an extensive law ’ suit, which may cost more than any slav > is in my_pjinion ; with l-ie, absolute nil ~1 i 'll 1 1’Tfr .-t rnft "of pronerty in any way whatever! This, sir, , is die substance of the compromise, even in [ 1 the most favorable view it can be presented! | ' “And this is the security for the South ! , which I had the temerity to reject. Would | that the people ol that section may ever have men on this floor of such temeri’y ! I did re ject it, and I shall continue to reject all such favors. If 1 can get no better compromise 1 shall certainly never take any at all. As long as I have a seat here, I shall mantain the just and equal rights of my section upon this as well as upon all other questions. I ask no thing more, and I shall take nothing less. All I demand is common right and common justice ’, THESE I WILL HAVE IN CLEAR AND EXPRESS TERMS, OR 1 WILL HAVE NOTHING. I speak Io the North irrespective of parties. I recognize no party association io affiliation upon this subject. If the two parties of the North combine, and make a sectional issue, and by their numerical strength vote down the South, and deny us those equal rights to which I think we are injustice entitled it will be for the people of the South then to adopt such a course as they may deem proper. Ido not stand here to make any threats in their name, nor have I authority to commit even my own c< nstiluents to any course of policy. They must do that for themselves. My coin mission here extends only to the maintenance of their rights upon ail questions ana mea sures that may come before me in this House, i And this I shall do at all hazards. Nor shall I beawed or intimidated in thedischargeofthis high duty, by any of the trembling alarms ot the official organ that the ‘Unii.n is in danger’ —that, unless AGITATION on this subject is quieted tbe ‘tree-soil movement’ in the North will sweep every thing before it, and that the government rlseZCwill be endangered. Such appeals may have their effects upon the hearta of the timid. lam myself, not quite so easily terrified into a surrender of my rights and those of my constituents." What did Mr. Stephens mean by saying. “As long as i have a seat here, I shall main tain tbejust and equal rights of my section up on this as well as upon all other questions. I ai-k nothing more and I shall take nothing less." What did he mean by this—“ All I demand is common right and common justice ; these I will have in clear and express terms, or I will we will have neither 1 ' T-r “ ROSITIOK offers us the fate of Hay- 7 J or RESISTANCE to ltrUbt 'here is nothing in our * Ch Ou ? ht '«’i^«ce g v ou to DOF BI WHtCHALTMRATBE WE SHaU AC a ‘ E i M h ° ld k »nd you make us z r C oZr a °™s r^ siilitv “ We wiio are contending for a principle es senual to our interest, our safety Xnd o Ur Z | ta ““'“th"®' “ man its loss. I his is an appeal from the »r gumeut to our fears. I answer tha7 appeal G ‘ b X‘ r w'L C hn ß“ a « e of « diatinguiXd . Georg,an, who yet lives to arouse the hearts i of his countrymen to resistance to wrono- • —1 •WhXKTHE ARGUMEST IS WILL STAND BY OUR ARMS.”’ EXHAUSTED WE From the Address of Mr. Toombs and others to ths people ot the South. “That these assaults should have had their effect is not surprising, when we remember that as yet we have offered no ' sistance to them, and opposed but little ex cept the insulated efforts of members of Con- ' gress who have occasionally raised their voi- ' ' a7dLTuX w ” a " beybeiieved to be wro^B “h» time that we should meet andmain- X a AT?h’“ W, ? eh wefind ° Hrs^8 in voivedby those who make war upon us in IS a!d k° eVery interest that is peculiar to us, and which is not enjoyed in commcn with them, however guarantied by solemn compact end no matter how vitally involving our pros perity, happiness and safety. It is time that we should take measures to defend ourselves agamst faults, which can end in nothing short of our destruction if we oppose no re sistance to them.” e “ rhe e Antuni strength of an opinion is to a^ ne ? a F d not b ~ lhe numfa er Who may ehance n, bm-by Ut # treth whj J Again he said: “It is my object at this lime to speak upon that measure, which some gentlemen are pl< a ®' cd to c*ll tiie “compromise bill, but winch mi“ht be more properly entitled articles of ca pitulation on the part of the South. So tar from being a compromise, ’.lie bill proposed no thing short of an abandonment of the position of the South, and a surrender of the just rights of her people to an equal participation in the new acquisitions ot territory. The surrender was covert, but it was no less complete and ab- solute" Again he said in summing up bis positions. “sth and lastly, That these positions being incontrovertible, the bill offered, as it was as a compromise and a final settlement ot the question, amounted to nothing but a total abandonment of tbe right? of extending the institutions of the South to those territories. Again he said “This compromise bill sir, did in my opinion endanger and surrender the rights ot the south by continuance of the municipal laws of Mexico' which were of force at the time of the conquest and by which slavery was abolished there.” Mr. Stephens may say, however, that it would have beenabsurd for him to have advo cated disunion on account of the passage of the Clayton compromise bill as it was sus tained by an almost unanimous Southern vole. But he now admits that those same Mexican laws, a continuance of which in his opinion endangered and surrendered the rights of the south were not repealed by the recent measures passed by Congress but are still in force. The failure to give us the protection which Mr. northern opposition Mr. Stephens gress ‘do not contain a surrender of our right” to demand future legislation for our protection in the territories, if it should be found neces sary which the Clayton bill did,” &c. There is a differeme of opinion upon this subject. Time and the length of this article forbid our arguing this point. We simply fsk what is this poor "right to demand future legislation for our protection " worth to us, when that pro tection has been already refused and the north | is determined never to give il to us. While we are waiting to demand protection from year to year, the north is filling up the i territory and leaving us the empty bag of that > poor right, to hold. Mr. Stephens makes his own explanation of the remarks attributed to him in his speech in this city. We give him the benefit of his I explanation. Mr. Stephens says he advertizes the Re public from its continued perversion of truth and fact as not entitled to credit or belief by a confiding public: We have shown upon what foundation Mr. Stephens proceeded to make this advertise ment. We have advertised his opinions to his face in discussion, by public proclamation, and in our columns, as not entitled to credit, or confidence, by a people jealous of their rights and honor. How far our advertisement went to elicit that of Mr. S.ephens we leave the public to judge. „ “ Jove thundered from on high.” ! Mr. Stephens evidently in bis own opinion ? is a political Jupiter who has nothing to 3 do but to thunder fctfn on high, and down the KepuiS fi SS , 4,i > Alexander 11. s/,es! ' I, Alexander H. Stephens, give the noil to all my followers! Stop'the Republic, cur tail its list and its means. It must not op pose me. Let my followers, with their aux iliary shafts, pierco it to death. Let my faithful guard now obey my high behest. I advertise that sheet and you m<M destroy it. It Tons, a cd become your prey. It is ttue it is u Southern sheet,pill (ver every inch o/’?, a Southern sheet ; but it is 100 Southern. It must not longer stir up the hr arts of Georgians and Southerners to resist my doctrincsof submission. I now advertise it, lit it DIE. Is that what Mr. Stephens intends by his ad vertisement ? VVe meet Mr. Stephens pre sumption and arrogance. We defy him. be neath our nodding plume, and wave on high as proudly and as brave'y as ever, the glori ous BANNER OF SOUTHERN RIGHTS. W 0 Op pose to hie loud threatening command to bis followers, the instincts of patriotism, love of country, of our southern rights and sunny land, and, if patriotic hosts, in Georgia, and other states, do not stand by and sustain us, then we are willing to die, and let the sheet which we have been proud to send forth to southern freemen, be buried from the sight of the fallen sons of the south. We have stated, time after time, and we re peat it now, that if any one should feel himself aggrieved by an thing in that advertised sheet, he could use it to do himself justice. Mr. Stephens knows us too well to doubt, that we would cheerfully correct ary errors when pointed out, which might find their way into our columns. Mr. S. has forgot his magnanimity, and lost his temper. It has been said that the house of representatives has been, of late years,a school for billingsgate and vulgarity. Mr. Stephens, we fear, bids fair to become an accomplished graduate in that elevated school of manners. If we should fall under the ueath dealing advertisement of Mr. Stephens, we have a last request to make of him, and that is, that as a tiophy of hi« victory, be will wrap himself up in a few numbers of that advertised sheet. We ask it for revenge ; for, the world will see him then, covered over and adorned with BETTER DOCTRINES THAN NOW EMANATE FROM HIS TONGUE, OR HIS PEN. , was positive legislation and HOSTILE LEG vrf°N- It was an unequivocal denial the people of the South of the right to go to the territories with their slaves. Mr tied dons avowed object was, to open the terri | ones for slave holders with their slaves. The SXn memberS SoUnderßtoodit > ““d vo- We quote now from Mr. Toombs’ letter to US, of the 3rd of October, in which he une- I ! y ad “‘ t8 ’ ‘ bat the Me «can laws ! Winch be says were in force and exclude south erners with their slates from the territories I were not repealed by the recent enactments of Congress. He said, a large majo"™ foe wmh I were void without a reneal and th., at t ■ y | lation to repeal them was UDconstitutiX *” ’’ Wtet then becomes of Mr. Toombs’ de mandfor an equal participation in the nes, and his declarations of hostility t 0 the feZlZmV 7itfaiJedto -«Uand ' W e conclude our extracts from Mr.Toombs’ I speeches, letters, and address, with one or two more, to show what he thought would be the consequence of submission to wrong. I rrom his February soeech »i, •‘He who counts the danger of niZ WK" ' , ° nOr ' i 8 a ‘ read - V dXaderl- d fo p e who count the cost of maintaining lucal rights, are ready for slavf^^^^* 0 ' Address to the “Owing to acXUS^“ f ,b ?’ ' want of kM^ , e^/nr,hZ l . rCUrnstl ‘ nce “’ aDd 1 of th« true condition of \ I liament; encouraged by the success of the i English abolition societies in tbe attainment [ of this result, individuals at the North formed i societies of a like character, with rarnifica ' tions through all tbe non-slaveholding States, whose avowed object was to bring about the i abolition of Southern slavery. These, though experiencing but indifferent success ut first, persevered, until they have become formidable in numbers, and now ex ercise a controlling influence over all ques tions affecting directly or indirectly, South ern slavery. Being a third party, smaller it is true than the two national parties, but yet respectable in numbers, they have for the last ten or fifteen years h Id the balance of power. The other two parlies being nearly of equal size in most of those States, have found it to their interest, from time to time, to conciliate abolition votes. This they did at first cautiously, from the appreiiension of alienating Southern support: bnt finding us quiescent to a considerable extent, and the abo litionists rising in their demands as they found their importance increase, they have yielded more and more, until in some States they have openly and in all, in effect, incorpo rated abolition doctrines into their party creeds. In this way for the last ten years, the aboli tionists have shaped all the legislation of the Northern States that has any reference to slavery, and the the vast majority of the North ern representatives in Congress are now to carry on a legQlative lllLps. _jgay |n s out o| v ' e 4' ,be - press, both religioue and secular, institutions —though there is no better index of popular sentiment —and laying upon the fierce fanaticism reigns in nearly all their religjjjdT bodies— a fanaticism which pronounced sentence of against all Southern and which has rent as surer two of the largest religious bodies tn the land. A fanaticism, political or religious, which in the language of John Randolph, has no stopping place, short of Heaven, or Hell! Leaving these out of view, since it may be said that all should not be held res ponsible for the actions of a part: if we con fine our attention to the actions of Northein legis'atures, and the votes of the majority of Northern members of Congress, we shall find ample evidence of their hostility to us, and what is more, of their success in their onsets— a success which, in the better days of the South, would net have been conceded them. Ist. That Article in the Constitution re quiring the delivery of fugitives from labor, has long through their agency, been a dead letter. The act of Congress of 1793 designed to carry it into effect, made it the province of the State tribunals and the State officers to restore the fugitive to his master. But all the non-slaveholding States have, by acts of their own legislatures, forbidden the master the use of theit Jails for the safe custody of his slaves, and made it a penal offence for any of their Slate officers, to aid in carrying i the act of Congress into effect. Con equent ] ly, up to the passage of the act of 1850 thon- I sands of runaways were harbored -insecurity i in'ilw Northern States. Nor does the fact that lUdJkW . . A. ——‘W V ■ I law for the recovery of placed the ! northern feeling and determination on this ' * n a b S bt - Os the 109 who vJJrd in the House of Representatives for the ifT, only 31—three whigs and 28 Democrats i-were from the non-slaveholding States; while 75 northern representatives voted against majority rff the northern representatives. Had the south stood aloof, and the question been decided-by the 109 northern representatives wiiose names are recorded, the bill woald have been lost by a vole of nearly three to one. This being the amount of support which tbe bill received from the representatives, what degree of countenance is to be expected from the northern people, when attempts are made to execute it in their midst ? Indeed, who does not know, that agitation in opposition to it has already commenced in all the nonslave holding states, and that its repeal is already made one of the cardinal principles of the do minant party in the most powerful state in that section. 2nd. This spirit of hostility to us was shown again when the question as to the disposition of the territory acquired from Mexico came under consideration. Every northern legis lature instructed their senators, and requested their representative- to vote to exclude us with our slaves from all this territory. In accordance with these instructions, they did not cease to press the Wilmot proviso—in the case of Ca lifornia, until they obtained a substitute equal ly effective, and in the case of tiie remaining tarritory, until they were sure we were de prived of C lifornia, the most valuable part— and had become convinced that the Mexican law—which they refused to repeal—would as effectually exclude us. By tbeir sanction of the unauthorized act of tho adventurers who crowded into California, by the operation of Mexican law, which they claim to be still in force in the remaining territory, and which they refused to repeal, and by the threat of further action il these laws proved to be inef fsctual, they have virtually debarred us from all participation in the benefits of those terri tories, for the acquisition of which, we contri buted a greater amount than they both ot men and money. This result accomplished, and designed, is that tbe slave holding interest is placed tho fugitive slave law ■pmild constitute one act, of further encroach | ment, which, in our opinion, would justify se ' cesston. A repeal of that law wou)d show B i UCbanUtterdlsre & ard °f' our constitutional rights, as not only to leave us no hope of jus t'cem the future, but no prospect ofa MO L tton, with the nonslaveholding states, but at ‘ h ® eXpenseof ° ur ®acred rights, our safety, 7 We would place in l,le -- , of encroachments, the abolition of . slavery, m the District of Columbia ; the forts erci ’ A- 0 '" W ' ,ich ' he ex’ ercues junsdiction-the abolition of the slave trade between the states-the exclusion of the V WT ° m ‘ he territories > b y 'he passage of add T°r i PrOVISO ; ° nd We need Bca foely add , the abohtton of slavery in the state, ’ O tredre Aa ”'‘ °‘ “ mode and m easure x e W ° Bld " advocate the imposition of a tax, discriminating between artfoies of northern and southern manufacture.” ofuiifl e i dObelieVe ’ that in Readmission I sout Baß ' ate> in ‘°‘ b e Union, the I violated?* We X ‘ he co " 8 titution j i deem it only necessary to state i the r b°r7 8 - 7 ni,e We Bbou,d have opposed part of T 6 V ,,lad “ Up ° n iQ a ‘ part of Texas to New Mexico, still we are dis- I posed net to discard any southern man, for vo . I .Xi': aS : ,n , the last resort ’ ‘he question to be left to the decision of Texas while the bill establishing terriia**^*^" - ments for Utah and New 51 govern question of Jiex 'oo, leave the without IJls sion, with slavery, or people there, when they es- constitutions, still, 6)aver , y 'ically excluded from them bv ( fo> P declaration of the r.orth e “’m 7 0US exclusion by the Wilmot proviso X rend ed unner-eacw. u r‘ vv,BO > was render. The distinct proposition to I proper way, -uocr-ss will but - Ilin- until ->!avi ry -.hail ishe-l or ilie I inion destroyed. To these cutaslrophies, it becomes ev> ry who loves the constitutional union of ] thers, and is true to his own section, before it is 100 late, all the means that left him. Listening to the advice of our p'tl leaders, and party editors who from persol al considerations, or because they hoped flu the storm would soon blow over, have averse to tlie disruption of the great parties, we have until this time forborne act. But we cannot longer close our the fact that our non resistanse has been strued into acqu sconce or pusillaniinjjß and has tendered rather to invite aggressioffl than to excite forbearance and conciliation, fl Believing then that resistance now to anti-flj slavery aggression may save the Union, and ■ t- at nothing else can, Therefore be it. Resolved, That we recognize in the actions of northern legislatures, and in the votes of the majority of northern representatives in Con gress, a settled hostility to our institutions, and a systematic determinati, n to seek their subversion. R’solved, That in giving their sanction to the unauthorized act of tbe adventurers to California, by which we were excluded witli our slaves from ail that rich region—even S-uth of 36, 30—in refusing to repeal tbe Mexican laws which, our immediate represen tative maintains, are still in force there, and which,il so, effectually excludes uafrom them in the attempt to compel Texas to relin quish a portion of her territory that it might be added to a free State, and in abolishing the slave ttade in th® Piaici.'iLxQf Columbia< which, ■ oniprtrm-RK'sdes ISMig jfenlition State h(B| upon eracy w W llier °—''‘'i’.ongmss of cn " l,ll ' l ltd deliberate ~ slaveiiolding States of the influence I l ' 1 ’I'’,if 1 '’, if to, will be buH tiate the t* 10 lb e‘ r '•«'«• it isexi>e®' d > bal lo counteract tiie the'maintcl 81 ,bo North, and therefore commence< 0nb1,,u,10,ul ‘ U |non of nur la/ialion to form a Southern [»ryß cannot contif laoce of Southern Rights, and M us without sY 1 once a of legislative rM niary interes| cb raa y convince them that theH Resolved, V ue tbe ' r P res ct> 1 crusade againsW stances we rs serious sacrifice of their pecttV and sincerely V; ' ■ forced to resorV bat > untler existing circum-| But we constdvP ud i ate lbe * dea °* disunion,! in past aggressi'yusl that we may never be 1 newal of them, 1 10 >° lbat desperate remedy. I precipitate upon tb “f a 9»>et acquiescence and lienee to Lver 08 ' ' vo °ld only invite a re- Union, we advocV 0 lbe fot“ rf b ““d evidently diate action. 1» 8 tbat drendful necessity . n 4 It the danger and preserve the Previous to ac» ate derided \ ed ble & Resol inions of Augusta, was ita on upon the above pream- I ing, Whereupon hl j a|neß jj Smythe, Esq., I in a very able. dcTyited to address the meet- j which told well for y CS p OIJt ]ed lo the invitation rights. Ibe followiUj ent and f or( .ji J j e speech | ter from Jucge Dou cftUse o f Southern then read and received g ver y interesting let* T {heity of Athens was. Peter Northern and oil w j,h great applause. I Green co., on Saturday" said meeting, reachedJjVitatton, to nttend.„a ■ found me confined to myf rn Rights party of A a most severe cold, aceoß° cx ', a “4 address L distressing ebugh. Beinjf itT due time; ■ • i ,h..T'JV—wished. 14*A° m, sufle^most ! until now, hoping I to comply . to enable me to attend answering- out of my power to be wifljf 0 recover a s 1 know I could not speak tow! elhl g, 1 find it ’ I regret to see such a d®, ” an q if there, 1 » Southern people, I know rwll .' aeo lo “. • to stay northern aggression w " mnony- the of action and sentiment on . > Wll « dona 1 South. What should be saidr. out n concert ' :• tuff imiJTs ? ert of th.> J the Southern or slaveboldiug “°no, two, or even three sta.es in nW pto‘ ' merit can effect anything beneficial without the aid and co-operation of the others. There must be union. 1 am no disunionist or cecesionist. No! This Union shall nev er 4 be dissolved, if I can prevent it. I will never calculate its value; and if it is dissolved, or its value calculated, I would make our northern brethern do both. I inn not for tamo submis sion to the policy of the Government or ag gressions of our northern brethren. Much less can I consider the late action of Congress a triumph for the South. I may be wrong but 1 cannot help it. It is my deliberate opinion, that if the South sits down quietly under the present state of things nnd thereby sanction what has done, it will be considered by the North as an invitation to continue their iusaults on our in stitution. All history of mankind shows that aggression was never stayed by submission— that resistance alone can cause the aggressor lo pause or stay his hand. In my humble judg ment we have the means within the limits of the constitution to resist, and that effectually and I confine my resistance to the constitu tion and within the constitution. I am ans wered and told that any kind of resistance will end in a dissolution of the Union. This I do not believe. It is but opinion on either side. And there is no betier reason for be lieving that resistance will cause dissolution —than to believe that submission will causa ab lition. In iny judgment the latter is much more probable. For tl e sake of tire Union I would give up all the terriories and even more if that would satisfy our opponents: 1 look on our exclusion from California and virtually from Utah and New Mexico, only as one act in the drama, which is to deprive ns .qL-oar—s slave property. All the aggressions on out tights, spring from tbe same and sole me.jve, and that looks to abolition in the end. It is hostility to slavery that prompts out Northern brethren to their continued assaults on our rights. How can this hostility be appeased? Can it be done by submission? We have tried that remedy for thirty years—yea for thirty years Lave we given way—for years bnve we niam- sacrifices ou lire peace and the Union. What has been result ? l.et our exclusion from the quired territories answer that quest ion we now tarielv submit what then? otner exalted friends of their nal f’tne. Such will be the n ward of all , honest and good men who at this hour of peril ®t and by the South and wipe their hands of the tricks ano stratagems of political demago gues, whose only rmbition is to accomplish power Wn “ e fisb d,!s ‘g nß t° reach office and *• Ihe speech of Gov. Brown was at vari ous times interrupted by loud applause-es when “Pvl'ing of resistance. He con cluded by giving us the advice of Cromwell —adapting it to this occasion—that which we should all pray fqrthe success of the Union tn ns original purity, to keep our powder dry.” Gov. Quitman was also loudly called for souihpr POt,d L d 10 o oble BtraiDS t 0 ‘ he ‘“ne of southern rights. Both speeehes were raptu a?e n«hi eC ? Ved ‘ k Tbe * rße men in M are nobly doing their duty, and the submis frnm’.h W * ? ith “ g lorious drubbing from the people of that gallant state.—Nash viile American. I /Rost IN'YLORIDA.-The Tallahassee Sen- i tinel ol Oct. 29, says : | “A cool Northwester set in here last Friday night, and on Saturday night there was con , sioerable frost; enough we believe to kill the Cane and Cotton.” I rost.—Cotton.—We have says the Albany Ga. Patriot of Ist iust. frost every • night since last Friday. The cotton made, and it will probabably crop of last year. Thea^^^® 9 “ lan ilia favorable for pickiM^i^® aß ° n 1 188 been so market eariM|^i®*" , g‘ ba ‘ l^e Cf op will be in than usual. | T P D1 ~~~ Oa£,C ld sSh iC ;- V° h nday ?>ht 26th years, and consort of'col 6ve all the relations of °j M r /7 ar 7 reb ’ Ia exemplary wife and mother and Z a WSS " n to the world of soiritseave departure her titles were clear mifollfc BS9urai >c® 'hat SM Sr th Jod WOrldl and » Edgefield p.p.„ „ Ui piel|ll<( copy -