Newspaper Page Text
TWO
Hardwick Rests Cause With Georgia Democrat
BRILLIANT CONGRESSMAN HAS FOUGHT DATTLES
OF THE PARTY IN THE STATE AND OUT OF IT
Has Advantage of All Competi
tors in Training, Experience,
Eguipment and Preparation
For Work of Senator
HAS NEVER TRMVIMED SAILS
TO CATCH PASSING BREEZE
Addresses Final Word to the
Democrats of Georgia and
Reviews Some of the Issues
Injected Into the Campaign.
To the* Democrath of Ocorffia:
The campaign for the* Democratic
nominal ion for the un expired term of
Ki-nator Bacon Im almoKt at an end.
The day Ik rapidly approaching when
He i*Hiien are to tie not tied at the bal
lot box. Before tho* day does arrive
J with to make a final appeal for the
•tipport of every Democrat in thin
•tale, hence this card.
I feel that I am entitled to present
my came to the democratic voter* of
tbie state, and am entitled to aorne
conaidemtion at their hand*, for I
have fought for the democratic party
in Georgia and out of it, and have
served the democratic party in Geor
gia ami out of It for a longer period
than Jacob nerved, In the day* of old,
both for Leah and for Rachel.
There are five candidate* for thla
nomination to aucceod the late Sen
ator Bacon. Mr. Felder, Mr. Hutch*
enm, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Slaton and my
aelf. Now If any man in our elate,
lr any private buelrieaa bad to employ
eomeone to work for him. and there
were five applicant* for the Job, I am
sure he would consider, first of all,
the experience aml training of eacli
of the applicants, bis equipment and
fltneaa forth* particular work to be
don*. Why does not the same rule
of common sense apply to the people,
nr it whole, when they come, acting
collectively, to aelect the public offi
cers apd servants that each of them
employs, In a pergonal way, when he
goes to hire a man to work for him, In
any business undertaking or enter
prise?
No fair-minded man can deny that
exactly the same principles of com
mon sons* ought to be employed in
both matters If so. how stands this
campaign? My friends throughout
the state are urging in my behalf and
no man OM truthfully dispute It, that
l have bad twelve yearn of training
ip the congress of the United States,
twelve yesrs of service there with Its
resulting friendships with the leaders
of our party in every state of the
republic, twelve years of study and
consideration of all the great nation
al problems and questions that during
that momuntnui period have boon lx*
fore the American emigre** ami peo
ple; thnt Ihcse things give me experi
ence, training and equipment for
this particular work auch n» it not
possessed by any one of the honorable
and dllttng-ulshsd gentlemen who nr-'
my opponent*, no one of whom haa
had a single ounce of auch training,
. experience and equipment. My
frttmda throughout Georgia me urging
In my beltalf that the fm-t that l am
on term* of eloae and Intimate per
aonal and political frleudahtp wllh the
proaldent c»f the United Htatea ami
thla admlnlatration itlve to me power
and Influence with the admlnlatra
t|on ttiat could and would he exerted
tn behalf of Georgia and her people,
their rlkhta and their Interest*, far
greater lhan ar.y power that could he
exerted by any one of Ihe four honor
able and dleltngulahed gentlemen who
aro my competltnra In thl* coni cat, no
one of whom poaee*se# a almtle ounce
of auch Influence.
It teems that there are many roa
aona of undentahle strength, why just
at the preaent no democratic elate at
laaei ahould aend Inexperlem-ed and
untrained men to Washington, par
ticularly to Ihe aenate of the Untetd
tnate*. where Ihe jmwer of the Indi
vidual member la greatest.
Facing Greet Crlaia.
First of all, we are taring a great
crlaia In ihe history of the world. Ai
mes’ every great power of the earth,
except our government, I* either al
ready at war, or about to be drawn
Into It. The. world standi upon the
brink of an awful chaam. The bloort
leet war In modern times, if pot In all
times, aeeiua Imminent, Gs all the
great world powers the I' nip l ' talcs
of America, true to It* correct and
traditional policy. I* the only one that
hax entangling alliances with non* of
the combatant* and friendly relation*
with all Of them. To tia tho whole
world must look for whatever media
tion and pwaoe-makthg la possible.
,Ui.an wow or later. While Ihe actual
warfare la In progress to a large de
gree we must feed and elothe the
combatant*. Till* ought to give tre
mendous Impedue to many forms of
Amertean agrleultur* and Industry,
and will protiably open up many new
fields to Amertean enterprlee and
commerce. Our government muet re
main true to tte traditional policy of
frlendelitp for all and entangling al
liances with none It muel keep on
god terms with them all, both to be
ready to perform the great mtaslon
that sooner or later will he our*, and
te give to our people Ihe full opportu
nity to make good use of the commer
cial opportunltie* that will open up to
them The situation will no doubt re
quire aome re-adjuatment of our bus-
Ineea. commercial and Imluatrlal sys
tems particularly with reference to
th* marketing and manufacture of the
great ataple crop of the South, cotton.
At th!* Juncture, at thl* crlaea, the nd
mtntalrallon of our national govern
ment. both In the executive and legis
lative branch** of that government,
ha* been Intrusted to the democratic
party, let me Inquire then. I* thla a
ante time, of nil time*, to put Inexpe
rienced untrained and untried men In
the aenate of the United State#"
It muet be remembered alao that
tbs demiwrntlc party, and the South
with It. face# a domestic and political
crlaia In thla country hardly, lee*
grave.Almoat ever since the civil war
the South ha* boon ihe daapl*ad step
child. th# neglected Cinderella of th#
Union. The republican party bas
hardly seemed to care or to know
whether the. South was really a part
of the country, except that once in
four years, the contending factions of
that party would engage in a dis
graceful scramble* to pun;has* the
negrft delegates from the South to the
Republican National Convention.
For years we have wandered In the
wilderness, poor, neglected and des
pised, but loyal always to our party
and its ideals. For years the South
lias simply been the Lazarus of the
republic to whom was flung the
crumbs that fell from the table of
Dives. But after a long night of un
broken gloom the dawn of a bright
and fairer day has broken for us. The
democratic party is in power once
more. A democratic president, South
ern-born and Southern-bred, sits In
the Whits House, and democratic ma
jorities control both house* of the na
tional congress, with Southern men
high in place and power in both
houses. But our party itself is on
trial. If we measure up to the re
sponsibilities that power and oppor
tunity impose on us, if we now man
age t lie foreign and domestic affairs
of the country successfully, if we now
demonstrate to the American people
our ability to conduct their affairs
with sanclty and with sens*, and yec
with fidelity to the rights of tha
masses, if we manage to avoid foreign
complications and business troubles
at. home, to steer clear of commercial
panics and business disasters during
the time that must Intervene between
now and November, 11)16, then It is
my Judgment that the democratic par
ty will remain entrenched in power at
Washington for many years and many
decodes to come, and the South will
n main a Joint and equal inheritor
with all the other sections In the pros
perity and glory of the republic.
Democrats Must Not Fail.
But, if we fall In any of these re
spects to make good now, then it Is
rny deliberate Judgment that the dem
ocratic party will be turned out of
power again, and thp South will once
more wander in the wilderness, per
haps forty years more, as the children
of Israel did In the days of old. What,
democrat In Georgia can doubt the
truth of this statement? Not one, I
believe If not then let me ask this
question, is tills critical period one in
which the democrats or Georgia can
afford to take the risk of putting In
the senate of the United States men
who are absolutely without training,
experience or equipment for the great
work of national legislation, who may
or may not make good?
Take the contest in which T amen
gaged. In twelve years, any one of
the honorable and distinguished gen
tlemen who are my competitors might
see the service in Washington that l
have already seen. In twelve years
any one of them might form the
friendships with the great leaders of
our party, from every state, that T
have already formed In twelve years
nnv one of them might acquire the
equipment that I already possess. In
twelve years any one of them, might
learn the rope* I already know, but,
in the M eantime while they were doing
so the state of Georgia, the south. ,he
democratic party and the country
would have to hold the bag and pay
the bill.
In any huslncs* matter If there wero
applicants for a Job nnd It was per
fectly apparent lhat one of the five
had Ihe advantage over the other 111
training, experience nnd equipment
for the particular work In hand, pref
erence would l)e given to the one with
*ueh experience and equipment, If he
appeared In be all right In other re
aped*. ami the place would he given
to him. If. however, the point was
made by one of the other applicant*
or by any one el*e of reaponeibility
and standing thnt the experienced ap
plicant wa* net efficient and worthy
and had not given satisfaction to pre
vious employer#, then before nny one
would htro Ihe experienced mail, he
would make Inquiry n* to the truth
of thl# charge. lie would not lake
Ihe word of the other applicant who
wanted the Job hlmaelf nor that of
the man with experience whose worth
and fltne#* had been questioned. He
would go to the person or persons who
had previously employed that man. He
would go to the men who knew him
heel and had worked by his able, and
from them he would find out Ihe
truth. In my own ease 1 ask for no
more, and l am entitled to no le#»,
than that. Mr Slaton, an applicant
hlmaelf for the place I *eek has sought
to question my worth and efficiency.
I do not a«k you to take my simple
denial nnd It would he equally unreas
onable for you to accept his hare and
Interested statement.
Go first, then, to the people of tbe
Tenth district of Georgia, who sent
me to tho congress of the United
State* when I was twenty-nine vears
of axe the youngest man Georgia had
sent there In many years, and who
have sent me back year after year
and term after term until I have rep
sented that district on the floor of the
American congress for a longer per
iod of ttmo than any man alive or dead
lever represented It. except Alexander
Hamilton Stephen*.
Would that district have done that
for a man It regarded as unworthy or
Inefficient ?
Hardwick Stand* Well In Congress.
Go, next, to my »*od*te* and col
league* tn the house of representa
tive* What answer do they give you?
When the house went democratic In
1910. for the first time In sixteen, and
they came to select the majority mem
bership of the great committee on
Rules the Jurisdiction of which
touche* and embraces every subject
•nd to some extent overlaps that of
every other committee, because tt de
termines, on account of the great pres
sure of tmstnc#* what particular
measure* are to t>* singled out for
special consideration and la thus the
I great political and steering commit
tee of the house, by unanimous vote
my democratic colleague* from every
etate in the union selected me a* the
I second democrat on lhat great com-
I mitt##. It must be remembered, too.
lhat thl* selection c»me too at a time
when membership on this committee
wa* of unusual Importance, because
we had to a large degree, won the
I congressional election of 1910 on the
I Issue of i"*nnon and Cannontsm, on
ihe revolt of Ihe country from that ar
-1 bursty and despotic system, and on
our promise to remove the shackles
that it bound about the limbs of the
supposedly free presentatlves of a
free people. The work of redeeming
this pledge fell primarily on the new
committee on Rules, to whom was in
trusted the task of re-writing the
Rules of the house and of so reform
ing them as to carry out this promise.
Membership in this committee was,
therefore, of especial Importance at
this particular time, and I think I
violate none of the proprieties and do
injustice to none of my colleagues on
the committee, when 1 say to you that
i did a great part, of this work, and
with my own hand wrote a large part
of the ne*Y rutei* of the democratic
house.
My colleagues In the house also se
lected me, by unanimous vote, to be
chairman of the Standing Committee
of the House on Coinage, Weights and
Measures, a chairmanship last filled
by a democrat, before myself, by Mr.
Bland of Missouri, and last held by
by a Georgian in the person of Hon.
Alexander H. Stephens,
My colleagues at that time also
elected ne by unanimious vote, as
chairman of one of the two special
committees they organized on tak
ing over the house to investigate cer
tain of the great trusts of the country,
who had been oppressing both the pro
ducing and the consuming masses The
work intrusted to both of these com
mit tees was most important. The
committee on sugar, which I lieaded,
was not appointed to recommend tariff
legislation, or to report bills to re
duce or remove the duty on sugar, or
to report any other hill. It was ap
pointed to investigate the facts, dis
cover the truth, and report them and
It to the house. It did so, and free su
gar followed, based on the facts it un
covered. It is true that during the
conduct of this legislation the price of
sugar rose almost two cents a pound
from the normal price, but this Was
not because of the Investigation, but
because of a great failure in the Ger
man beet sugar crop. It is to be re
called. however, that before the com
mittee on sugar concluded its work the
price on sugar fell about three cents a
pound above the high price Just refer
red to, and one cent a pound below
the normal point. In like manner this
decline in price was not occasioned by
the investigation, but by the produc
tion of a bumper crop of cane sugar in
Du ha. Both the rise and decline in
price referred to occurred In obedience
to the law of supply and demand, with
which our cotton producers are well
acquainted, and the committee Is not
entitled to either the Maine or the
credit, in one Instance or the other,
for the rise or the decline. Would my
colleagues In the house have imposed
all of these duties upon a man they
garded as a failure?
Go, next, for your answer to a re
cent occurrence in the house of rep
resentatives When the president
sought to secure the provision of law'
giving a special subsidy to persons
ami corporations engaged In the coast
wise trade of this country by ex
empting them from the payment of
tolls through the Panama Canal and
the regular constituted leaders of the
democratic party In the house. Speak
er Clark and Representative TTnder
wnod parted company with the ad
n inistration and Joined hands with
the republican leader, Mr. Mann of Il
linois, and the progressive leader. Mr
Murdock of Kansas to whom did the
president and his administration turn
in its hour of crisis and peril to rally
the panic-stricken and almost stam
peded forces of the administration In
the house to take the places that our
regular leaders had left, to stand in
the forefront of battle, bear its brunt
nnd take Its blows ? To my able *nd
distinguished colleague, Judge Adam
son. and myself.
Uo Presidents and Administrations
turn to men, to take leadership and •
rr.spdiisiblllty nt times like that, whom
they regard ns failures?
Is Merely Defending Record.
My public record, my standing and
position at Washington and in Ueor- !
gin have been viciously assailed. !
Purely J have a right to defend them
to make this reply without Justly lay
ing myself open to the charge of self,
praise. I have simply stated tjje facta
every democrat In Georgia must Judge
for himself, hut I do submit thnt It is
Just a little hard to have the charge
of being a failure laid at the door of
that democratic representative from
(' rot-gin, who has disfranchised th*
negro In Georgia, removed the tax on
sugar, and licked Tom Watson out of
his hoots between Jobs
Mr. Hutchens" candidacy does not |
and can not appeal to any honest ,
democrat In Georgia because Mr
Hut. hens Is simply the representative I
of Mr. Watson In thla contest and re
< elves nowhere any considerable sup- i
port such as he gets from and through I
Mr. Watson. Whatever may he said I
for or against Mr. Watson, and the
subject Is Indeed a rich one. not even
his "'friends" can seriously contend
that he Is entitled to an ounce of In
fluence tn a democratic primary or I
that the candidate of his selection !
ought to get the vote of any good
democrat In nil Georgia.
After ills escapades in the Ninettes '
Mr. Watson, In 1906 returned to the I
I democratic fold to participate tn our
state primary of that year. He did
so with the profession on his lips that
he Intended to affiliate with the dem
ocratic party raid support Its nomi
nees. state and national. In spite of
| lhat profession ha bolted again In 190#
endeavoring to advertise and exploit
; himself by n ridiculous and lnexcua-
I able candidacy for the presidency,
confined to a few counties In one state
—Georgia. He returned again to the
dem.H'ratlc fold, or professed to do so,
In IHO, to fight me for congress i
Insisted then, and with reason, that
before we let him In again we ought
to require bond and security of him
I to guarantee the permanent charae
j ter of his “democracy.” loosing hta
fight against me In the primary of
I 1910 he did not scruple, tn violation
jof every principle of honor, honesty
I and decency, to holt the primary In
which he had participated and to run
I nn Independent against me tn the gen
eral election He bolted, tn like
manner, the nomination of Hoke
I Smith as governor.
Watson Triad to Defeat Wilson.
In 1913 he again re-entered the
j democratic primary In Georgia, again
I without giving bond, and by the use
THE AUGUSTA HERALD. AUGUSTA. GA.
*
um
i fiSa
■■ ■ V , ' ‘ ' if,
. Jfk: a I
of every misrepresentation and slan
der that malice could suggest con
tributed to the defeat of President
Wilson in our state primary. After
that performance, although his hands
were fresh with the blood of party
treason in three successive bolts, he
was taken up by a little coterie of
Georgia politicians and made a Geor
gia delegate at large,
Heaven save the mark, to the demo
cratic national convention at Balti
more. Selected as an Underwood del
egate, lie prepared to bolt to Clark
even before the convention met, and
finding his appeals to both Under
wood and Clark for special guards,
special trains and special graft as
well, ignored he remained sulking in
his tent, at least sparing the loyal
democrats of the country the insult
of his presence at Baltimore. After
•the convention adjourned, with the
nomination »»f Wilson achieved, Mr.
Watson announced to the Kimball
House lobby, in a speech from its
stairs, his support of Wilson, but be
fore election day came, he bolted Wil
son, left the democratic party again,
and voted for Roosevelt. This man
ought not to have and cannot have
the slightest influence with any dem
ocrat in Georgia. He has broken
faith with us every time we forgave
him and trusted him again. He has
misrepresented, abused and slander
ed every leader of the democratic
party in state or nation from Presi
dent Wilson down. I wear his oppo
sition as an ornament and his disap
proval as the best evidence that I am
worthy. I do not see how Mr. Hutch
ens or any other candidate who claims
to he a democrat can hope to com
mand the vote of a single true dem
ocrat in all Georgia, w r ith Tom Wat
son swung around his neck.
Mr. Felder’s candidacy has not ac
quired the momentum and force that
it seemed to promise at its inception.
His performance nt Griffin may be in
part the cause of it, but I believe the
real reasons are that the democrats of
Georgia realize thnt he is without that
training, experience and equipment in
national affairs, upon which any can
didacy for the senate must in some
degree, rest. Successful ns he was in
the state legislature and as attorney
general. that alone does not supply
the place of training in national af
fairs. of equipment for service at
Washington that is especially neces
sary in case of a candidate who is
barely known outside of his own state.
It seems to me also that in many sec
tions of ofir state the people have
realised that Mr. Felder does not pos
sess the aggressiveness so absolutely
necessary to conduct with any hope
of success, a candidacy backed by
such powerful political anti financial
interests as those behind the candi
dacy of Mr. Slaton and therefore re
fuse to divide their votes between Mr.
Felder and myself, and thus elect
Slaton. For that reason Mr. Felder’s
candidacy is not in my Judgment a
serious factor in the contest except
in about two congressional districts,
and Mr. Slaton’s only hope of even
becoming a contestant in a convention
fight rests on Mr. Felder’s continu
ance in this race.
Slaton Hat No Riqht to Expect
Senstorehip.
Mr. Slaton's candidacy suggests and
raises many important issues. These
deserve most careful consideration. In
the first place let me suggest that,
according to his previously express
ed opinions, Mr. Slaton has no right
whatever to expect the democrats of
<tcorgla to elect him to the senate,
thus creating a vacancy in the office
of governor and putting the state to
the trouble and expense of an extra
election for governor.
On July 4. 1911. in giving his rea
sons why he shonld not. as a member
of the legislature, support his own
constituent. Mr Hoke Smith, for the
United Ststes senate. Mr. Slaton said,
"Furthermore. I believe that when a
man is elected to office he makes a
contract with the people to fill the
office during the provided term. Hts
candidacy was based on the Idea he
was NEEPBD in THAT office. Every
supporter committed himself to that
Idea when he cast his vote."
Again, on December S, 1911. while
he was Jubilating on the election of
Mr. Jos M. Brown to fill out the un
rxplt>d term of flovernor Hi ke Smith,
Mr. Slaton said: "It (Brown's elec
tion! means that men in office have
entered Into a contract with the peo
ple that they shall retain the elvc-
HON. THOMAS W. HARDWICK
tivci position WITHOUT REGARD TO
THE ENTICEMENT of a more allur
ing prize.”
Now, after these public expressions
of opinion, the people in 1912 nomi
nated and elected Mr. Slaton governor
of Georgia. Did not they have a right
to believe that he would stand by the
sentiments he had so shortly express
ed. Could they dream that Mr. Sla
ton would not only consent, but seek
to break the contract he had made
to serve them as governor for a full
term of two years. Could they even
Imagine that Mr. Slaton would not
"retain the elective office (the gov
ernorship) without regard to the en
ticement of a more alluring prize”
(the senatorship), if a vacancy In the
senate occurred during his two year
term as governor? Did they not have
a right to think and believe that at
last they had elected a governor in
the person of Mr. Slaton, who could
not be induced by the enticement o*
a "more alluring prize” to throw np
the contract he had made with them,
to leave tbe plow standing in the mid
dle of the field before it was more
than about half finished, to strike for
a bigger place and higher wages, and
put them to the trouble and expense
of an extra election.
Slaton's Expensive Campaign.
Now can Mr. Slaton escape this by
any nonsense about ' the people hav
ing a right to amend the contract
themselves.” It seems to me that Mr.
Slaton is making frantic efforts to
induce them to do so, and has con
ducted the most expensive and widely
advertised campaign ever conducted
in Georgia, In order to persuade them
to let him break his word. If what
Mr. Slaton said was true in 1911 whet
makes it false In 1914? What right
has he to seek to break his word, or
to "persuade” the people to break It
for him'.’
Again, Mr. Slaton has no right
whatever, in morals or In decency
to conduct a campaign for the sen
ate from the governor’s chair. H«
both takes advantage of its powers
and lowers Its dignity when he, as
governor, becomes a candidate for an
other office. While he is prosecuting
his candidacy, the power to pardon
criminals, the power over life and
■death, still inheres in him; the power
to appoint officials of the state, In
cluding Judges, la still invested m
him. He has no right to exercise
these powers during the active prose
cution of his candidacy. It is unjust
to the people, to his competitors and
to himself. The governor cannot be
separated from the candidate and the
Inevitable result is the abuse of power
and the loss of dignity—by the gov
ernor.
The Slaton Law Firm.
Again. I have and do criticise Mr.
Slaton for forming and organizing the
law firm of Rosser, Brandon, Slaton |
and Phillips just hefore he was in- |
nugurated governor, and remaining,
while governor, a member of that
firm; his name upon its stationery,
signed to its writs and pleadings, and
attaching to that firm whatever busi
ness cah be so attached. It is hnfair
to his brother lawyers, but most un
fair of all to himself and the state
of Georgia. So long as his name re
mains In that firm, what a tempta
tion, yea. what an Invitation to every
person In Georgia charged with crime
to employ that firm on the idea that
he wdll Just try his case in the courts
of the state, and then, finally, if need
be. before one of his own lawyers,
on a plea for executive clemency. For
the governor of Georgia to be a mem
ber of a firm of attorneys actively
engaged in the practice of law before
lhe courts of the state is a manifested
; impropriety that no governor of Geor
gia ever committed from the day
Oglethorpe founded the colony, until
Mr. Slaton did It. The fact that he
has done so is convincing proof that
he is lacking in both Judgment and
sense of propriety—so necessary In a
senator, of the United States.
Mr. Slaton Insists, In his advertise
ments. that he Is a "trained" states
man—the "best equipped man" for the
place. None or his training" relates
to national affairs and none of his
"equipment" fits him for national
legislation His newspaper cards in
dicate a profound ignorance of n.t-
tlonal questions and national legisla
tion. He would be infinitely better
off If he had never had a day of such
"training” as he has had, for it has
been a training in dodging and side
stepping, in backing and filling, In
pushing one way and pulling another,
all his days.
Mr. J. R. Smith, of Atlanta, called
tbe turn on him, and gave the year
and page of every House Journal to
prove his statements. Mr. J. R.
Smith's card remains unanswered to
this day, because it is unanswerable.
The abolition of the Convict Lease
System, the Inheritance Tax, the In
come Tax, the Disfranchisement of
the negro; each and all he opposed as
long as he could until the public sen
timent forced the passage of each
measure—then, in each case, as the
band wagon came by he Jumped into
a rear seat, exclaiming "me too.” The
motto of his public life is evidently
"the people cannot change any faster
than I can.” He is the artful dodger
of Georgia politics today, and, I be
lieve the champion political tight-rope
artist of all America. If a rope w,ere
stretched across the raging and seeth
ing waters of Niagara, I believe he
could walk it without a pole to bal
ance himself with. The one tiring in
all hij life he seems to have stuck to
Is his tax act, the new Slaton Tax
Law. I really believe that the only
reason he has stuck to this is because
it has stuck to him, all over Georgia,
and he cannot get loose from it to save
his life. Even now he is hedging as i
much as he can. He is going to
Gainesville, Marietta, Falrburn, and
all over Georgia, “explaining” it--
educating the poor, Ignorant people
on the subject—pleading with tears
in his voice, as he did at Falrburn,
for the people not to strangle this
lusty infant before it passes through
its first attack of the whooping cough,
admitting its imperfections and beg
ging that they be remedied, rather
than the law destroyed. Well, no man
can deny that this child ought to be
corrected, and at once, if its life Is
to continue.
The Slaton Tax Law.
I have, and do object to the Slaton
Tax Law as It now stands and is now
being enforced for three reasons. Be
fore 1 give these reasons, let me say
that the repeated statements made by
Mr. Slaton and the Atlanta Constitu
tion that I ever introduced a bill, in
my life, that is subject to the criticism
I now make of the Slaton Tax Law,
are absolutely untrue. I challenge
Mr. Slaton, with all his money, the
Constitution with all its printing press
and its paper and its ink to print any
bill of that kind that I ever offered.
I have challenged them both to do so
ever since they first made this false
and misleading statement, and neither
of them has done so yet, and neither
of them will do so. There is no such
bill. The bill I did offer was entire
ly free from the objections I urge to
Slaton’s law. He bitterly opposed it
and knows just what the difference
is. That bill was a real tax equaliza
tion bill, designed to get to the tax
j books, the intangible and invisible
property and not to simply raise the
values of land and real estate and all
other tangible and visible property, as
the Slaton law does. That bill treat
ed the railroads and other great pub
lic-service corporations just like it
did the plain folks, and the Slaton law
does not.
Now what are the grounds of my
objection to the Slaton Tax Law?
1. I object to It first, because the
purpose for which it was enacted, the
motive of which it was born, was
simply to evade, escape and dodge the
force and effect of tbe constitutional
limitation of five mills upon state
taxation, a thoroughly Slaton-like
scheme. He wanted more money to
help pay the extravagant appropria
tions that he as a member of the leg
islature for seventeen years had help
ed pile up, and since he was unwilling
to go after intangible property, large
ly in the cities, he had either to raise
the tax rate, or simply increase the
values of property now on the books,
real estate, everywhere in Georgia,
and land, entirely in the country. He
first thought of raising the tax rate,
by constitutional amendment, and
suggested that plan in his message of
June 28th, 1913 (House Journal 1913,
pp. 159. ISO). Fearing the political
effect of an increase in the tax rate,
he adopted the alternative of raising
tax values —hence and wherefore the
Slaton Tax Act.
..... > - l A
2. 1 object. In the next place, to
the Slaton Tax Law, as it now stands,
and Is now being enforced, because ;
before we go. In this state, from the .
system of voluntary tax returns that ,
we have had so long, to the system of
assessment, there ought to he provid- j
ed in the law that makes the change,
specific, adequate, powerful and defl- !
rite machinery for bringing to the ;
Tax Books of the Staet, Intangible ;
and invisible property, such as bonds, |
stocks, notes, accounts, money, etc.,
that now escapes and has always es
caped taxation. Unless this he done
the only effect of the change was
hound to he, as it has been, simply to
Increase the burdens of the owners
of land and real estnte. That such
has been the result Is shown by the
fact that in Oglethorpe County, In
Last Georgia, ninety-two and one-half
per cent of all the Increase in taxable i
values comes from land and real ;
estate. This Is a typical rural county ,
of Georula, and I believe the percent- j
age will hold good throughout the ,
state, in the rural counties.
Doe* Not Apply Impartially.
3 I object. In the next place, to
the Slaton Tax Law, because it does
not apply equally and Impartially to
| all citizen* and classes of property of
I the state. When the plain people of
I Georgia were changed, by this law, to
i the assessment system, why was not
this same assessment system applied
I to the railroads and other great and
I rich public service corporations?
i And yet this was done. These corpo
-1 ration# continue t,o make their volun
! tary returns, putting their own valua-
I lion, under oath, upon their property,
to the Comptroller General of Geor
gia, the State Tax Receiver, who has
h ng occupied as to these corporation*
exactly the same position that the
i tax Receiver of each county occupied
| a* to the Individual tax payers of hi#
I county—with exactly the same pow-
I era. rights and duties resting upon
the Comptroller General as to accent -
log, rejecting or arbitrating the tax
returns of these corporations that
.rested, by the old law. on each Tax
Receiver In Georgia. Why then,
I when the change In the law as to the
balance of the folk in Georgia was
; made, was the Law not also changed
as to these corporations? Can it be
1 seriously contended that these corpo
SUNDAY, AUGUST 16
rations ought to he fed out of a dif
ferent spoon from the balance of the
people? If all other folk in Georgia
cannot be trusted to tell the truth
about the values of their property,
ought these corporations to be trust
ed to do so? If the assessment prin
ciple is right for the balance of us,
why is it not right for them also? If
it imposes an additional burden ought
not these corporations to bear th*ir
part of it?
Now can Mr. Slaton, in this mat
ter, hide behind some one else’s skirts
—his usual trick. He seeks to hide
behind those of our beloved Comp
troller General, Mr. Wm. A. Wright,
saying that Mr. Wright will force
these corporations to pay on just val
uation. So he may. So might many
of the honest Tax Receivers of this
state, but we are dealing with a ques
tion of law now, not one of personal
ity. ‘How long is Mr. Wright to bo
spared to us? Many years, I hope,
hut who can tell? The law ought to
he fair and equal, just and impartial,
applying to all alike.
In this connection it is most inter
esting to recall that on November 4,
1901, when Representative Perry, of
Gwinnett, offered in the House of
Representatives, in our General As
sembly, a bill to establish a system of
tax assessment of railroad properties
In Georgia, Mr. Slaton (and Mr. Fel
der as well) voted against the bill,
while I voted for It. (House Jour
nal 1901, pp. 293, 294, 295). In view of
this positive position in opposition to
applying the assessment system to the
railroads, their omission from Mr.
Slaton's new tax law is both inter
esting and significant.
I thought at first that Mr. Slaton
wished to raise some real issue with
me on the Parcels Post. It seems that
he does not, or dares not, for he will
not tell us whether he wishes to aban
don the present system of charging
according to the distance a parcel post
travels, or whteher he wishes to raise
the present weight limit on parcels,
or, if so, to what weight limit he would
go.
My own position is this; I sup
ported and voted for the present par
cels post system as it stands today,
hut am steadfastly opposed to any
abandonment of the distance system
of charging or to any Increase in the
present weight limits on parcels.
What Mr. Slaton’s position is neith
er he nor anyone else knows, or can
find out.
Slaton's Opportunity.
When Senator Bacon died the op
portunity came to Mr. Slaton to meas
ure up to a high standard. The peo
ple of Georgia in spite of his negative
and little known record, had trusted
him and honored him highly. If he
had fully appreciated their confidence
and the high honor they had conferred
on him, what he would have done
would have been to have sought as Sen
ator Bacon's successor, the biggest
bratnest Georgia Democrat he could
find preferably in south Georgia, and
have appointed him senator for the
honor and glory of the commonwealth.
He ought to have done this without
regard to petty partisan or factual
policies, without condition or m*ei
vation, and filled out his own con
tract as governor. “Ah Cromwell. I
charge thee, fling away ambition.”
If Mr. Slaton had measured up tcja
this standard, had successfully met T
this test, he would have shown to the'
people of Georgia that he was a big
ger man than they had ever thought,
and would have won their love and
respect. He might have buried fac
tionalism in Georgia and have been
hailed as the “Peace-Maker.” If he
could not rise that high in dealing
with the situation, he could at least
have played square politics, as It is
played in Georgia and elsewhere.
Since Mr. Clark Howell simply would
not have the appointment, he could
have given it to Joseph M. Brown, the
leader of a great faction In Georgia,
that had stood behind Mr. Slaton in
solid array and made him governor.
He could have said to Mr. Brown, as
Mr. Brown said to Mr. Terrell In 1911,
“You are the bridge that carried me
over. This appointment Is due you,
take it.”
It is an open secret that Mr. Brown
expected it, and that the plan was
that Mr. Brown should fight it out, for
one of the senate seats, from that
seat, with all corners, while Mr. Sla
ton, the rich and apparently popular
Governor of Georgia, should fight it
out with Senator Hoke Smith for the
other seat. The leaders of the old
Brown faction groomed Mr. Slaton for
this fight with Hoke Smith, for
months and months. They wined him,
they dined him, while they were get
ting read for It; they barbecued him
and were barbecued by him prepara
tory for it. Finally they pitted, (as
the boys used to do when they fought
chickens), spurred and gaffed, face
to face with Hoke Smith. The hour
for battle struck. It developed that
Mr. Slaton’s spurs were all feathers,
and instead of being a game chicken
he was a domlneeker and turned and
ran the other way, and laying down
first on the state and then on hla own
crowd tried to grab th# other plate,
south Georgia's scat In the senate, for
himself.
Threw Brown Overboard.
In the effort to do so he threw
Brown overboard, though strenuously
endeavoring to avoid an open breach
with him, advertising and publishing
to the world repeatments that “there
was no breach between Brown and
Slaton," and that they still "stood to
gether." pnd yet at the same time ca
joling and coaxing Hoke Smith’s
friends, begging them to support him,
and urging that they ought to do so
out of gratitude to him fSlatonl. be
cause he did not run against Hoke
Smith. He urges upon the laboring
men of this state the Idea that he and
Brown have broken, and upon the
Brown faction that he still hates Hoke
Smith and Is still with Brown. He
plays both ends against the middle, is
false to all men, and true to none He
Is for nobody on this earth except him
self.
It will not work. Hoke Smith and
Jack Slaton as team-mates in the sen
ate would be a farce —a failure. They
would oppose each other and nullify
ench other. Joe Brown and Jack
Slaton In the senate would be jpst as
bad or worse.
My position on this matter Is plain
and straightforward. I have stood,
every time, through adversity as well
as prosperity, through storm a* well
as through sunshine, through defeat
as well as through victory, for Hoke
1 Smith and the principles he advo-
I rated In Georgia, because I believe tn
{both. I am there yet. I have spoken
for both all over Georgia until my
throat was sorer and my vocie hoarser
than It I* In this campaign. I have
no regret to express; no apology to
offer. It was my right, as a free
(Continued on next page.) &