Newspaper Page Text
iimv TIM!
WM. J. VASofflSPo.
JAMES M. SMYTHE, Editor.
AUGUSTA, GA.
SUNDAY MORNING, DEC. 16, 1860.
Gov. Cobb’s Address to the People of
Georgia.
We publish this morning a portion of Gov.
Cobb’s able address, and will complete it on
Tuesday next. In order that our readers may
be in possession of his views, in advance, we
present a few of its leading points.
Ist. The Illack Republican party originat
ed in Northern opposition to slavery.
2d. Men of all parties, however much they
differed in opinion upon other topics, united
in a determination to destroy the institution
of slavery.
3d- The constitutional rights of the South
were tube ignored.
•4th. The Hfiprcme Court decision was re
pudiated.
6th. The Illack Republican party will ad
here to the principles Which brought it into
power.
6th. Lincoln declared ids hatred of slavery
and that it must be ultimately overthrown.
7th. He declared that the negro is the equal
of the white man.
Bth. Seward, Chase, Sumner, Greeley,
Webb, and other leading Black Republicans,
teach the same doctrine.
9th. They tench that there is a laic higher
than the Constitution, which justifies a disre-
gard of its provisions.
10th. Ten sovereign States have legislated
upon this idea.
11th. The South claims protection, the
North resists the claim.
12th. Tho Northern pulpit and Sundy
school have taught the people of that section
to hate the institution of slavery.
loth. A temporary majority in Congress
against Lincoln will be unable to secure the
rights and safety of the South.
lith. The whole power of the Government,
with Lincoln at its head, will boused to de
stroy southern rights, equality, and safety in
the Union.
15th. There is no remedy but secession for
existing difficulty, worthy of consideration
save that of now constitutional guarantees as
proposed by Mr. Buchanan, and they will be
spurned by our Northern enemies.
16th. Mr. Cobb entertains no doubt of the
right or duty of the peoplo of Georgia to se
cede from the Union, for she never will again
have equality and justice in it.
—• •.
Letter from Hon, Howell Cobb to the
People of Georgia.
I iiavo received numerous communications
from different portions of the State, asking
ray views on the present condition of the
country, accompanied with the request that
they might be placed before the public.
It is impossible to answer each of those
communications, and I have therefore taken
the liberty of addressing my reply tothepco
pleof the State, asking for what I have to
say that consideration only which is due to
convictions deliberately formed and frankly
expressed.
The whole subject may properly be consid
ered in the discussion of tire following en
quiry : Does the election of Lincoln to tlie
Presidency, in the usual and Constitutional
mode, justify the Southern States in dissol
ving the Union ?
The answer to this enquiry involves a con
sideration of the principles of the party who
elected him, as well as the principles of the
man himself.
The Black Republican party had its origin
in the anti-slavery feeling of the North. It
assumed the form and organization of a par
ty for the first time in the Presidential con
tests of 1856. The fact that it was composed
of men of all previous parties, who then and
still advocate principles directly antagonis
tic upon all other questions, except slavery,
Shows beyond doubt or questiou, that hostili
ty to slavery, ns it exists in the fifteen South
ern States, was the basis of its organization
and the bond of its union. Free trade Dem
ocrats and protective tariff Whigs, internal
improvement and and anti-internal improve
ment men ; and indeed all shades of parti,
zans, united in cordial fraternily upon the
isolated issue of hostility to the South,
though for years they had fought each other
upon all other issues The fact is important
because it illustrates the deep-rooted feeling
which could thus bring together these hostile
Clements. It must be conceded that there
was an object in view, of no ordinary inter
est, which could thus fraterniso these incon
grous elements. Besides, at the time this
party organised, there was presented no
bright promise of success.
All the indications of the day pointed to
their certain defeat. So deep, however, was
this anti-slavery sentiment planted in their
hearts, that they forgot and forgave the as
perities of the past, the political differences
of the present, and regardless of the almost
certain defeat which the future had in store
for them, cordially embraced each other in
the bonds of anti-slavery lintred, preferring
dofeat under the banner of Abolition to suc
cess, if it had to be purchased by a recogni
tion of the constitutional rights of the South-
The party lias succeeded in bringing into its
organizationull the Abolitionists of the North,
except that small band of honest fanatics
who say, and say truly, that if slavery is the
moral curse which the Black Republicans
pronounce it to be, they feel bound to dis
solve their connection with it, and arc there
fore for a dissolution of the Union. Such 1
may denominate the personnel of the Black
Republican party, which, by the election of
Lincoln, has demonstrated its numerical ma
jority in every Northern State except New
Jersey.
1 have said that the circumstances which
marked the origin and organization of this
party show that there was an object in view,
of no ordinary character. To bco and ap
preciate that object properly, we must refer
to its first and most important declaration of
principles, which occurred in 1856, at the
time of the nomination of Mr. Fremont for
the Presidency.
“Resolved, That, with opr republican fa
tliors, we hold it to be a self-evident truth, i
that all men are endowed with the inaliena- j
bic rights to life, liberty, and tho pursuit of!
happiness; and that the primary object and 1
ulterior designs of our Federal Government ‘
Here, to secure the rights to all persons with
in its exclusive jurisdiction; tiiat as our ro- j
publican fathers, when they had abolished j
slavery in all our national territory, ordained |
!g!|9HgHRPj
~ i"\ -n jK.';.’- ;
SBHil M
lishing slavery in any Territory
States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its
existence or extension therein. That we de
ny the authority of Congress, of a Territo
rial Legislature, of any individual or asso
ciation of individuals, to give legal existence
to slavery in any Territory of the United
States, while the present Constitution shall
bo maintained.
“ Resolved , That the Constitution confers
upon Congress sovereign power over the
Territories of the United States for their
government, and that in exercise of this
power it is botli the right and the duty of
Congress to prohibit in the Territories those
twin relics of barbarism—polygamy and
slavery.!’
There can he no misapprehension of the
doctrine here announced. It is as plain and
explicit in its lnnguagc as it is false ami iu
famuus in its teachings. Upon its announce
ment, the people of the Northern States were
asked to pass their judgment upon its truth
and correctness. The response may be found
in the votes of nearly a million and a half of
northern people, in favor of the election of
JobnC. Fremont, its ndvoeate and represen
tative; and 1 may add that the election of
Mr. Fremont upon tills doctrine was only
defeated by the personal popularity of Mr.
Buchanan in the State of Pennsylvania. In
that memorable canvass, the doctrines thus
announced by the Black Republican party
wore boldly and earnestly defended by tho
supporters of Fremont everywhere. If there
was any departure from tho standard of
priaciplesthus formally and officially erected,
it will be found in the more offensive and ex
treme doctrines of the men who advocated his
election, and spoke as by authority for tiie
party of which they were the most active and
efficient representatives. 1 will not weary
you with a tedious detail of their infamous
sentiments, to he found in the editorials and
speeches of almost every advocate of Fre
mont’s election in 1856. They are too
familiar to every causual reader of that re
markable canvass, and can never be forgotten.
If these doctrines and principles have ever
been disclaimed or repudiated, either by Mr.
Lincoln or any responsible man of his party,
I have seen or heard of it. Though they were
not repeated in the same language by the
Chicago convention, which nominated Lin
coln, they were virtually endorsed, with tlie
addition of a repudiation of the decision of
the Supreme Court in the Died Scott case,
as will appear in the extract below from the
platform of 1860, and have, both by Mr. Lin
coln and liis leading supporters, been defend
ed and elaborated in the. most emphatic
language, and with the most embittered
spirit.
“7. That the new dogma, that the Consti
tution, of its own force, carries slavery into
any or all the Tcrritoricsof the United States,
is a dangerous political Jheresy, at varicnce
with the explicit provisions of that instru
ment itself, with cotempornneous exposition,
and with legislative and judicial precedent; is
revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive
of the pence and harmony of the country.
8. That the normal condition of nil the ter
ritory of tlie United States is that offrecdom.
That as our republican fathers, when they
had abolished slavery in all our National ter
ritory, ordained that ‘No person should bo
deprived of life, liberty, or property without-;
due process of law,’ it becomes our duty, by
legislation, whenever such legislyjgK.is ne-,
cessary, to maintain this pruvyWHitjUM’
Constitution against all it;
an<l we deny the authority of
territorial legislature, or of any
to give legal existence to slavery in a Terri
tory of the United States.”
Can there be a doubt in tiny intelligent
mind, that the object which the Black Re
publican party has in view, is the ultimate
extinction of slavery in the United States ?
To doubt it, is to cast the imputation of liy
pocracy and imbecility upon the majority of
the people of every northern State, who have
stood by this party through all its trials and
struggles, to its ultimate triumph in the elec
tion of Lincoln. lam sure that no one can
entertain for them, individually or collec
tively, less personal respect than I do, and
yet I do give them credit for more sincerity
and intelligence than is consistent with the
idea that, on obtaining power, they will re
fuse to exercise it for the only purpose for
which they professed to seek it. Ido believe
that, with all their meanness and duplicity,
they do hate slavery and slaveholders quite
as much as they say they do, and that no ar
gument addressed to their lieart9 or judg
ments, in behalf of the constitutional rights
of the South would receive the slightest con
sideration. What might he effected by an
appeal to their fear and cupidity, 1 will not
now stop to discuss.
In the nomination of Mr. Lincoln for the
Presidency, the Black Republicans gave still
more pointed expression to their views and
foelings on the subject of slavery. Lincoln
had neither the record nor the reputation of
a statesman. Holding sentiments even more
odious than those of Seward, he was indebted
to the comparative obscurity of his position
j for a triumph over his better known competi-
I tor. By the boldness and ability with which
Mr. Seward had advocated the doctrines of
the “higher law” and “the irrepressible con
flict,” he had exhibited to the public a char
acter so infamous, that even Black Republi
cans would not hazard the use of his name.
To find a candidate of tiie same principles
and less notoriety was the great work to be
performed by the Chicago Convention. That
duty was successfully discharged in the se
lection and nomination of Mr. Lincoln.
He had placed on record his calm and sol
emn declarations on the subject of slavery,
sentiments which remaih to this hour without
retraction, or even modification, by himself.
In the pamphlet copy of Ills speeches, revised
by himself, and circulated throughout the
Presidential canvnss by his supporters, wo
find the following clear and unequivocal de
claration of his views and feelings on the
subject of slavery ;
“I did not even say that I desired that sla
very should be put in course of ultimate ex
tinction. Ido say so now, however ;so there
need be no longer any difficulty about that.
It may be written in the great speech.”
“/ have always hated slavery. I think, as
much as any Abolitionist. I have been an old
line Whig. I have always hated it; but I
have always been quiet about it until this
new era Os the introduction of the Nebraska
bill began. I always believed that everbody
was against it, and that it was in course of
ultimate extinction.”
“We arc now far intoiho fitfli year since a
policy was initiated with the avowed object
aud confident promise of putting an end to
slavery agitation. Unuer the operation of
that policy, that agitation has not only censed
but has constantly augumentod. In my opin
ion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have
been reached and passed. ‘A house divided I
against itself cannot stand.’ I bdlieve this
Government cannot endure permanently half
slave and half free. I do not expect this
Union to be dissolved ; Ido not expect this
house to fall; but Ido expect it will cease to
be divided; it will become all one thing or
all the other. Either the epponents of sla
very will arrest the further spread of it, and |
place it whore the public mind shall rest in
the belief that it is in the course of ultimate I
.. a
111. ■’ ■ Hn i , k, >
fjj. l 1 H
’ ■’
1 I\| <'■ 11” 1 w il’d ik
i prediction only; it may
have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did npt
even say that I desired that slaery should be
put in course of ultimate extinctio’n. I do.
now, however; so there need be no longed
any difficulty about that.”
“If I were in Congress, and a vote should
conic up on a question whether slavery should
bo prohibited in anew Territory, in spite of
the Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it
should.”
“What I do say is, that no man is good
enough to govern another man without the oth
er man’s consent. I say this is the leading
principle, the sueet anchor of American
Republicanism. Our Declaration of IndeMnd
ence says.
‘“Wo hold these truths to be self-evident,
—that all men are created equal; that they
arc endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights; that among these are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that
to secure these rights, governments arc insti
tuted among men, deriving their just power
from the consent of the governed.’
“I have quoted so much at this time to
show, that according to our ancient faith, the
powers of government are derived from the
consent of the governed. Now, the relation
of master and slave is, pro tanto, a violation of
this principle. The master not only governs
the slave without his consent, *riiut ha
governs him by a set of rules altogether dif
ferent from those which ho prescribes for
himself. Allow all the governed an equal
voice in the government; and that, and
that only is self-government.”*
Again, in a speech delivered in Chicago,
during the last Presidential election, which
wo find published in the Illinois State Journal,
the State organ of the Black Republican par
ty of Illinois, on the 16lh of September. 1856,
Mr. Lincoln said :
“That central idea, in our political opinion,
at. the beginning was, and until recently con
tinued to be, the equality of men. And, al
though it was always submitted patiently’ to,
whatever i [uality there seemed to be as a
matter of a lual necessity, its constant work
ing has been a steady progress toward the
PRACTICAL equality of all men.
“Let past differences as nothing be; and,
with steady eye on tho real issue, let us re
inaugernte the good old central ideas of the
Republic. We can do it. The human heart
is with us; God is with us. We shall again
be ablcj not to declare that all the States, as
States, are equal; nor yet that all citizens,
as citizens, are equal; but renew the broader,
better declaration, including both these and
much more, that all men are created equal.”
Vet again, in his speech at Chicago, on the
l()th of July, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said;
“I should like to know if, taking the old
Declaration of Independence, which declares
that all men arc equal upon principle, aud
making exceptions to it, where will it.atop ?
If onfcjunU says, it docs not mean a Xfnßs;
why .not another say, it. does, not
other man? .-If that declaration
truth, let us get the statute-book in
find it, and tear it out. [Cries of
Lit us stick to it, then ; let us stand urrittyby
it, then. * * * * Let us discard all this
quibbling about this man and tiie other man
—this race and that race and the othefcrace
being inferior, and therefore they mutt be
placed in an inferior position—di irdingthe
standard, that we have left us. J us discard
\ all these things, and un.t ■ ye one through
lout this land until we shall once more stand up
1 declaring that Air, men or eqvH&t*
i* * * * T leave you. hoplngVthat' the
lamp of liberty will burn in your oosomslSHß
there shall no longer be a doubt that all irteiF
are created free and equal.’’
In these declarations Mr. Lincoln has cov
ered the entire abolition platform—hatred of
slavery, disregard of judicial decisions, ne
gro equality, and, ns a matter of course, the
ultimate extinction of slavery. None of
these doctrines, however, are left to inference,
so far as Mr. Lincoln is concerned, as we sec
he has avowed them in the plainest and clear
est language. They are not exceeded by the
boldness of Seward, the malignity of Bid
dings, or the infamy of Garrison. It was the
knowledge of these facts which induced his
nomination by the Republican party; and
by ihe free circulation which has been given
to them in the canvass, it would seem that
Mr. Lincoln is indebted to their popularity
for his election. The insincerity of his dis-r
avowal of the doctrine of negro oquaUHti,
when pressed to the wall, after the
declarations 1 have quoted, is too
cut to require remark.
Such, tuon, are the sentiments and pjMra
files which an overwhelming
North have indorsed by their
mail who announced and defended tiie^^H
In this inquiry into the doctrines and pnlS*
ciples of the Black Republican party, we caiK;
not leave unnoticed the announcements wliiaffl
have been made to the country by their ablest*
recognised letter. Gladly would I turn from
the nauseating recital ; but to learn and ap
preciate the truth of ho case, we must look
to the whole record, however steeped in in
famy, or covered with falsehood. 1 affix to
these extracts the names of the Senators who
uttered them—names, I regret to say, too
familiar to all the readers of American po
lities.
“Thus, these antagonastie systems are con
tinually coming into closer contact, and col
lision results. Shall I tell you what this
collision means? They who think it. is ac
cidental, unnecessary, the wmk of interested
fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral,
mistake the case altogether. It is an irre
pressible conffict between opposing and en
during forces, aud it means that the United
States must and will, sooner or later, become
entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a
free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice
fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plan
tations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled
by free labor, and Charleston and New Or
leans become marts for legitimate merchan
dize alone, or else the rye fields and wheat
fields of Massachusetts and New York must
againbe surrendered by their farmers to slave,
culture, and to tiie production of slaves, audl
Boston and New York become once more a
market for trade in the bodies and souls of
men. It is the failure to apprehend this great
truth that induces so many unsuccessful
tempts at final compromise between the
and free States, and it is the existcuce of ths
great, fact that renders all such pretendeeP
compromise, when made, vain and ephmer
al ” — Mr. Seward.
“The interests of the white race demand
the ultimate emancipation of all men. Wheth
er that consummation shall be allowed to
take effect, with needful and wise precau
tions against sudden change and disaster, or
be hurried on by violence, is all that remains
for you to decide.”— Mr. Seward.
“Slavery can be limited to its proper
| bounds; it can be ameliorated. It can be, and
it must be abolished, and you and 1 can and
must do it. The task is as simple and easy as
its consummation will be benifieent, audits
rewards glowing. It only requires to follow
this simple rule of action : to do everywhere
and on every occasion what wc can, and not
to neglect or refuse to do what we can, at
any time, because at that precise time, aud oil
•From Howell's Life of Lincoln, page 279.
i that particular occasion, we cannot do more.
| Circumstances determine possibilities.”****
“Extend a cordial welcome to the fugitive
| who lays his weary limbs at your door, and
defend him as you would your paternal gods,
j “Correct your own error that slavery has
any Constitutional guarantees which may not
j be realised, and ought not to be replenished.”
| * * “Y*ou will soon bring tliMparties of
Dhe country into an effective aggrKsTon upon
H^very.”— Mr. Seward.
W“What a commentary upon the history of
man is the fact, that eighteen years after the
death of John Quincy Adams, the people have
for their standard-bearer Abraham Lincoln,
confessing tlic obligations of the Higher Law,
which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed, aud
contending, for weal or woe, for life or death,
in the Irrepressible Conflict between freedom
and slavery. ; I desire only to say that we are
in the last stage of the conflict, before the
great triumphal inauguration of this i olicy
into the Government of the United States.”
Mr. Seward. .
“In what I invoke, I cannot claim to.
have acted from consideration of
the colored people, as a separate and distinct
class in the community, but from the simple
conviction that all the individuals of that
class are members of the community, and, in
virtue of their manhood, entitled to every orig
inal right enjoyed by any other member. We
feel, therefore, that all legal distinction be
tween individuals of the same community,
founded in any such circumstances as color,
origin, and the like, are hostile to the genius
of our institutions, and incompatible with
the true theory of American liberty. Slave
ry and oppression must cease, or American
liberty must perish.
“In Massachusetts, and in most, if not. nil,
the New England States, the colored man and
t lie wliiio are absolutely equal before the
law.
“In New York, the colored man is restric
ted as to the right of suffrage by a property
qualification. In other respects the same
equality prevails.
“I embrace, with pleasure, this opportuni
ty of declarng my disapprobation of that clause
ot the Oostitution which denies to a portion
ol the people the right of suff rage.
“True Democracy makes no inquiry about
the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or
any other similar circumstance or condition.
1 regard, therefore, the exclusion of the col
ored people, as a body, from the elective
franchine, tvs incompatible with true Demo
cratic principles.”— Mr. Chase.
“For myself, 1 am ready to renew my
pledge, and I will venture to speak in behalf
of my co-workers, that we will go straight
on, without faltering or wavering; until every
vestige of oppression shall be erased from the
statute books—until tlic sun, in all its journey
from the utmost eastern horizon through the
mid-heaven, till he sinks behind the western
bed, shall not behold the foot-print of a single
slave in all our broad and glorious land.”—
Mr. Chase.
“Language is feeble to express all the
enormity of this institution, which is now
[vaunted as in itself a form of civilization,
ennobling, at least, to the master, if not the
Blave. Look at it in whatever light you will,
and it is nlwnys the scab, the canker, ‘the
bare bones,’ and the shame of the country;
wrong, not merely in the abstract, as it is
often admitted by its apologists, but wrong in
the concrete aIBO, and possessing no single
element Os at it in the light of
principle. Mid itxs nothing less than a huge
insurrection against the eternal law of Gu.l.
and also the dental-of that divine law in
which God; -MMilk manifest, thus 1m .:,:.
practically iilb grojM*tx lie and thogro
!ltfcbarOljjriH,,Originjdhtafbtir,ms in
riW*!w, I übAr'iin all its peeri n
i:arbarmis in tiie inatrwM|4S’ it enipb.;. ‘ :
hsrbarinis in consequences'; bin
spirit; barbarous kboVs itself. —
Slavery must breed barbarians, while it de
velops everywhere, alike in ihe individuals
and in the society of which ho forms a part,
the essential elements of barbarism.
“Violence, brutality, injustice, barbarism,
must be reproduced in the lives of all who
live within their fatal sphere. The meat
that is eaten by man enters into and becomes a
part of bis body; the madder which is eaten by
a dog changes bis bones to red ; and the
slavery on which men live, in all its five-fold
foulness, must become a part of themselves,
discoloring their very souls, blotting tlieir
characters, and breaking forth in moral le
prosy. This language is strong; but the evi
dence is even stronger. Some there may be
of happy natures, like honorable Senators,
who can thus feed and not be harmed. Mith
srWates fed on poison, and lived; and it may
he there is a moral Mitlu idatcs who canswal
1™ without bane the poison of slavery.
Mr. Sumner.
HB**Send it abroad on the wings of tiie wind
Hlmtlam committed,?fully committed, com-
Imittcdjto ‘ the fullest extent, in favor of im
jnediate and unconditional abolition of slave-
W, wherever it exists under (lie authority
the United States.
Mr. H'il.nm.
If all men lire created equal, no one can
rightfully acquire or hold dominion over, or
property in, another man, without liis con
sent. If all men are created equal, one man
cannot rightfully exact the service or tiie la
bor of another man without his consent. The
subjugation of one man to another by force,
so as to compel involuntary labor or service,
subverts that equality between the parties
which the Creator established.— Mr. Seward.
“All this is just and sound ; but assuming
the same premises, to Wit: that all men are
equal by the law of nature and of nations,
the right of property in slaves falls to the
ground; for one who is equal to the other,
cannot be the owner or property of that other.
Hut you answer that the Constitution recog
nizes property in slaves. It would be suffi
cient, then, to reply, that this constitutional
obligation must be void, because it is repug
nant to the law of nature aud of nations.”
Mr. Seward.
“It is written in the Constitution of the
United States, in violation of the divine law,
that we shall surrender the fugitive slave.
You blush not at these things, because they are
familiar as household words.”— Mr. Seward.
Itihe Supreme Court also can reverse its
■■■B|ttadudgjpiont more easMy than wc can
UMBQfIIW people to its usurpation.” * * *
“The people of the United Stales never can.
and they never will, accept principles so un
constitutional and so abhorrent. Never,
navwt-Let the court recede. Whether it
Lfl|iljHiyMpt>t, we shall reorganize the court,
•ntlifliMwjWbrm its political sentiments and
practices, and bring them into harmony with
the Cdnfttilution and the laws of nature.”
Mr. Seward.
Similar extracts from the same and other
equally high authorities might be produced to
an indefinite extent. I have confined myself
to Senators —men high in authority, and who
bring to the support of their doctrines un
questioned evidenec of the sanction and ap
proval of the people they represent. All of
these Senators linve been endorsed by re
election to the Senate, and by elevation to
other posts of honor and distinction. Some,
if not all of them, are indebted for tlieir po
sition and popularity to the very avowal upon
which I am commculi Jg. It is,worse than
doctrines, and that they are the extravagant
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ii ibe Biplliiil
■ .
nounced by those ciioscn to
In the other branch of Congcss, the lttacK
Republican representatives Hive gone even
farther than Senators, in theßabuse and de
nunciation, not only of of
slavery, but of slaveholdutfr No language
is deemed too harsh—nowpithet too course—
no denunciation too bitlir, in the estimation
of these men, to be applied to the people of
the South. The official record of Congress
is filled with the most inflammatory appeals,
not only to the people of the Norlh, but to
the slaves of the South, inciting insurrection,
stimulating revolts, encouraging arson and
murder, and denouncing sladehoiders as pi
rates and barbarians. I shall not stop to
make quotations from these speeches It is
only necessary to open any volume of the
Congressional Globe for the last few years,
and turn to the speech of any Illack Repub
lican on the subject of slavery, and you will
find ample evidence of the truth of the state
ment.
To such an extent has this habit, on the
part of menbers of Congccss, of abusing the
people of the South gone, that a citizen of
a Southern State cannot visit the Capitol of
his country, and linger for an hour in its
halls during the session of Congress, without
heaving language and epithets applied to
himself and section of the most offensive
and insulting character. The venerable men,
of all sections, who served in Congress
twenty-five and thirty years ago, listen to
these discussions or read them in the papers
with equal astonishment and mortification. I
will not pause to comment upon this state of
things, but will proceed with my inquiry into
the principles and objects of this party.
[to be continued.]
imperial Dotircs.
The undersigned, Commission
Merchants of Augusta, do hereby give notice that
from and after :his date wc shall each require
CASH ou delivery of all purchases under fifty
dollars ; and above that sum, approved Bankable
Paper will be required ou the delivery of the pur
chase.
J. A. ANSLEY & CO.,
stovall, mclaugiilin & co.,
CHARLES BAKER,
T. W. FLEMING & CO.,
J. C. & I). B. JONES,
R. J. BOWE & CO.,
F. WOODRUFF.
dccl2-d&w2w
WANTED.
Augusta & Savannah R. R., Dec.
sth, IB6o. — Wanted to hire, fifty able bodied
NEGRO MEN, to work on Road. Apply to
M. A. CONNER, Supervisor, or
W. C. JONES, Agent.
dcc6-tf
■
Charles G. Butler for Tax Collec
tor.—l offer myself to the citizens of Richmond
county for the office of Tax Collector at the ensu
elcction in January next.
dcc4-td* CHARLES G. BUTLER.
—=^
fi@" , RemOVal.-?? r begs to in
form his customers, and the public gcnorally, that
lie has removed from hie old store, opposite the Au
gusta Hotel, to the Store recently occupied by
O’DONOIIOE A WRAY’, a few doors above the
the Planter’s Hotel where he is now ready to fill
orders from his old customers, and all who may
favor him with their patronage.
His Stock consists of choice old Brandies,
Wines, Whiskeys, Ale, Cider, and Segars. The
Montebello Champagne Wine constantly kept on
hand. * THOMAS WHYTE.
Bcp29 ts
tsT Augusta A Savannah It it i 1 road •
—On and after WEDNESDAY’, October 3d, the
Evening Passenger train will leave Augusta at
at fifteen minutes past two I\ M.
oct2-tf W. C. JONES, Agent.
>•
tkif” Augusta & Savannah Railroad—
Augusta, Nov. 21st, 1860.—During the Fair at
Macon, commencing Dec. 3d, and ending Dec 22d,
Tickets, to go and return, for one fare, can bo
procured at this Office, as follows:
December Ist and sth, to return on 7th.
“ 10th’ “ 11th, “ “ “ 15th.
“ 17th “ “ “ 20th.
“ 20th “ “ “ 24th.
Articles for Exhibition will be charged regular
freight to Macon ; if not sold, will be returned free
to Station from whence shipped.
nov22-tf - W. C. JONES, Agent.
BfeS” We are authorized to announce
Dr. JAMES T. BARTON as a candidate for Tax
Collector of Richmond county, at the ensuing
election in January next. nov23-td
School—Mrs. Mountjoy will re-open her
school for boys and girls, on the first Monday in
October, her residence on Reynold*! street, be
tween Centre aud Elbert. septl6
66T Dutch Bulbous Roots in store
Hyacinths, forty choicest varieties; Tulips, fif
teen varieties; Gladiolus, four varieties; Cro
cus, seven varieties; Imperial, five varieties;
Lilies, four varieties; Narcissus, seven varieties,
etc., etc. Just received by
PLUMB & LEITNER,
oct2-tf 212 Broad street, Augusta, Ga.
BfeT- LOST.-A Gold Breast-Pin, (Ma
sonic,) with the letter M and tho Greek words
Alpha, Omega, engraved upon one sidVj, and a
name upon the other. The finder will be suita
bly rewarded by leaving it at this office.
nov2o ts
8©“ I notify all persons not to trade
for a Note given by mo to Messrs. Clemons,
Brown A Cos., for One Hundred and Eighty Dol
lurs. As tho consideration for which said Noto
was given has not been complied with, I do not
intend to pay it unless compelled by law.
n0v.30-2 A. A. SIMPKINS.
£K?- All Persons indebted tome, cith
er by note or account, will please call and settle,
us I wish to close up my old books, having formed
a co-partnership with John C. Chew, on the 10th
of last month. M. J. JONES. |
p oct4-tf
——
AST Goats! Goats!! Goats! I—After the
15th day of SEPTEMBER inst., the City Ordi
nance in relation to Goats running at large in the
streets of Augusta, will ba strictly enforced.
JOHN A. CHRISTIAN,
s epl-<Rf City Marshal. j
Btion.
H
s -.
Us'-t, H'JyP S lil 1 ■■- ‘ :! . -aid
■
thanks to the public for
the generous patronage Jextended to ns, aud so
licit a continuance of it to our successors.
JAMES V. KENNICKELL.
J. \V. TAYLOR.
M. J. DIVINE.
W. C. DILLON.
SAMUEL M. SMYTHE.
Augnsta, Ga., Dec. ltth, 1860.
CO-PARTNERSHIP.
The undersigned have purchased all right, title
and interest in and to the said establishment of
the True Democrat, and will continue its publica
tion as heretofore. WM. J. VASON.
W. C. DILLON.
SAMUEL M. SMYTHE.
Augusta, Ga., Dee. 14th, 1860.
United States Hotel,
BROAD STREET,
.A.TTGrtJJST.A., GtA.
MOSHRR & CREWS,
PROPRIETORS.
THIS large and long established HOTEL,.
having been thoroughly re-fitted and ro-far
nished this summor, is now prepared to satisfy all
the warfts oftho
reasonable terms. From its central position, int
the healthiest part of tho city, the United States
lias always enjoyed a large share of the public
patronage; aud the Proprietors ore determined to
spare neither pains nor expense fully to sustain it
ancient reputation as a first class Hotel.
THE undersigned, having disposed of his in
terest in the above Hotel to Mr. Thomas
Crews, returns his sincere thanks to the publie for
their liberal patronage, and recommends tho new
firm to their continued favor and patronage,
decll-tf JOSEPH ROSAMOND.
Meson Academy.
THE Trustees of MESON ACADEMY are
desirous of securing competent TEACHERS
for tho Female Department of said Academy for
the ensuing year. Applicants will address “B.
F* Hardeman, at Lexington, Oglethorpe county/*
The School will commence the first Monday in
January, 1861. B. F. HARDEMAN.
decS-lawtJl Chairman, Ac.
and Choronicle copy once
a week till Jan. 1, IS6I, and forward account to
B. F. Hardeman.
Important Notice.
THE patrons and Boarder of tho “Imperial
Lunch and Dining Saloon,” will bo furnished,
with Meals on Sundays until further notice. From
7tolo a. m., Breakfast ; from Ito3 r. m., Dinner;
and from 5 to 8, Supper.
decß-dtf JOHN BRIDGES, Agent
A FULL STOCK.
Wc are prepared to sell to the
trade generally Tow
following articles, towit:
Prime Clear SIDES;
Prime Ribbed SIDES;
Prime new packed SHOULDERS;
Prime Leaf LARD;
Prime Leaf LARD;
Prime Leaf LARD;
Prime Goshen BUTTER;
MACKEREL, of different grades,.
I’s, 2’s and 3’s;
Prime RYE;
Red ONIONS ;
M. R. RAISINS;*
M. R. RAISINS;
M. R. RAISINS;
FIGS, in Drams
Prime Winter APPLES ;
Primo Peach Blow POTATOES;
Dried PRUNES
Dried CURRANTS?
Smoked HALIBUT;
PirivfcdrilESitGNiSA;
White FISII,';
White FISH;
Scaled HERRINGS ;
Ne. 1 HERRINGS, Smokod;
Pickled SALMON;
Pickled CODFISH;
Prime large Dry CODFISH
Adamantine CANDLES;
Sterine CANDLES;
SUOAR CRACKERS;
Boston CRACKERS.
—Also for Sale—
Prime Eastern and Northern HAY.
—ALBO
Lime, Cement & Plaster,
Always on hand, in quantities to suit tho demands
of tho community.
R. J. BOWE & CO.,
GENERAL COM. MERCHANTS,
„„ 287 mtOAU STREET.
nov23
JOHN MILLEDGE, Jr., ~
ATTORNEY AT EAYV, will practice in
tho Counties of the Middle Circuit.
| Office No. 3 Warren Bltek. oot!2-ly