Newspaper Page Text
tastMnnalirt K JUpiMit.
JAMES GARDNER, JR., )
amd > Editors.
JAMES M. SMYTHE, )
[ From the N. O. Prirt Courrent , Ist insf.]
Cotton—Remarks.
#** *•*#*
The total receipts at this port since Ist Sept,
last,/rom nil tourer*, are 995,036 bales. This
amount includes 14,816 bales from Mobile and
Florida, and from Texas by tea: and this being
deducted our receipt* proper are shown to be 950,-
220 bales, in which are included 18,051 bales re
ceived direct from Montgomery, tec., Alabama.
This, then, would show an increase in our re
ceipt* proper, as compared with last year ujion
the same basis, of 152,833 bales. The total ex
ports since Ist September, are 997,158 bales, of
which 582,373 bales Were shipped to Great
Biitam, 130,362 to Fiance, 131,906 to the North
and South of Europe, Mexico, Ac., and 152,817
to United States (wits. On a comparison of the
exports with those of last year, there would ap
pear to be an increase of 185,628 bales to Great
Britain, 12,919 to France, 21,760 to the North
ami South of Europe. Mexico, &c., while to
United States ports, tnere is a decrease of 61,026
liales. The total receipts at ull the Atlantic and
Gidf port*, up to the latest dates received—as
shown by our General Cotton Table—are 2,331,-
464 bales, and the crop, when made up by the
New York Shipping List, will probably not vary
much from 2,350,000 bales.
We have thus rapidly sketched the course ol
the market during a season of extraordinary
vicissitudes, and such an one as we hope never
to witness again. In glancing at the peculiari
ties of the season.it may be safely remarked that
its prominent feature (and, as the sequel has pro
ven, its prominent error) has been an under esti
mate of the production.JTlns, as we have already
intimated, led to the opening of the market at
unfortunately high prices, wriich, under specu
lative action, were subsequently carried to a
higher point than they have reached since 1839.
These under estimates were to a greater or less
extent general,and we think it may salely be
asserted that a majority placed the crop at
or under 2,200,000 bales, while the bulk of the
business, during the first six or seven months of
the season, was done upon a basis of 2,100,000 to
2,150,000 bales. The estimates of very few par
ties were beyond what the actual crop is likely
to be, and these were looked upon as so extrav
agant that their opinions provoked discussion
and animadversion to a degree that has given
them wide-spread notoriety. And thus is ad
ded another to the many examples of the fallacy
of early estimates of a crop whose culture oc
cupies so broad an extent of country, embrac
ing nearly every variety of soil and climate, and
requiring many months to determine definitely
the result. The error has been followed by most
disastrous consequences, but that those who fell
into it (and they embrace planters, factors and
purchasers,) were honest in their opinions, their
own losses should betaken to demonstrate.
in viewing the causes of this astonishing re
action the leading ones, of course, are the under
estimates of the crop, and the consequent eleva
tion of prices to what has proved to have been
an extravagant point. But as a collateral one,
growing out of these, we may mention that the
o'ire or partial stoppage of nianiyofour home
mills, owing to the nigh prices of the raw mate
rial, and excessive stocks of manufactured ar
ticles on hand, threw an undue portion of the
supply upon the European markets. Thus Great
Britiuu alone has not only taken the whole excess
of our receipts over those of last year,but near
ly 100,000 bales more,that .with moderate prides,
would have been consumed in the United States.
To Great Britain, therefore, the crop has been
equal to one of about 2,150,000 bales, while at
t he same time there has been a material increase
in her imports from Brazil, Egypl and the East
Indies. And besides this ample present supply,
large estimates of our coming crop are imluged,
which have had a marked influence in the
depression of prices. Thus, once more the spin
ners gained the ascendancy, and for weeks panic,
which loses sight of the laws of supply and de
mand, seemed to reign in the Liveri>ool market.
It is gratifying, however, to observe that not
withstanding the prevalence of comparatively
high prices during a great portion of the first six
months of the current year, the amount taken
lor consumption in Great Britain slightly ex
ceeds the amount taken tortile same purpose du
ring a similar period last year: and by the last
accounts the weekly average had reached 33,000
bales; the highest ratio of consumption yet at
tained in the history of the Cotton manufacture.
The following table exhibits the im|Hirts,delivery
stock, Ac., in the whole of Great Britain, for the
first six months, ended on the 30th June last, and
a comparison with the same |ieriod in 1850.
1851. 1850.
Slack Ist Jan halos 531.130 558,390
import six mouths 1.150.500 940,802
1,677,030 1,499,252
I’sports six months.. 95.300 119,800
Consumption 770,120 —871,420 770.952 —890,752
Stock 30tli June 806,300 008,500
Weekly average taken for 1
consumption, j . . .24,851 29,052
In France, also and other European countries,
the deliveries for consumption exceed those of
last year, the United '■Hates being the only point
where a decrease is shown.
In respect to the growing crop, which is now
a matter of marked interest, we propose to sketch
briefly its progress and present prospects, leav
ing to others the indulgence in estimates, which
the past season, among many that have preceded
it, lias shown to lie attended with very serious
consequences. It is understood that there was
considerable increase in the breadth ol land
planted, but an unusually cold and backward
spring retarded the growth of the plant, and it
hail made comparatively little progress up to the
early part of May, when a favorable change in
the character of the weather gave an impulse to
vegetation. Fr< m this time to the first of.ltily,
the accounts from the country, with some ex
ceptions, were favorable, though troin the up
lands there was some complaint of alack of suf
ficient rain. The plant generally, however,
though small, was said to look healthy, and to
give good promise; besides which the crops
were unusually “clean,’’ the very lack of rain
complained of having favored cultivation by pre
venting any excessive growth of grass and
weeds. But now very serious complaints began
to reach us from the uplands, of the long contin
uance of the drought ; and as week succeeded
week without any rain, exceptj an occasional
shower, in partial neighborhoods, these tom
plains were reiterated, and became more general,
accompanied by representations that the very fair
prospects which the crops presented up to about
the first July, were blasted to an important ex
tent, aud that no subsequent combination ot cir
cumstances could fully recover them. For some
weeks past, however, showers have been fre
quent, particularly in this immediate neighbor
hood. and in some parts of the interior heavy
rains are reported, which coming at so tate a pe
riod, are said to have been rather prejudicial to
the crops. The bottom lands are generally ad
mitted to give excellent promise, but so many
contingences may yet arise, favorable or adverse,
that calculation of the result would be mere
conjecture. We make no estimates, but we will
record it as our impression that, while the errors
oi last year was an under-estimate of the crop,
the errors ol the coming one is likely to be in
the opposite direction.
With regard to the market prospects for the
coming cron, we think they may be said to be
fair for ready sales at moderate prices. i n Great
Britain, particularly, all the leading elements of
an active and prosperous trade would seem to be
in combination, viz—low stocks of goods, and of
raw material, in the hands of the manufacturers
cheap food, abundance of money, and the world
at peace. Already the ratio of consumption is !
greater than ever before attained, and even a fur-1
ther increase is not improbable. In our own
country, too, there will soon, doubtless, be re
newed activity, as the stocks of goods, which
for along time have been excessive, are much
reduced, and the manufacturers are understood to
lie without any considerable stocks of the raw
material. Altogether the prospects would seem
to be favorable lor fair returns to the planter,
even with a large crop, and the chances are that
the relation of consumption to supply will be
such as to leave the leading markets without ex
cessive stocks at the close of the season.
The first bale of the new crop was received
here on the 25th July, being seventeen days
earlier than the first receipt of last year, and the
total recepts of new crop up to this (late are 3155
liales, against 67 bales last year. Os this quanti
ty there have been sales reported to the extent
of about 2400 bales, at a t ange of 8 a 8 { cents for
Middling and 81 a 0 cents for Good Middling to
MiddlingfFair, and the market closes with a
total stock, including all on shipboard not clear
ed, of 11.890 bales, of which aliout 11,000 bales
are in factors’ hands, embracing some 10,000
•bales of old crop, held under limits.
Sugar. —At the date of our last annual report
the prospect was considered fair for a full aver
age yield, as the weather for some three months
previous had been of a remarkably favorable
character for promoting the growth of the cane.
Subsequently, however, the character of the
season proveed un propitious, an extraordinary
period of drought having ensued, which preven
ted the cane trom yielding juice freely, and also
delayed the grinding, from the lack of water for
working the steam engines. Thus the frost of
the middle of November found an unusually large
proportion of the crop exposed and the two cau
ses above noted, combined with damage from
overflows, led to a material reduction in the ex
pected product. According to the statement of
Mr. P. A. Chainpomier the crop of 1850-51
amounted to 211,203 hogsheads, weighing 231,-
191,000 pounds. Os this quantity 181,372 hogs
heads are stated to be brown Sugar, made by the
old process, and 26,831 hogsheads refined, clari
fied, &c., including cistern bottoms; and the
whole is the product of 1495 sugar houses, of
which 907 have steam and 588 have horse pow
er. The falling off in the crop, as compared
with that of the previous year, is 26,720 hogs
heads, or 38,375 ; 000 pounds.
The stock estimated to be on hand at the close
of last year was 2000 hogsheads, and this quan
tity being added to the crop, as above stated,
makes a supply, in round numbers, of 213,000
hogsheads. As nearly as can be ascertained the
distribution of the supply has been as follows;
shipments out of the State, by sea, (including
an estimate of 10,000 hogsheads for the exjiort.s
from Attakapas) 07,000 hogsheads; consumption
of the city and neighborhood 15,000 hogsheads;
taken for refining in the city and State, including
cistern bottoms, 15,000 hogsheads; stock now on
hand in the State, estimated at 2200 hogsheads:
leaving as the quantity taken for the West 123,-
800 hogsheads. The quantity shipped|lo Atlan
tic ports is about 45,000 hogsheads, against 90,-
000 last year.
The first receipt of the new crop was two
hogsheads on the 17th October; one week later
than the first receipt of the previous year. The
two hogsheads were of good grain, hut of course
were not well drained, and they were sold at
G cents per lb. Subsequently supplies came for
ward slowly, aud it was not until the latter part
of the month that the business assumed any con
siderable importance. The course of the market
will be best indicated by the following table,
which shows the highest and the lowest point
in each month for Pair Sugar on the levee.
HIGHEST. LOWEST.
Octobor cents per 1b...6 nfif 5 jas,l
November 5)a52 4jas
Decombor : 6 »5J 4 Jiw
January sjasJ 4;’as
February 5 aftjj 4(a. r iJ .
March 4Jasj 4|af>
April sJii. r >! 4JnSJ
May., sj)asJ 51a5jj
June ,‘..sjaC * 6)a5J
July 5Ja6 s^asl
August 0 J art i s’ati
It will thus be seen that the market has not been
subjected to any violent fluctuations throughout
the season, but on the contrary, that il has gene
rally been characterized by great steadiness,
while the average prices has been considerably
above that of last year. The transactions on
plantation have, to a great extent, been on pri
vate terms, though we obtained particulars of the
sales of quite a number of crop, as they occurred,
and we find by our records, that the ruling rates
in January and February were 41 a 54, in March
1} a SJ. in April 5 a SJ, in May 5J a 5?, arid in
June, when nearly all hud passed out of planters’
hands, 5 7-16 aSJ cents per lb. The deficiency
in the Louisiana crop has led to increased im
ports of foreign Sugars, and thus we have from
Cuba 451 hhds., and 39,293 bpxes, against 397
hhds., and 18,813 boxes last year. We have also
an import from Brazil of 1331 boxes of ISOO lbs.
each; the first ever received at this port, but to
he followed, we understand, by several other car
goes. Besides the Louisiana crop there were
produced last year in Texas about' 6000, and in
Florida about 1500 hhds.
With respect to the growing crop, we have
hut a few remarks to offer, it being too early in
the season to arrive at any thing definite regard
ing its probable extent. It is understood that
the severe frosts of November last, cut short the
supply of plant cane, and thus somewhat cir
cumscribed the cultivation, while the cold spring,
and the subsequent long drought, were unfavora
ble to the progress of the plant, particularly in
the upper parishes. Within the past tew weeks,
however, frequent showers of rain have fallen,
and the crop in most sections are said to present
a marked improvement. The result, however,
cannot be determined for many weeks to come,
and we shall close these remarks by referring to
the annexed table, which gives the product of
each year since 1828.
Crop of 1850. 211.203 hhds. Crop of 1539. 115.000 lilt,ls.
“ 1849.-247.923 '• '• 1838. 70.000 ••
“ 1848. 220.000 *• “ 1837. 65.000 ■*
'• 1847 . 240.000 “ » 1830. 70.000 «
" 1846. 140.000 “ “ 1835, 30.000 “
" 1845. 186.050 “ “ 1834, 100.000 “
“ 1844. 200.000 '• 18143, 75,000 *•
“ 1843. 100.000 11 '• 1832. 70.000 -
“ 1*42, 140.000 “ '• 1829. 48,000 «
“ 1841, 90,000 “ “ 1828, SS.OOO «
“ 1840. 87,000 «-
From the best available data, it would appear
that, (estimating the product of maple Sugar at
50 millions) the present consumption of the Uni
ted States is about 550 millions of pounds—equal
to 25 pounds for each, individual of our popula
tion. Os this quantity, Louisiana and Texas,
with their present extent of cultivation, and an
average product, can furnish fully 300 millions
pounds. Besides the Sugar, there were imported
into the United State, in 1549—50. from foreign
countries, 25 millions gallons Molasses, and the
product of Louisiana for the same season was 12
millions gallons.
Molasses.—According to the statement of Mr.
P. A. Chainpomier, the product of Molasses from
the last cane crop, estimating 50 gallons for every
1000 pounds of Sugar, was 10.500,000 gallons, or
1,500,000 gallons less than the product of the pre
vious year. This deficient supply has been pro
ductive of a higher average of prices than has
been attained for several years past, as will be'
seen by the following table, which exhibits the
highest and lowest point in each month, for sales
on the levee, in barrels:
HIGHEST. LOWEST.
October cents per ga1..33 a35 20'a27
November 27 a2B 24 a24'
Docoraber .24ja24j 23 a24
January 20 a24f 18 a234
February 23 a27J 17 a24
March >.25a30 23 a274
April 25 a33 22 a.'itH
May 26 a35 25 a32
June 25 a32 25 a3O
July : 22 a3O 20 a2B
August 22 a32 22 a3O
PEACH BRANDY 23 YEARS OLD.
ONE bbl. of old Peach Brandy, distilled in 1828,
by Joel Hurt, of Oglethorpe Co., Ga. Just
received and for sale by
i aug 29 A. STEVENS.
EXTRACT .
From the speech of Mr. Hunter of Va., delivered ]
in the U. S. Senate, July 18, 1850.
We of the South believe that the Mexican law
was repealed by the acquisition of the ter
ritory ; but if we had believed that the threats j
and declarations of the supremacy of the Mexi- '
can law, made by so many distinguished jurists,
would operate to prevent the holders of slaves—
and all property holders are timid—from going ;
with their property into the newly-acquired
Territories, under the apprehension in the un
settled state of the question, that they would
thereby hazard their property—l say if southern !
men had seen that such would be the effect, I
am inclined to think they would certainly have
demanded a declaratory act, saying that the
Mexican law was not in force. And they
would have done so strictly in accordance with
the pinciple of non-intervention, as I understand
that principle, and in the only sense in which I
can accord and accede to it. That doctrine, if 1
understand it, is one which proposes to leave the
question of slavery or no slavery in the Territo
ries to be determined by soil and climate; leaving
it to nature w'hile they exist as Territories, and
to the people when they come in as States, to
determine the character of their institutions in
this respect. That I understand to be the non
intervention principle. Well, if soil and climate
are to decide, then it follows that Congress can
not interfere by legislation to establish or pro
hibit it. Not only the legislation of Congress
cannot do that, but the Mexican legislation cou
not do it, because, if the Mexican law interven
ed, the question would l>e determined by it, and
not by soil and climate. This was the doctrine
of non-intervention proposed in the Clayton
compromise bill, which neither established nor
prohibited slavery, but clearly implied a duty, as
I nave endeavored to show, on the part of the
territorial government, to protect such property,
if decided by the courts to exist. I know it is
said, that in maintaining the obligation to pro
tect property you admit the right to destroy it.
But 1 utterly repudiate and deny such a conclu
sion. On the contrary, the establishment of this
proposition would lead to the very opposite in
ference. Who does not see.that il I establish the
obligation of the Government to protect my
property, I deny its right to destroy and confis
cate it? So far from admitting the right to de
stroy, I deny it in the strongest possible form,
when I show its obligation to protect it. My
State government is bound to protect my litrerty,
and when 1 show that, do I admit that it can
enslave me without cause? It is bound also to
protect my property, and when I show that, do 1
admit that it can sieze and confiscate my proper
ty without compensation to me for it. The
United States Government is bound to protect
the property in the slave on the high seas under
the United States flag; and in asserting that duty
oir its part, do I admit it has a right to confiscate
such property without cause? And so, in rny
opinion, it is bound to protect it iu the Territo
ries, as much as on the high seas on shipboard,
and under the American flag.
Extract from the speech of Mr. Davis 'of Miss., of
same date.
I was confident then, and am confident now’,
that I stood upon true ground. But is it aban
doning this ground that l should refer to these
opposite opinions of the most eminent jurists of
the land as a motive for legislation—as a reason
why no men would hazard his property whilst
this threatening cloud hung over his rights ' Is
it an abandonment of this opinion that I should
insist that Congress should remove the obstruc
tions which were considered insurmountable
obstacles by some of the best lawyers in the
Senate, and which, if they exist, interfere with
—yes, sir, deny to us the exercise of—our con
stitutional rights l This was no new opinion
with me, nor is it peculiar to this place, or to the
persons named.
I was glad to hear my colleague say that be
would stand by every position that our State has
taken,as this may bring us into the conjunction
l desire. Our Legislature have passed two series
of resolutions—one presented to the Senate by
my colleague, and one by myself. From the
first one of them 1 will read to establish that this
ground of opposition to the prominent feature ot
this bill bus an origin more commanding than
that which has been assigned. Our Legislature
passed a series of resolutions, approved March (i,
1K.'.1), from which I will read the following:
“He it further resolved , That it is the duty of
the Congress of the United State to provide ter
ritorial organization and government for all the
Territories acquired by the comtnoit blood and
treasure of the citizens of the several States, and
to provide the means of enforcing in said Terri
tories the guarantees of the Constitution of the
United States in reference to the property of
citizens of any of the States removing to any of
said Territories with the same, without distinc
tion or limitation.”
That, sir, is what we claim, here and now.
We claim that the Federal Government shall
provide the means of enforcing our constitutional
rights, of protecting us in our property, as guar
antied by the Constitutidh, within those Terri
tories to which the States have surrendered the
control to the central Government. This is not
begging the Federal Government to come to
the protection of the States. This is not in
viting the Federal Government to infringe the
limits of sovereign States: but demanding that
she should perform those functions which have
been confided to her in regions from which the
States have withdrawn their right of control. 1
have heretofore answered the position of my
colleague that there is something humiliating iu
this. 1 will not repeat what I have said—will
nos weary the Senate by a thrice-told tale.
The resolutions which my colleague presented
equally uphold the same position. They were
approved upon the same day, but are a different
series,and refer to the question before us. After
referring to California and the government for
New Mexico, the resolutions go on to say:
“Resolved . That the exercise by the Govern
ment of the United States of a silent and passive
jurisdiction over the Territory of California, in
consequence of the failure by Congress to pro
vide laws for the government of said Territory,
and for the equal ami indiscriminate protection
of all the citizens of the United States removing
to said Territory with their property, is in the
highest degree unjust towards the people of the
slaveholding States, ,by deterring them from
going to said Territory with their slaves, ami is
calculated, and is intended, to deprive them, of
an equal participation in the common property
of the people of all the States.
“ Resolved , That the policy heretofore pursued
by the Government of the United States in re
gal'd to said Territory, in refusing to provide
territorial governments therefor, lias been and
is eminently calculated to promote, and is about
to eflect indirectly the cherished object of the
Abolitionists, which cannot be accomplished by
direct Legislation, without a plain and palpable
violation of the Constitution of the United
States.”
Here is a complaint of the Federal Govern
ment that it does not give the protection due,
and that it avoids a plain and palpable violation
of the Constitution of the United States, that it
may effect the'same purpose by indirect means,
lliat has been the burden of the argument of
those who have acted with me against this bill
and that has been the main ground against the
admission ot California. Having been thus de
prived of equality of enjoyment in the Territory,
it is now proposed permanently to exclude us by
admitting it as a State with a' constitution that
was framed to answer the views of an anti
slavery Congress; and which was neither form
ed nor adopted by the majority of the inhabi
tants of that Territory. This is the position of
our State, and 1 think that it has fairly and fully
maintained the position those with whom I am
connected here, have taken upon this subject. I
have too humble an opinion of my own judg
ment to have any great pride of consistency.
If convinced of error, I hope that I would at any
momentjehange. But I must ask that gentlemen
will wait till 1 do change before they attach to
me the charge of inconsistency. I man tain
now, as I have always maintained, that the con
stitution gives us a right to go there with any
kind of property, and I ask the Federal Govern
ment to provide the necessary means to secure
the enjoyment of that right.
Extrait from the specchof Mr. Berrien, of Ga.,
delivered in the U. S. Sena/e, July 23, 1850.
Mr. Berrien. Mr. President, lam unable to
to consider, I wish I had the power to do so,
that this is a bill of non-intervention, when in
regard to the most important portion of this ter
ritory—that of California—the people of one
portion of this Union are excluded by an act
which can only receive force and validity from
the action of Congress. I apprehend that to be
intervention, direct and practical. There is also
the further intervention that was suggested by
the Senator from Kentucky. [Mr. Underwood,]
who sits near me. But, sir, retaining the opin
ion, which I have expressed, and endeavored
heretofore to sustain, that the laws of Mexico
on this subject are not in force, there is, never
theless, an improtant reason why the amendment
ofithe Senator from Mississippi [Mr. Davis,]
should be adopted, which I commend to the re
flection of the other Senator from Mississippi,
[Mr. Foote,] and it is this: There are, as he
well knows, discordant opinions upon the ques
tion of the validity of the Mexican laws. He
entertains, and I entertain, a very strong opinion
upon that subject, but persons whose opinions
have equally and probably greater influence,
entertain the opposite opinion. The pratical re
sult of this diversity of opinion is, that southern
men, with their particular species of property,
are as effectually excluded from this Territory
as if the Mexican laws were existing and in
force, from the doubt which overhangs the sub
ject, and the unwillingness of persons passing
with this species of property into these Territo
ries to subject themselves to a litigation by
which they might be divested of their property.
The Senator from Mississippi will recollect "the
glorious uncertainty” of the profession of which
he and I are members. The ‘ glorious uncer
tainty'- of the law have passed into a by-word,
not because there is an infinite variety in the
interpretations of the law. The uncertainty
which hangs over this subject, I say, operates as
effectually against the rights of persons holding
this species of property, emigrating to these Ter
ritories, as if the Mexican law’s were decided to
be valid, or in force. The amendment of the
Senator from Mississippi is in fact a mere declar
atory act on the part of Congress, for the purpose
of removing these doubts and difficulties, and en
abling persons holding this species of property to
exercise their rights, without having suspended
over them the dread of litigation. It is in that
view; although the Senator from Mississippi
[Mr. Foote] and myself agree perfectly as to the
principle of the operation or non-operation of
the Mexican laws, that I support this amend
ment; and I submit to him that it removes all
the difficulty—difficulty occasioned, not by the
existence or force of the Mexican laws, but by
the doubts. A declaratory act on the part of
Congress removes that difficulty. It does not
intervene by any [lossible legislation in regard to
the subject of slavery. It exercises the right of
a conquering country to modify, repeal or de
clare null the laws of a conquered country, and
iu that I would hope that the amendment of the
Senator from Mississippi will find acceptance
with the Senate. And I urge it more especial
ly from the consideration that this is a bill of
compromise. It was proposed in that spirit, it is
advocated in that spirit. Certainly, if gentle
men wish to conciliate those who may have had
doubts in regard to the provisions of this bill,
they will pot refuse a mere declaratory act.
which will relieve this question from the doubt
which overhangs it, and which as effectually
denies access to these Territories as if there were
a positive inhibition to enter them with slave
property. If gentlemen's object really be com
promise, if they want accommodation, if it is
their purpose to allay the excitement which has
existed in this country, I ask that they will de
monstrate it by acquiescing in a proposition
which will be purely declaratory, to remove the
difficulties which prevent one portion of the pop
ulation of the Union from emigrating into these
Territories.
I Telegraphed for the Baltimore S«».]
Further per Steamer America.
Halifax. Sept. 3.
The steamer America arrived this morning
with dates to August 21th.
Markets. —The common and middling grades
of Cotton have advanced during the week fully
|d., and the better qualities Jd. The quotations
are Fair Orleans 5Jd.. Mobile s>.d. The sales of
the week have lieen 08,000 bales, of which
speculators took 0,000 and exjxirtors 1 1.000
bales. The market on Saturday closes! firm
with sales of 8,000 bales.
Baknsxi ffs. —The prospect of an abundant
harvest has greatly depressed Breadstuff's. Flour
has declined Od. and Wheat 2d. Corn is 6d.
better. e*
Trade in the manufacturing districts is im
proving. Spinners are fully employed.
Money is in more demand at unchanged rates.
Consols lor money 96j to !HiJ.
The Havre Cotton market is inactive. Sales
ot the w eek 53,000 bales. Sales on Monday up
tojtwoyclock 2000 bales. Tie OrdinairejOi leans
The challenge of the yacht America to sail
against all English vessels was not accepted.
The regatta came off on Friday, and she easily
beat the eighteen yachets which ran against her.
The general news is devoid of interest.
Additional per America.
Halifax, Sept. 3d—o P. M.
Markets.— Hollingsheads & Felty's circular
sajrs that Cotton is in good demand at advancing
prices. Fair and superior qualities have ad
vanced id., and middling and common id. The
quotations are Middling Upland lid.; Fair do.
s id.; Middling Orleans and Mobile s}d.
Money.— Consols closed at 9Gj a 965. U. S.
Stocks are inactive. Penn’a G's 81 a 82, others
unchanged.
England.— The Queen designed leaving for
Scotland on the 27th. Her Majesty having ex
pressed a desire to have a certain road in St.
Pancros Parish for her to pass over, the vestry of
the Palish coolly informed her that the road
would be closed on the day named, and conse
quently she could not pass over it. The affair
had excited considerable merriment and vexa
tion.
The proposed meeting of the Catholics of the
United Kingdom, in opposition to the Papal Ag
gression Act, was held in Dublin on Tuesday.
There was much excitement, and some violence
occurred. •
At the yacht race on the 22d, the America
was the last to get away from her moorings, but
soon passed her eighteen competitors, and reach
ed the winning station 25 minutes ahead of the
Volante. the best English yacht. The race was
very brilliant, and the grandest day ever seen at
Cowes. The throng of spectators w’as immense.
The America’s match with the Zitauia will take
place about the 2ffth.
The Great Exhibition was growing less at
tractive. 9nd the receipts had amounted to 2000
pounds per day.
The question of establishing a packet station
in Ireland w’as still discussed,' and large meet
ings had been held in Dublin and elsewhere in
favor of the project.
France:— The opinion gains ground that
Prince de Joinville will be a candidate for the
Presidency. The President has abandoned his
tour on account of some trifling disturbances in
the provinces, which demanded his attention.
Spain.—\V T e hear nothing but the old story of
a ministerial crisis.
Halifax, Sept. 3d. — The America sailed to
day at 8 o’clock, and is due in Boston to-morrow
afternoon.
Our election resulted in the success of the
Liberals, Who have 9 majority in the Assembly,
which is considered favorable to the construction
of the Canada and Portland Railroad,
AUGUSTA, GA.
SUNDAY MORNING, SEPT. 7.
For Governor.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
For Congress—Eighth District,
ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert.
THE LARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STATE.
Can the Spell of Delnsion be Broken ?—Constitu
tional Union Panorama.
We announced yesterday that we should bring
into view, this morning, the first scenes of our
Panorama of the Constitutional Union Party.
In the first place, for what purpose has that par
ty been formed ? Ostensibly to save the Union.
Mr. Toombs said, in the spring of 1850—
“ This cry of Union is the masked battery from
which the Constitution and the rights of the
South are to be assailed.”
11 Let the South mark the man who is for the
Union at every hazard, and to the last extremity.
When the day of her peril comes, he will be the
imitator of the historical character, the base Ju
dean, who, for thirty pieces of silver, threw
away a pearl richer than all bis tribe.”
Notwithstanding this declaration then, Mr.
Toombs, at this time, has no visions of eternal
beauty but those which cluster around the Ame
rican Union ; and there is no music so sweet to
his ear as this “ cry of Union!” Union! Union!
“ at every hazard and "to the last extremity!”
The object of the formation of the Constitu
tional Union party is to accomplish a closer and
more perfect union of the North and the South—
in other words, to maintain a more intimate and
stricter alliance with those who, in the words of
Mr. Toombs, a few months ago, showed a fixed
purpose to destroy the political rights of the
South—to put her institution under the ban of the
empire, by excluding her citizens from an equal
participation in the common benefits of the .Re
public, and thereby to bring the powers of the
government in direct hostility to their property.
This Constitutional Union party professes to
be governed by motives so pure and disinterested,
that vanity, though marked upon nearly every
sublunary object and aim, cannot be found paint
ed upon its escutcheon. It wants not office for
itself, though it is struggling sos power and place
with an energy seldom equalled and never ex
celled. No, it has no use for [lower, or
only as it may enable it to give peace and per
"petuity to the Union !!
Charity begins at The Union is divi
ded into two great geographical divisions upon
the subject of slavery. One section, now nu
merically the strongest, has sworn eternal hos
tility to the institution of slavery. Not long
since, a deadly contest threatened to burst into
fire and flame between the North and the South.
Northern fanaticism shot Girth the red lightnings
of its hate, ami the South, though distracted by
divisions, exhibited some degree of indignation
and resistance. Under these circumstances, a
series of measures, termed a Compromise, have
been adopted by the National Legislature, The
Southern Rights party contend that the South
has not received justice by this miscalled Com
promise. The Constitutional Union party, with
Mr. Cobb at its head, says that it is fair, liberal
and just.
Among the chiefs of this latter party is a man
of fame, long renowned in statesmanship and
eloquence. There is nothing in the melody of
song, or the fragrant flowers of rhetoric, that the
Constitutional Union party has not brought and
placed upon its altar, to do him honor. A crown
of glory is placed upon his head, and Henry
Clay, iu the sunset of his life, is covered over
with golden clouds, ami promised an immortality
which shall bloom in |ierpetual freshness and
beauty. Let him pass, then, in panoramic exhi
bition. Look, people of Georgia, men of the
South, upon his moving picture. He is linked
with the Constitutional Union part)’. He is the 1
architect who built up the great Compromise*
structure. He is the enchanter, and our political
opponents here are under his potent spell. Ob
serve closely, as the canvass moves, and'decide
for yourselvas whether he should be an object of
your political worship.
Mr. Clay, iu a speech in 1827, (and he~has
never retracted the sentiment.) used the follow
ing language in reference to the institution of
slavery:
“ If I could be instrumental in eradicating this
deepest stain upon the character of our country,
and rembving all cause of reproach on account of
it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instru
mental in ridding of this foul blot, that revered
State that gave me birth, or that not less loved
State which kindly adopted me as her son, I
would not exchange the proud satisfaction which
I should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs
ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.”
Thousands who knew that Mr. Clay was op
posed to sla.’ery in the abstract, trusting to his
greatness of soul ami his love of justice,, believed
that the South could rely upon him, especially as
he was Southern born, and was the owner of a
considerable number of slaves. They believed
that he wouhl stand by the Missouri Compro
mise to the last, as some of the brightest sun
light of his fame was reflected from his Connec
tion with that celebrated measure.
As we can present only some of the promi
nent views, we now pass over nearly twenty
two years, and submit the following extracts
from a letter of Mr, Clay’s to a Free Soil Con
vention, held at Cleveland, Ohio, in 18-19:
“ I concur entirely in opinion as to the teisdom
of that great measure, (the WUmot Proviso,) and
I am glad that it has secured to the States on
which it operates, an exemption from the evils of
slavery.
“No one ran be more opposed than I am to
the extension of slavery into those new territories,
either by the authority of Congress, or by indi
vidual enterprize.”
Here is exhibited the hostility to the institu
tion of slavery which Mr. Clay manifested with
so much bitterness in 1827.
Floating along the stream of time, we come to
Mr. Clay standing in the Senate Chamber of the
United States, and uttering the following lan
guage. It will be found in his speech of July
2'2d, 1850, on page 1415, of the Appendix to the
Congressional Globe for that session.
These remarks were addressed to Mr. Hale, of
New Hampshire, to induce him to vote for the
Compromise measures. Here they are: —
“The honorable Senator talks about the sacri
fice of Northern rights and power; what rights
are sacrificed in this measure ? Let him reply.
What rights are sacrificed ? what concessions of
power and authority is made by the North in
this measure ? Is it in the high degree of pro
bability that all the newly acquired territories '
will ultimately be dedicated to the cause of Free
Soil, without the Wilmot Proviso ? Do they hug i
that precious Wilmot so to their bosoms that
nothing but that will do—that no other obsta
cles, no other preventives to the introduction of
slavery in the territories will satisfy them, but
Wilmot, Wilmot. Wilmot ? Is that a sacrifice '
To what power is the sacrifice made here ? Are
they not satisfied with even' REAL SECURI
TY FOR THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF
THEIR WISHES? or do they require to in
flict what they know is regarded as derogatory
to the honor and feelings of the South ? * * *
“I ask him t vhat right is sacrificed by the
North in this measure ? Let him tell me if the
North does not get almost every thing, and the
South NOTHING but her honor—her exemp
tion from usurped authority in the Texas laud
which I have mentioned, together with the fugi
tive slave proposition, and an exemption from
agitation on the subject of slavery in the District
of Columbia ? Ido not want general broadcast
declamation, but specifications. Let us meet
them like men; point upon jwint; argument
upon argument. Show us the power here to
which Northern sacrifice is made.-’
Mr. Hale had insisted upon the exclusion ol
slavery by the passage of the Wilmot Proviso.
Mr. Clay told him that the people of the North
had “every real security for the accom
plishment OF THEIR WISHES," without it.
Messrs. Toombs, Stephens and Cobb tell us
that we have a fair non-intervention in the Utah
and New Mexico bills. Mr. Clay flatly contra
dicts them. We need only state the fact, in this
connection, that Mr. Clay averred that nothing
on earth could induce him to vote lor any mea
sure to extend slavery into the territories ol
Utah and New Mexico!!
Such is Henry Clay upon this great question
of the institution ol slavery, and the rights of
the South. We could fill two or three successive
numbers of our paper with his speeches and let
ters, loaded with opposition to the institution ol
slavery.
Citizens of Georgia, remember the saying that
“aman is known by the company he keeps.' l
Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Stephens, are
found in the company of Mr. Clay, as also of
Mr. Webster, Mr. Fillmore, Mr. Dner, and oth
ers, who are the deadly enemies of slavery.
Turn, citizens, to your homes, and ask your
selves if you can look for their protection to Mr.
Clay—to a man whose sentiments -are such as
.we have proved them to be ? Look within your
oionbosoms, and ask yourselves if you can think
of Mr. Clay as Messrs. Cobb, Toombs and Ste
phens do ? Can you weave for his brows gar
lands ol praise and fame, as they have done, since
the passage of these Compromise measures? Is
the (Mith trod by Mr. Clay the one to lead to your
protection and safety ?
If you can place your hands upon your hearts—
look upon your rights, and your homes, and say
that it is —that your representatives, who bestow
upon him not'only their praise, but their affec
tions, are worthy of your confidence, then indeed,
with you, the spell of delusion is difficult of being
broken. We shall not. however, despair if this
fails, for we have other scenes, even more strik
ing, to bring to your view.
Southern Views of Non-Intervention.
'I lie doctrine of squatter sovereignty as deduced
by Gem Cass Irom his Nicholson letter, and pro
claimed by him in the United States Senate after
the Presidential election in 1848, was denounced
as absurd and untenable by every Southern
Statesman as soon as it was proclaimed.
It was the doctrine that the people moving to
a territory, the domain and common property of
the L nited States of this confederacy, immedi
ately became the sovereigns of that, territory and
could appropriate it, organize governments upon
it, and make laws for it without waiting for the
consent, or asking the permission of Congress.—
This summary mode ol ousting Congress of its
rightful control and jurisdiction would have been
an effectual device to avpid the necessity of ad
vocating the enactment of the Wilmot Proviso
jin order to exclude the South. It was never the
j understanding of Southern Statesmen, or the
Southern people, that the. first handful of squat
ters upon the territorial domain could thus sum
marily determine for all time their rights to the
common property. They deduced no such pow
er from the non-intervention doctrine. That was
a doctrine which they conceived secured to them
an equal participation in that territory, instead of
excluding them, or being so used as to exclude
them trom it. Equal participation and non-in
tervention were two ideas that went together,
and were inseparably connected in the Southern
mind. As Mr. Toombs once forcibly said of the
Union and the Constitution, “ice tool; them both to
gether. Wc trill have both or we will have neither." 1
This squatter sovereignty doctrine was charac
terized by him in bis celebrated speech, 37th of
Feb., 1850.
1 ‘ This new doctrine, asserting the right of the
squatters on the public domain to assume sov
ereignty over it, in its territorial state, was con
cocted only for a Presidential campaign. It tailed
of its purpose, and is now brought into general
contempt. It is believed to be without a de
fender, except in its putative father. Congress
alone has the right to legislate for the territories
until they shall be prepared for admission in the
Union.”
We to-day give extracts from the speeches ol
leading Southern Statesmen in the United States
Senate on this subject. They were delivered on
the debate upon the Compromise Bill, and pre
sent the views then currently entertained as to
what they considered the South had a right to
demand under the doctrine of non-intervention.
They will be found to conform to the views
which prompted the amendments of Mr. Seddon,
and Mr Milson, of Va., and of Mr. Wellborn, of
Ga., in the House, all Southern Democrats and
non-interventionists, to which we have already
called public attention.
Terrible Gale a! Apalachicola.
We learn from an Extra of the Commercial Ad
vertiser, that the Gale ol the 23d ult. occasioned
immense destruction of property in Apalachico
la, and has almost left that town in ruins. At
an early hour in the morning, the lower floors in
Water street had five feet of water in them, and
the wind blew with such fury that nothing could
be done to save either the stores or their contents.
Not a single building on Water street escaped
serious injury, many having their roofs, and oth
ers, including the Exchange buildings, the offices
over the Hydraulic press, the store of Thomas
Orman, and the building occupied by the Charles
ton Bank Agency, being totally destroyed. The
store where the Custom House was kept, was
almost thrown down; the lower block of build
ings nearest the Bay, is in ruins; and from that
portion of the town, every house on Front or
Commerce streets, is entirely swept away, in*
eluding those of Mrs. Greirson and Judge Semmes.
The Presbyterian church was completely, and
the Episcopal partially destroyed. Every' house