Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Sri-Wttblg 'iUjmitiCitu- GbGL, XJ. W . HANCOCK’ Editor and Proprietor. Saturday, Nov. 3, 1866. Governor’s Message. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Millkdoeville, Ga., Nov 1, *OO. Felloic-citizens of the Semite and House of It eprese, datives: Although, during the year now draw ing to a close, the seasons have been un propitious to the husbandmen, trade dis appointing to the merchant, and the signs of the times discouraging to the patriot, blessings, not wholly “in dis guise,’ have come to all. The true be liever recognizes the hand of an over ruling Providence as well in seeming evil as in positive good. It becomes all men, of every age and every clime, to accept adversity as mer ited chastisement, and to propitiate of fended Deity by repentance and reform. FEDERAL RELATIONS. Since your last adjournment, little progress has been made cither in the re construction of a dismembered Govern ment, or in the restoration of material prosperity to that port ion of the country desolated by recent civil war. Howev er produced, the fact is indisputable, that the Government of the United States this day stands before the civil ized world in the lamentable condition of dismemberment. Four of the thir teen States that originally took part in the formation of the Union, and six that have been added in the progress of a marvelous development, are now totally excluded from participation in its legis lative and administrative functions. It is true that the now excluded States did voluntarily abandon such participation, by what was designed as a peaceful and permanent withdrawal; but the right so to do was denied to them, and upon the question of right the war ensued.— The party denying the existence of the right, maintained that the Union was indissoluble by such means, that it still existed in full force, and nothing more was necessary than the suppression of irregular resistance to its authority.—• That resistance having been suppressed, after a struggle of five years’ continu ance—the resistants having grounded their arms—submitted in word and act to the authoritios of the United States— rescinded all constitutions, -ordinances, laws and resolutions asserting independ ence of. or antagonism to that Govern ment—declared its Constitution their supreme lavy, and elected Senators and liepresenta tives to tjie Federal Congress ■—the logical conclusion from the prem ises of the victors is, and the practical result should be, that the attempt has failed and that the Union stands un shaken. All that the resistants may have done towards dismemberment, they have undone. The temporary broach they made, they have repaired. Why, are they not in the Union as formerly ? The answer is, that the dominant States, through their representatives in Con gress. positively refuse their admission to the national council, and the conclu sion is ine\ itable, that from this refusal the present dismemberment results.— Reasoning upon their own theory, if the Southern States be not now within the pale of the Union,they have boon ejected by this Congress. If they be, their con stitutional riglij ©j' representation is de nied them by tfic jiame authority. The President of the United States, second to none* in devotion to the Uni on, though placed- during the war, by the intensity of tfjjat feeling, in opposi tion to his native section, consistently illustrates it m restored peace. He dis tinctly affirms the right of the Southern States to representation in Congress; and, for his adherence to principle, has been abandoned and denounced by those who placed him in power. The Legisla tive and Executive Departments of the Government are thus brought into con flict, seemingly irrecobcilahlc and daily increasing in bitterness. The people, too, of the dominant States now wielding the whole power of the Government, are themselves divided; and we, the excluded, against whom they recently presented the unbroken front of relentless war, though now pas sive and unresisting, have suddenly be come to them an apple of discord. In this con'est, our position, our motives, ami our purposes are severely scrutiniz- j ed. These are all flagrantly misrepre-: sented by unscrupulous demagogues, and many, very many well meaning per- j sons are undoubtedly deceived by tnum. The pending issue may not find a very early solution. Meantime, we pass through an ordeal thoroughly adapted “to try men’s souls.” But we must be \ true to ourselves, to those, who, though not of us, are fighting our battles, and to the country; we must steadily and calmly pursue the course upon which wo have started, neither betrayed into error by false representations of the ma lignant and consequent injurious suspi cions of the credulous ; nor yielding to humiliating demands,against which jus tice exclaims and manhood revolts. — Pursuing this course, we shall, in time, ! live down both detraction and delusion, and achieve a moral victory far more en during and ennobling than any triumph of mere physical force. FJSOI-OSED AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTI TUTION. As germain to the subject already dis- j tuas-d, I call your attention to another I proposed amendment of the Constitution of the United States, transmitted to me by the Secretary of State, and accom panying this communication. The fact that your action upon it is thus invoked, imposes on you au obligation to consid er it respectfully. This amendment, designed, like all of recent origin, to operate especially on tho Southern States, contains several sections, to some of which 1 invite your special attention. 1. The prominent feature of the first is, that it settles definitely the right of citizenship in the several States, as po litical communities, thereby depriving them in the future of all discretionary power over the subject within their res pective limits,and with reference to their States Governments proper. It makes all persons of color, horn in tho United States, citizens. 2. The second changes the basis of representation in the popular branch of the Congress and in Presidential electo ral colleges. It provides that, in ap portioning representation among the States, all persons (except Indians not taxed) shall lie taken into the enumera tion, unless the elective franchise he de nied in any State to any male inhabi tants, being citizens of the United States and twenty-one years of age, or be in anv manner abridged (otherwise than as a punishment for crime,) in which event the representation shall be proportion ally reduced. Whether the object in proposing this change bo the extension of the elective franchise to persons of African descent, (nearly all of whom are notoriously un qualified for it,) or a fhrther diminution of the already relatively small weight of the Southern States in the administra tion of the Government, the adoption of this amendment will certainty force up on them a choice between those evils.— Ts the former be the real object, the lat ter alternative must he regarded simply as a penalty for refusing it. In this view, it is not difficult to expose the fla grant injustico of the proposition. Let us consider briefly how the amendment will affect States wherein slavery did not exist prior to the war, and how those wherein it existed. In the former class, tho election of the one or the oth er alternative will he only a matter of taste, no great public interest being in volved. If the franchise bo extended, the number thus newly admitted to the ballot will bo so small that no appreci able effect upon popular elections can result. If refused, the number excluded front the enumeration in fixing the ratio of representation will still be so small, that the consequent reduction would not be seriously felt, and in some instan ces would probably be merely fraction al, producing no curtailment at all.— Now, look to the other class of States.— There the number of voters proposed to he enfranchised, and wholly unprepared for the trust would be immense, and the disturbance in the motive power of re publican machinery incalculable. There, too, on the other hand, it the franchise be withheld, the reduction of represen tation would be vast. Is there fairness, is there justice in a proposed change so differently affecting different portions of a country, united under a common gov ernment for the common weal ? Would the enforcement ot such a change by a majority, it could not harm, upon a mi nority it must ruin, bespeak magnan imity ? It may be said in reply, that the Con- I stitution does not respect sectional dif ference—that it was designed for the protection and advancement of personal rights. To a large extent this is an eg regious error. The Union was original ly designed mainly for the Conduct of | foreign affairs and common defense, leaving to the States the regulation of their domestic concerns. The Constitu tion resulted from a compromise of sec tional interests, without which it could not have been formed. Indeed, in that compromise, the rights and interests of the Caucasian as affected by the pres ence of a very large African population in some of the States, were considered and adjusted. The African element, whether bond or free, was computed alike with reference to this identical subject of representation, and alike ig j nored regarding the elective franchise. I The objection now urged against the ! amendment is, that it will fall upon cit j izeus inhabiting one latitude like an av alanche from its mountain perch, crush | ing where it settles: whilst upon those of another latitude it will alight unfelt like a feather floating in still air. 3. The third section engrafts upon the fundamental law anew disqualification I for office, State and Federal—a disqual: ideation not the result of any act to he i done after the adoption of the aniend j ment, but consummated before its con ception. The act entailing disqualifica j tion for office consists in having liereto j fore taken an oath to support the Consti tution of the United States, and having thereafter engaged in rebellion or insur rection against the same, or “ having j given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof.” Considering the number of cur citizens who have taken the oath un der the circumstances set forth, the num ber engaged in the war, and the breadth of ground covered by the words “giving aid and comfort to the enemies thereof.” we can readily perceive the sweeping character of the disqualification. It is as distinctly proscriptive as if the per sons to he affected had been ascertained and their names inserted. Let it be noted, also, that the pro scribed are all dwellers on one side ot a geographical line, whilst the authors ofj the proscription have their local habita-| tion on the other side. It is quite remarkable, moreover, that I there is in the cnti.ic section no saving i clause iii lavorof tiioso who, in the in- ' terval between the cessation of host ill-; ties and the adoption of the Amendment, may have received the amnesty of the Government. Pardoned they may have been, hut disfranchised they will be. You are asked your consent that such a fate he visited upon many of our best citizens, who have long enjoyed the public confidence, and some of whom now fill important public trusts. Can Georgia spare all these from her service? 5. The fifth and last section empow ers the Congress “ to enforce, by appro priate legislation,” the provisions of tho Amendment. It will ho contended that they are the proper judges of what con stitutes appropriate legislation. If, therefore, the Amendment be adopted, and a fractional Congress, from which the southern states, chiefly interested in it, are excluded, ho empowered “ to en force it by appropriate legislation,” what vestige of hope remains to the people of those States? Nay; more, what semblance of Republican Govern ment can the true patriot of tho North discern in such a state ot affairs ? Yet, that is the point to which we seem to be drifting; for there is no assurance whatever that even this concession will ensure our restoration. Amendments have already been proposed to and ac cepted by us, which it was believed would effect that result; but hope is still deferred, right still denied. I will not further analyze this Amend ment, equally novel and unjust. I ask you to consider, however, why it is that you are called upon to vote upon its adoption, whilst your State had no voice in its preparation ? The Con stitution secures to the States the one right as distinctly und as positively as the other. Had your Representatives, and those of other States similarly situ ated, been present, aiding in giving sub stance and form to it, possibly it might have come before you a less odious thing. The policy seems to have been, first to push it, without their participa tion, beyond the stage of amendment., and then say to them, accept our bant ling or take the consequences. The omission of any material part of the pro cess of amendment, makes the amend ment itself, unconstitutional, null and void. Should the States especially to be ef fected by this amendment refuse their assent to it, it cannot be adopted with out excluding them from the count and placing its ratification upon the votes of three-fourths of the now dominant party. It is said, however, that unless this concession be made, the now excluded states will be kept out of the halls of Congress indefinitely. Were the Amend ment presented with such a menace dis tinctly expressed, a higher motive (if possible) than any hitherto suggested would prompt its rejection. At the termination of hostilities, it was right and proper that the previous ly resisting states should, in the most unequivocal and formal manner, aban don such resistance—should rescind ail they had done in antagonism to, and do whatever was necessary and proper to place themselves in constitutional rela tion with that Government. All this, we believe, Georgia has done. Beyond this,in acting upon any proposed change in the fundamental law, even in this critical juncture, my advice is, that her legislators act with the same intelligent judgment and the same unflinching firm ness, that they would have exercised in the past, or would exercise in the future, when in full connection and unambigu ous position. Any other rule of action may involve sacrifices of interest and of principle which magnanimity would not exact and self-respect could not make. To subnut to injurious changes in the Constitution, when forced upon a state, according to tho forms prescribed for its amendment, would bo one thing; to participate in making them, under du ress, against her sense of right and jus tice, would he a very different thing. — The difference, in principle, is as broad as that which distinguishes martyrdom from suicide. Far better calmly await a returning sense of justice, and a con sequent reflux of the tide now running strongly against us. The military rule to which, as a peo ple, we have been subjected during the past eighteen months, so different from all previous experience, must necessari ly he more or less prejudicial to our in terests and wounding to our feelings.— You are well aware, however, that it has been greatly mitigated during your re cess. '1 he Administration, I think have become thoroughly convinced that the sword and the bayonet are not necessary to the enforcement of law and order in Georgia. We probably have not now a larger military force within our borders than have often been stationed here in times of peace. Our people, with rare excep tions, such as occur everywhere, have been quiet, orderly, and devoted to in dustrial pursuits. The officers of the Army and agents of the Freed men’s Bu reau, stationed among us, have, with few exceptions, manifested a growing I confidence and a disposition to relax l their authority and leave the adminis l tration of the law to the civil courts.— I Vexatious interferences sometimes oc cur, usually traceable to imprudent con duct outlie part ot misguided citizens, or to the officious intermeddling of inju dicious or evil-disposed subordinates.— Due allowance being made for honest differences of opinion upon questions aris ing in a novel state of affairs, the Presi dent and heads of departments have manifested a gratifying determination to deal justly and kindly with our govern ment and people. With* a view to die adjustment of some points of difference, tho more rapid restoration of mail facili ties, and 'he procuring of action upon the application of our citizens for amnes ty, in which they naturally felt great anxiety, I made a short visit to Wash ington, and had abundant reason to bo gratified by this kindness shown towards our people in word and in act. FINANCES, STATE DEBT AND TAXATION. You are fully aware of the difficulties that have beset the fiscal operations of the Government during the past yean— There has been no relaxation ot the pres sure upon the Treasury since I came in to office. Empty when the process of reorganizing the state Government com menced, and the ordinary sources of supply suspended, it has been called up on to meet large arrearages lor the year 1865, demands originating anterior to that year, the expenses of the Provision al Government, (except the salary of the incumbent of this office,) expenses of the Convention of 1865; those of the reor ganized Government, repairs and refit ting of the Western and Atlantic E. It., the supply of corn for the destitute, aird other appropriations ! made at the late session of the General Assembly. As was anticipated and provided for, these heavy demands could only be discharged by recourse to the credit of the state. The authority given me at your last session to raise money by sale of the bonds of the state has been partially ex ecuted. After careful consideration and ad visement with those more versed in financial affairs than myself, I deter mined in the exercise of the discretion reposed in me, to issue bonds with the simple security afforded by a mortage of the Western and Atlantic Railroad. The delay incident to the preparation ot these bonds, and tho anexation of the mortgage security, rendered a resort to temporary loans necessary. Avery liberal spirit was manifested by moneyed corporations, and by indi viduals of our own State; but in this time of prostration, barely enough could be realized from these sources to defray ordinary expenses and pressing arrearages. To obtain tlie means of purchasing corn for the destitute, and making repairs upon the Western and Atlantic Railroad, it was found necessa ry to resort to localites where money was more abundant and States And individuals less needy. In New York, the great commercial emporium of the country, the required relief was found. Loans for four and three months wefe negotiated at the rate of seven per cent, per annum. Only in two or three in stances, (within the State) for small amounts comparatively, when there re mained no other resources to meet the expenses of your last session, rapidly drawing to a close, was more than seven per cent, paid for these temporary loans. All of the short loans thus far negoti ated by myself, and all negotiated by the Provisional Governor, that have matured, have been paid in full. The immature loans loans contracted by him amount, in the aggregate, to fifty three thousand three hundred and thirty-three ami one-third dollars paya ble in gold or its equivalent in curren cy. I found the indications clear and cheering that notwithstanding the great diminution of the material wealth subject to her taxation, her bitter ex periences, and her present prostration, our good old State enjoys an honorable and enviable credit. I entertain not a shadow of doubt that, if permitted to enter the money market upon her own merits—the ban of the Federal Govern ment, which beclouds her future, re moved—her securities would command more than par in the present circula ting medium. No withstanding the palpable depressions resulting from the cause, (purely political,) I look with confidence to there appreciation, and therefore have avoided, as s far as possi ble, precipitancy on the sale of them. It seems to be a foregone conclusion, at the money centre, that Georgia bonds would lie well sold at eighty five in the hundred, and so it was an nounced to me. The prompt and de cided rejection of all offers below nine ty in the hundred speedly brought them to that point, at which, however, ■no larger amount than pressing necessi ty required, was sold. The bonds are authorized by the Convention of 1865 —amounting to §500,000 and limited in time to five years—we arc not well received by eapalists. The time was too short to invite permanent investment, and for that reason unsuited to speculation. The Provisional Governor effected sales of them only to the amount of $30,- 000 00. Rut tliis difficulty was over come in a great measure by incorpora ting in them a provision making them convertible, at the option of the holder, into such bonds on longer time, as the General Assembly might authorize. The sth secton of (he acton the subject, approved l2th March, 1800, placing the bonds authorized by the Conven vention, in all respects, on the same •footing with those provided for in the preceding sections, fully sustained this expedient. Very cheaply prepared, in a stylo and with material corresponding to the short existence intended for them, they aided the Treasury materially whilst more available bonds were in preparation. Looking to the substitu tion of the latter for the former at an early day, I caused bonds to be pre pared, conforming to the provisions of the act above referred to, as follows : Under the ordinance of the Convention as qualified by the act of the Legisla ture, § 500,000. Under the Ist sec tion of the act, 51,000,000. Undqr the 7th section to provide for payment of the Federal tax, 500,000. Under Bth section to funds past due bonds and coupons, 830,000. Under 11th section appropriation act to purchase corn for the destitute, 200,000, Total. $3,630,000. The assumption of the Federal tax not having been permitted, and its suspension having dispenced with the necessity for such assumption, the bonds designed for this jnrpoee, though engraved, have not lieen executed, and deposited in the Treasury, Being covered, however, by the mortgage on tbs Western and Atlantic Railroad, the General Assembly may in perfectly good faith, if deemed advisable, order them executed and issued for any other purpose and without additional ex pense. No bonds have been sold at a lower price than ninety cents in the dollar, and very few above it. The Treasurer’s report will advise you of the amount sold and proceeds. It will be necessary to dispose of the entire amount author ized jnd prepared for sale, whenever a fair price can be obtained ; but arrange ments have been made which, without increased cost to the State will obviate the necessity of forced sales not havjng been completed and the bills for mate rial and work in preparation of the bonds not having been rendered, the expense attending this particular’ service cannot now be stated. Evidence having transpired that there are extant, bonds of the State not regis tered in the Treasurer’s office, and of exceedingly doubtful genuineness—and one having been presented for refund ing which matured several years since and is marked paid on the registry— it has been deemed necessary to pro ceed with great caution in the process of funding. All bonds past due are required to be presented for that pur pose at the Treasury, and any coupons past due wherever payable may be funded there. Coupons payable in New York or Loudon, arc fundable in the former city, but all others, only at the Treasury. That business is now in progress at both points. The amount of bonds authorized to issue for the specific purpose is §830,- 550. Os this amount 234,000, it was estimated, would lie required to refund past due bonds, leaving to be applied to interest due, the sum of $590,550. — The precise amount of past duo cou pons, then reported to the General As sembly was 8596,000, which added to the amount of past due bonds made an aggregate of $839,000 —showing clearly in my opinion that the General Assem bly intended to provide for us no inter est other than was evinced by past due bonds, after their maturity. I know not whether this omission was or was not iqtoitional. At is very true that, under oixmaary circumstances, if the holder of fail to present it atmatn rity ■payment he is held not entitled to rule has been applied by private and pub lic, to bwids maturing during the war. I submit to the consideration of the General Assembly, whether such appli cation under the circumstances, is just and equitable. It is very certan that after Confederate and Mate Treasury notes had filled up the channels of cir culation, the presentation of such bonds for payment in the medium contracted for would have been idle ceremony. No less certain it is that the bolder ofmanv of these bonds was cut off from access to the place of payment by the existing war, and therefore could not make demand. I recommend as more consistent with the honorand dignity of the State that provisions bo made for the payment of the interest. Evidence having been presented to tiiis department, since the last payment by the State on its subscription to the stock of the Atlantic and Gulf Railroad, additional instalments have been paid by die private stockholders, which by the terms of the act incorporating the company, approved 27th February, 1856 subjected theStatc to the payment of $134, 500 on her snb.-cription, 1 have, in obedience to that act, caused to be ex ecuted and delivered to the company, bonds of the State for that sum. Y\ hen all the bonds authorized by the act of the General Assembly, approved 12th March, 18615, (except those intend ed for the assumption of the Federal tax,) shall have been disposed of as con templated, the funded debt of the State will stand thus : Ronds issued anterior to IS6I and not yet due § 2,676,5000 .Mortgage Ronds issued in lb(su, above mentioned 3,030,000. Bonds issued to the Atlant ic and Gulf Railroad 134,000. Total $ 5,840,09. Os this amount 8176,500 will mature in 1888 ; §334.500in 1860 ; $164,500 in 1870—making a total 0t‘5675,500. The latter sum, therefore, must be provided for within four years from this time. I recommend that the bonds before men tioned, prepared to meet the Federal tax, but as yet unexecuted, be placed at the disposal of the Governor, with authority to use them as occasion may be presented by sale or exchange if decnitag Advisable, iu redemption of the bonds)•tb-#jpUiire iu and before tlie year 1871). Tile public debt will not thus be increased in amount and may be some what diminishe/L Bonds amounting to $154,000 will ma ture m 1871, and others amounting to §721,500 in 1872, the aggregate being $875,500 to bo provided for in six years. To meet this and subsequently accru ing liabilities I recommend that the sum of one hundred and twenty thous and dollars annually sen be apart as a sinking fund accumulative. If the first class of Bonds, to mature within four years, be provided for in the manner suggested, and the sinking fund proposed bo allowed to accumu late until 1872, at 6 percent, interest, it will be adequate to the payment of the Bonds maturing in 1871 and’72. But, if in the then existing financial condi tion of the State, it should be deemed advisable by your successors to meet the liabilities of 1871-72 by the sale of the State’s stock in the Atlantic and Gull Railroad, or by applying any oth er resource available at that time, and let the sinking fund to goon accumula ting, the entire deb( may, in the progres of time, be easily provided for, and her credit maintaini and. In urging you to look thus far into the future, and to pro vide means or initiate a policy for tho accomplishment ot ends so desirable, I think 1 but present a clear case of duty. It is true, that during the immaturity of State securities, if the annually accru ing interest he faithfully paid, the hol ders have no legal right to ask more.— But I would press upon you the adopt ion of the scheme of tho sinking fund, as one of the surest props to State credit, and as an act of justice to posterity: anil for these reasons as a great measure of State policy. Its great advantage is, that it distributes the burthen of pay ment equally over a series of yours; and indeed, the sum to be provided in each year will be so small as scarcely to mer it the appellation of a burthen. When soever a large amount shall mature in anyone year, without such provision, 'either the tax payers of that year must be oppressively burlhened, or anew debt must be incurred. Should this oc cur when money is scarce, it may he dif ficult, if not impracticable, to place a new loan, thus bringing the General As sembly face to face with the alternative of oppressive taxation or dishonor tho State’s obligations. Tho escape from this dilemma, now proposed, is so easy that I think it will commend itself to the favorable consideration of the Gen eral Assembly. The debt of the United States is so large, and her credit sustain ed by resources so ample, that her out standing securities will always afford fa cilities for the investment of the sinking fund and its accumulating interest. I reiterate the conviction expressed in my first message to you, that the Wes tern and Atlantic Railroad, put in a con dition of thorough repair, and furnished with adequate rolling stqck, will in the future, with proper management, sustain itself a id yie.d a r< venue, which, increas ed by dividends that may reasonably be expected from the Atlantic and Gulf Railroad, will always render unnecessa ry onerous taxation. The reports of the Treamrer and Comp troller General will furnish you detailed information relative to-the finances of the Mate, and with statistical informa tion of an interesting character. I com mend to your serious consideration the suggestions of the latter in reference to amendments of the revenue laws. The collection of the Federal tax up on lands having been suspended beloro much progress had been made, I did not feel authorized to suspend that imposed for the support of the State Government I regret exceedingly that any portion of our fellow-citizens should have been required to pay the Federal tax, but not believing that your legislation contem plated partial suspension of the State tax, I could not come to their relief.— The State tax, ad valorem, i-s very light, being only one-sixth of one per cent. 1 he tax upon tiie sale of spirituous li quors geejued by its terms to embrace' the first quarter of the present year, which had nearly expired before the tax "as imposed. Being retroactive, the seller was deprived of the opportunity to add the tax to the price of his sales] Besides, many merchants had during that quarter sold the article for non.res idents, on commission, and made final settlements with the owners. Had the tax been exacted from them, it would have largely exceeded their commiss ions, and subjected them to serious loss, without fault on their part. For these reasons I suspended the tax for the first quarter, and invite your attention to it. The people of Georgia have always been lightly taxed, and I see no indica tions that the State Government will be constrained to make this burthen oner ous in the future. EDUCATION. The re-opening of tho University, af ter an unavoidable suspension, has elicit ed the most satisfactory evidence of public approval. Many of its most ar dent friends entertained the apprehen sion that causes connected with the war recently Terminated, and chief among them tlie utter impoverishment of some, and the straightened circumstances of others, formerly both able and willing to educate their sons, would occasion such a diminution of patronage as would render the effort abortive. The result has been far otherwise. The number of applicants for ad mission, very respecta ble at first, has rapidly increased, and is. still increasing. There are now matric ulated considerably more than one hun dred It offers to the people of Geor gia very great educational advantages,, whilst the tone oi the moral and reli gious opinion ard feeling is decidedly high, without the slightest taint of sec tarian bias. We live in an age when educated minds must take a leading part in affaiis of State. Any people neglecting to pro vide either elementary education for the mass, or to afford facilities for obtaining higher and more extended knowledge as will etiable their youth, passing in to manhood, to master in due time diffi-. cult problems in political economy and, in State policy, wiU asaurrcdly fall be hind in the competition of States and na tions for superior development. Prejudice which in former times was heard in our legislative assemblies to liberal education, we may well hope, have been dissipated by experience.— Georgia lias profited too much by the services of her educated sons, in ail de partments of public employment, not to sec clearly bow much her future pros perity and greatness depend upon the enlighentmcut of the rising generation. The third clause of the fifth section of the second artiele of the Constitution, clearly indicates that, in the opinion of the Convention of 18(55, the present en dowment of the University of Georgia is inadequate to its necessities. Mindful of the serious losses our people have re-