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CRISIS,
Washinotok, 36tli Her. iy32.
DiarSis: What could have induced our people to I
think of holding a General Convention of the Kitties 7
Have they resolved to enter the Lion’* den front which
no returning foot-steps ever can be seen ? Is not the
Constitution good enough for them ; or is it ho bad, that
they would commit it to the hands of their enemies to
fashion it s* they will 1 The ;»iwer to make amend
meins was given to answer no such exigency as the
praecnt —it was given to make that instrument more
perfect, when, by the workings of the Government, ex
perience having delected defects to he cured mid evils
to be remedied, the application of it could bo made by
general concurrence, nnd without hazard to the pub.
he peace—hence it was, that so soon as it was sc, it
that s State might, by construction, be sued by an mill,
tidunl, an amendment was proposed and earned, to
correct the evil—so too, when il become apparent that
th* designation of the Electoral vote for President mid
Vici-President was necessary to preserve the harmony
of the States, the States concurred in an amendment ac.
tardirtgly—and so 100, w hen a young Prii.ee was born
4f an American alliance with the Bonaparte family, the
States concurred in an amendment, excluding from of.
lice, any citizen who should accept a title ul nobility or
honor from any Emperor, King, Prince, or any Foreign
Power. These several amendment's were made in the
true spirit of the Constitution. At this moment, pub
lic sentiment Is favoring two proposed amendments,
which 1 think would he ait improvement of that in
strument ; one to limit the President to a single term,
the other to prohibit the appointment of members of
Congress to office, during the period for which they
shall have been elected.
Now by a sudden nnd very strange after-thought, as
il seems to me, this provision of the Constitution is to
be made applicable, in times of excitement, to great and
extraordinary exigencies; so that whenever five or nix
States shall become dissatisfied with the Constitution,
they may command the rest to assemble in Convention,
to alter, new model, or amend it. As Ido not read anv
thing like this in that instrument, and as our old lie.
publican doctrine rejects every power, but lliat deriv.
ed from its strict letter, opposed to all construction, I
cannot unite with our fellow.citizens in the call of a
General Convention. If llie power is granted, it must
■bo an rffieirnl, not a nugaltrij power. The minority
States must command the majority Slates to assemble,
and it must be the duly of the majority Stales to obey—
they cannot by nilrnrr, or eraiion, or ilirret ntgaliim, es.
cape—if they refuse, if they evade, if they are silent, it
must be shewn, how, according to lliMldter of the Con.
dilution, that silence or evasion, or negation, is to he
taken. Isa sovereign Stale compellable at the point of
the bayonet to answer aye or no ? And how is silence
to be construed? It is easy to see iiow a majority,
claiming a given power, may ask the minority to con
cur in making that power more explicitly u part of the
Constitution; but it is difficult to understand bow a
minority, protesting ngninsl the exercise of the power,
ran constrain the majority, cither to make it u purl ol
the Constitution, or to abandon il, unless il cap he
shewn that the Constitution Inis so expressly provided,
4-e.
'Hie Congress of the United Stines, supported by
public senlinienl, has for a long time, by abuses and
usurpations, so disfigured nnd disgraced the Constitu
tion, that if all hope of its rcatoniliou were abandoned,
it would be matter of grave consideration, whether that
instrument was not utterly destroyed, and hud, in every
legal nnd moral contemplation of the subject, ceased to
bo binding on the parties to it. It is inconceivable how,
in the eye of justice, a compact between two or more
parties could bo ao conslrued, ns that the one parly
should bo bound A the other free.—the immutable law is,
that all are bound or nil are free. —Nevertheless, u mu.
jority of Congress, whether considered us u mere agent
to carry the powers expressly delegated into effect, or
not, have assumed the right to interpret the C msiilii.
tiou at pleasure,nnd have so interpreted it, that whatever
is resolvable into common defence and general welfare,
has been claimed ns a fair and legitimate power to he
exercised by the General Government, until ut Inst, in
stead of a limited Government lor defined purposes,
we htveh,d one either actually engrossing, er claiming
to n.|ltsi all (ho powers belonging' to any Government,
and em some which ought not to belong to any.—
Nowit is andersucli circumstances, my good Kir, that
you propose to go into a Convention of the Suites, ei.
(her gtneral or tptcial-\(iMo u Gennral f.’«HiYH(ion,thoii
you must bo prepared to receive at the hands of the ma
jority a consolidated government, one and indivisible,
a denial to the States (if permitted to exist at all) of
even the shadow of sovereignly, and of course a formal
reclamation of all those right* and privileges which, in
the exchange of equivalents, you had expressly reserved
aa attaching essentially to your peculiar position and
condition.—if into a tpeeinl ('ouventmn, then you must
b« prepared for a prompt rejection of your amendatory
propositions (if these look to a further security lor your
rights and interests) and eventually for die re.aeserlion
and incorporation into the Constitution, of the very
! lowers so long and strenuously denied by you, and so
ong claimed and exercised by thorn. The indications
of public sentiment nt this moment are unerring, that
an overwhelming majority favors a consolidated govern,
menl; nnd it may behoove you in all wisdom, to prepare
not for an improvement ol your condition, but lor u
Osar nnd the purple. If, therefore, il he true, dial you
arc to como out of a Convention shorn mid despoiled,
it may be well to think of some other and belter course,
by which the perils of the day are to he turned aside.—
Can you think of any belter, than the old Republican
land.marks, by which, so fur, although wo have not es.
taped from storms, we have from shipwreck I Von
•want no better Constitution, if the government be ad
ministered according to its loiter—nobody asks more
than justice; and justice it secures, as far us written
instruments can secure il. For all external relations,
the government is stronger iliun the strongest in the
world—its strength depends not less on die integrity ol
the States, than on that common consent and enlightened
opinion on which all onr institutions are founded, and
by which they must he held together; and what alter
ill is the foundation of these but Justice, Justice, Jus.
tice—nil that the right of representation can give, it so
cures. Within the pulo and Utter of the Constitution,
the man of Massachusetts is, to he sure, as much our
representative in Congress as the man of Georgiut-be
yond that pole nnd letter, however, he is us much n
stranger ns the representative of Scotland or Ireland in
the British Parliament ; and this is all m this respect
chat we could osk. Are there n« menus then, by which
Congress can be held to the letter of the Constitution ?
1 answer, no constitutional moans hut the ballot hox % tin
lest the power of amendment, in the sense 1 have in.
terpreted it, be so considered. The right of petition,
of rensonstrance, of discussion, arc only auxiliaries bv
which the one or the other may hs supported. Hut il
theoe fail ? if that power which decrees ns own supre.
macy, perseveres to enforce it, must every thing yield
to force ? Force may vanquish every thing—reason,
right, truth, justice ; and it is because lorce may do so'
that we have erected barriers to defend reason, right,
truth and justice. These harriers arc the sovereign
States of this Union, which, whatever the old federal,
ists and monarchy men may say of them, were absolute
sovereign* on the Declaration of Independence, are
sovereigns now, and will remain so, until by the volun.
tary surrender of their sovereignty, they please to make
ihemifclvss slaves—but 1 trust, of nil who shall n\ake
that surrender. (.Georgia will he the lust.
But you will ask, how is this doctrine to work ’ 1 see
no more difficulty than is inseparable from the manage,
mint of all human affairs. You have the passions and
late rest s of men to encounter nt every step; and these
must b# so met, as to make them work rather for good
than for evil. For ordinary grievances, we have said
there is no constitutional remedy but the ballot box—
for Sttraordinory and extreme ones, there is no remedy
but the sovereign power of the States; and in extreme
cases, you repose yourself upon the sovereign power,
for the very reason that the constitutional remedy fails.
This sovereign power at last, is in communities, little
more than ths right of self-defence and self.preserva.
tion—of the exercise of which, it is the sole judge, be
c»u*c, in this respect, it is independent as well ns aove.
r*i|n. It acknowledges no law but the law of nature
•»4 nations, which, in the settlement of controversies
Stales, acknowledges no meant but negotiation
OM/srr*. Shall wo stop here to enquire which will
hes* in the long run, xthe doctrine which ae.
SHp sovereignty of th* l s;au«. wii'-h og.
1 ’ ni/es in extreme case.?, the sight d this sovereignty to
defend itself, to negotiate, to make treaties, which, m a i
spirit of amity that consigns the past to oblivion, will re- 1
unite dissevered States, who being generous enemies, i
are once more, nnd on that account cordial, nnd mayhap t
i inseparable friends ;or that which admits the absolute <
I supremacy of the Federal Government, its right to Mhip f
i o State into the Union, nnd to hold it there forever by i
brute force ? I know it is said thus this power in the j
States is inconsistent with the power confided to the i
I Federal Government. That for light and trivial causes, t
I States may and will have recvinrsc to it, hy which the i
I Union will bo constantly agitated, nnd finally dissolved.— j
I.< luh see if this apprehension is well founded. A I
Siate lias the fmdoubted right (undoubted even yet) to >
change its own government nt pleasure, consulting only i
its interests nnd happiness, regulating all its internal •on j
1 ct rns, with its right of.soil and jurisdiction ho absolute i
; that the Federal Government csuKlofe claim to erect an :
I arsenal or fort or dock yard within its limits, without its j
I express consent. Here then is n community hy the pow- i
[er of self-government, made free nnd happy at home, r
I wanting for the consummation of that happiness, scorer, j
( !y any thing but protection against powers .stronger than *■
iinelf. Will these bo pul to hax rd for light and trivial I
muses? Henson says no—the public, law says no. Tim I
public law forbids the presumption that communities will i
net imprudently—it presumes them tub# governed hy a y
sound discretion—not that they are always ho governed, \
hut that their ants alone should speak for them—experi. ‘
ened justifies the public law. Fifty years of union with- '
out convulsion, is no trilling evidence of intelligence, of t
prudence, of subordination, of contentment. I low inn- I
ny guarantees besides, are to be found against hasty and t
inconsiderate action, by which grout blessings are to be y
lost. An insulated State may, for a moment, rescue lib. ?
t rty ; but liberty is not to be maintained without indepen. (
deneo, and independi nee cannot long be maintained hy an i
| insulated State. A solitary State resting on its own lim. «
ited resources, with great wants foi internal and external f
objects, surrounded by other Stntrt (united for comnon t
defence,] must In i xpoeed to evils and annoyances, from i
which the wisest councils cannot exempt her. Fossess
ing sovereign rights herself, she must ho exercise those t
rights, as not to interfere with the sovereign rights of ;
others. The right of way nud office the re if.
illations nf trade and commerce , so apt to conflict with '
those of others, framed in a different spirit—these, r.nd
many of kindred character, would be sources of endless :
embarrassment and vexation. I would rather say upon !
the whole, that the Stales would not secede for light and i
trivial causes—that grave ami weighty considerations
alone could influence them—that only some grievous op
pression or frightful tyranny, driving them to despair,
could divide them from Iho Union. Are there not some
reasons for this belief / Wo hear the cry of Union, Uni
on, from all quarters, ns if there were nothing left in this
world worth preserving hut Union —so that the friends
of Liberty and Union may well doubt whether the people
love liberty least, or Union most. See what has
been submitted to for many years, with a degree ol pa.
tience and forbearance, which might be conslrued into
something not to be named. Unnecessary taxes, to make
q splendid, of what was designed to be a simple and
economical government--the taxes levied on the many
to promote the interests of the few—the revenues distri
buted for objects of internal improvement, where the
taxes were not levied—every scheme and device for the
extravagant expenditure of public monies—dormant
claims on the government revived, and pension systems
established on principles so loose, as to oiler the strong
rat temptations to fraud and perjury—ns if it were not
enough for the Federal Government to regulate com
metre, which it is authorized to do, it assumes the care
nnd regulation of manufactures; and then the transition
is easy to the rare and regulation of agriculture—so is
the transition sometimes from the grave to the ridiculous.
Who of the Convention who framed the Constitution,
would have believed it possible, that even in our time,
committees of Agriculture would have been organized
in both Houses of Congress, to instruct our people how
to sow and to reap, to weave and to spin, to milk and to
churn? It is because they employ themselves with all
these follies, abases and usurpations, that the Congress
which should in ordinary and peaceful times, despatch
its constitutional business in three short months, ia occti
pied through five, six an I seven ; and a portion, and a
large portion too, of this lime devoted to the innnoMivres
of factions, who seem h) have been congregated here for
the single purpose of making Presidents, to make the
leaders of those factious Presidents in turn.
Are not these things, good Sir, enough to disturb the
harmony of the Stales ? If a single Stale fretted and
tortured hy such abominations shall, by any unwise and
hasty movement, resolve to shako thorn off, is she to bn
bound neck and heels, nnd consigned to the cave of Tin.
pbonloun or the Oy»«b»pa? 'I’Uo nlmofil nnivoroal mmwer
1 is, yes, yes 1 down with the rebels, down with the traitor
i State.—But whose turn comes next? If the Federal
Government is not stopped in it h career of encroachment
by some counteractive agent, what, reasoning from what
has boon done, to what may bn done, will it not do?—
1 1 gives countenance to colonization & other voluntary
associations, which keep in ferment largo sections of
country, which by a single false movement would bo
excited to the most desperate resistance. It may, for
any thing we know, pass acts of attainder and proscrip
tion, hy which masses of society may he cut off. It has,
on occasions, slopped the liberty of speech and of the
press. It may ordain a State religion, or decree a uni.
vorsnl emancipation. Its supreme judicial tribunal,
which it contends is, in the last resort, to pass on the con
stitutionality of all laws, may send its warrants into the
States, commanding its marshals to hang up by the lamp,
posts, A. H. nnd C. These you will say arc extreme
cases. So they are. It may pronounce null and void
charters, by which States claim their rights of soil, ju
risdictions and sovcreiirnty. It may erect one sovereign
ty within another. It may decide that one portion of the
community within the chartered limits of a State is
sovereign and independent, and entitled to the right of
self-government. It may control the criminal jurisdic
tion and arrest the criminal laws of a State hy writs of
error nnd appeal. Are these , ton, extreme cases ? If
they are, extreme cases require extreme remedies: and
if those are to he sought in the power of the* States, it is
because the States are sovereign, aiu| may defend and
protect themselves. But does this roiViNt with that uni
ty, one and indivisible, claimed for the United States as
a nation ? Certainly not. But then it becomes tho.se
who make that elaini, at the same lime to make il good.
For ourselves we protest against it, as most wild, ex
trava.ganl nnd fallacious. The Stales formed the govern
meat of the United States—the Stales ratified it. From
that day to this, it exists and breathes hut by permission
of the States. Though throe fourths of the States are
necessary to amend or alter it, a majority, or less than a
majority, may dissolve it. If the Stab s refuse Fir tors
of President, it is prostrate. It they refuse their Sena
tors, il stops. If they withhold their Representatives, il
is the same thing. There is indeed no one act required
of the people of the U. States r* one people, either to
begin it, to conduct it, or to* end it—it would be just
as rational to make the Congress of Vienna a nation, de
riving its authority from the people of all Europe. The
old confederation must have been a confederation of
States, for I have never yet hoard ol a confederation of
the people. The confederation was abandoned for the
new government, because it had no power to coerce the
States. But was the new government adopted to coerce
the States ’ Certainly not. It was adopted to coerce
individuals, tor the very reason that States could not be
coerced. The statesmen of that day perceived that eve
ry thing was gained by making a government strong en
ough to operate efiectnally on imliridnals —that the idea
of coercing Slates was an absurdity, and that the new
government would answer all the ends of its creation,
without the least danger of collision, so long as if coutln
cd itself to its constitutional limits. It is the departure
from those limits; it is the exeriso of powers not delegat
ed ; it is the exercise of doubtful powers, equally pro
bibited by theCoustitution, which has at any time brought
the General Government into collision with the Stall s.
In scribbling thus much, I think I may have answered,
out of order, no doubt, all jour enquiries. The result,
according t»> my poor opinions, is, that
There is no power given by the*Constitution to resist
the laws of the United States*
The only constitutional remedy for unconstitutional f
laws, is the ballot-box.
Amendments of the Constitution, petition, remons- !
j strance, conventions, correspondence, and consultations
of the States—these, (if you please to call them rente- (
dies.) nr« not unconstitutional.
Under a government feunded on consent ami opinion,
evils are to be borne ns long as possible.
The States in virtue of their sovereignty, when evils
; are no longer supportable,must judge the evil and the
! remedy.
1 The Sovereign knows but two modes of settling con
troversies, Negotiation and War.
Negotiation admits of arbitration, and controversies
may be referred to other States, but this is by consent and
not by the Constitution. Ft is of course not permissible to
’ •ne of the parties, to refer it to its own Courts nnd
Juries.
AN hen Btatos cease to have nn interest in the Union
or suffer extreme oppression, it is better that they with
draw peaceably, than that blood should be shed in con
tests, which seldom decide any thing, and which arc apt
to separata the parties forever.
As States may do very imprudently and unwisely,
what they have a right to do, it becomes them to act
very deliberately and cautiously, because it is lawful for
1 other States to unite against them, to compel n fulfil
i menl of their obligations under th« public law
You a&k whut Georgia outfit to do ? My
opinion! had ht«n given on former occasions, and you
know what use lias been made of them. Those opinions ,
were unchanged, and are, as 1 think, unchangeable li
they amounted to this :“ if the abuses and usurpations b
of which we complain are continued, and become the a
settled policy of the Government, the States having j;
identical interests ought to withdraw”—but it
ponsable to a movement like this, that there should be
union ; that this union should be the result of a deep and
settled conviction, that such policy was inconsistent
with the paramount peace, interest, prosperity and hap
piness of the State, and not a temporary union produced s
by an artificial excitement —a united people, even of one tl
stale, might rescue liberty for a time, but without the ti
mean-' of maintaining ludepcndencr , liberty could not be c
preserved. 1 1 was necessary therefore, that other States
having common interests should be prepared to think and
act with us ; and it was altogether proper that for this *'
purpose, a system for correspondence and consultation h
should he organized as the best means of producing u- j
nion. My own belief was, that the Tariff would not t
yield and could not be made to yield but to some interest
stronger than the interest in manufactures, and I knew
hut one that was so, and that was the interest in Union.
It could not be doubted that the Northern Stales were
as lunch concerned in preserving the Union as our. '
selves, and it was altogether fair, that in the last resort, 1:
wc should present to them the plain alternative, either \
“In return tn Ihn bar/rain and stick to the bargain, or
give, up the Union.” If unhappily, it should turn out s
that they take more interest in manufactures than in 1
Union, it is my deliberate opinion, the Union is not
worth preserving. In all this, we have considered not
so much whnt might he done and rightfully done, hy the
sovereign States of the Union, us what may be wisely 1
done. Do what wc may and let what of evil come, wc
will have the consolation, that from the beginning to the
end, we have been passive subjects, & the adverse party t
active agents. The abuses and usurpations practised,
and the burdens imposed, have been of a positive char- (
nf o r- we hare done nothing hut hog relief from them. ‘
You have insisted on.my opinions, and I have given
then. No one could ask them with more propriety than
yourself. You have been nil your life a uniform,consistent
Republican, and as much devoted to the prosperity of the
Stale, & States too, ns any man in it. The stake which :
you and ail of your name and family have in it, is pledge
sufficient for your loyalty and discretion ; and the passion .
for liberty that was horn with you, is absolute security
that you canriot be a slave.
Your Friend,
r;. M. TROUP.
TUESDAY FEBRUARY S, I 88».
Tlirrn were but fifteen ilenilis in ibis City during tbc
month ending on the .'list nit.— 11) whites, six of whom
were under 10 yenrs of nge, and four of these by .Scnr-
U t Fever.
!l CUnderstanding that reports arc in circulation, rrl i
live to the opinion entertained hy Samuel Tarver, Esq.
on the subject of nullification, wc have been authorized
mid requested to stale, that this gentleman is decidedly
opposed to those doctrines,
11 With the aid of a supplement, wo are enabled to
furnish the debate in the Senate of the U. S. on the
question of appointing a tiny for the discussion of the
“ Enforcing hill.” We have besides, n mass of matter
which will have to find its way to our columns. The
speech of Mr. Men!, of Newton, was selected for publi
cation, but deferretl on account of the congressional
proceedings. The proceedings of a public meeting in
Monroe county, which we have been requested to pub.
lisb, shall appear as soon as wc can find room for them.
We have been obliged to place on onr first page, the re.
marks of Mr Wayne, on the Bank of the United State,
which have been in type more than four wcelts. As we
will have to find room for the debates on the enforcing
and tariff hills, we shall he compelled, for a month at
least, to discontinue our miscellaneous department, in
order to keep up with those debates. And if wc are 100
imieh pushed for space, wo will have recourse again to
supplements, for we shall spare neither pains nor expense
to gratify onr patrons.
not ini.Vtn Tsni'ra i.ni'Titn.
It has been frequently our good lot to find ourselves
supported, in our political course, hy this distinguished
champion of state rights; and it is peculiarly gratifying
to ns at this lime, that on the momentous questions which
agitate the public mind and attract so much attention, w e
have his authority for the correctness of the opinions we
have expressed, and for the soundness of the positions
we have assumed at the present crisis of onr political
affairs. Wc never doubled for one moment of the opin.
ions entertained by Governor Troup, as regarded the po.
lilieal principles which have lately been advanced by
certain politicians of this country. A man of his acute,
ness in discerning the wrong or right side of a question
presented to him ; Ids well known republican principles;
and the discrimination ho Ims uniformly exercised in con
struing the federal constitution ; could not err in forming
an opinion of the present political crisis, and of the
causes which produced it. This letter proves that we
wore not mistaken in our judgment of the man. When,
therefore, Crawford and Troup are authorities which we
can cite, whenevevur attempts are made to controvert
our propositions, we feel strong, and we may let those
who brlfcve otherwise than wo do, consume themselves
in the vain endeavours to confute truth, and to deceive
the people, who, though they may momentarily be led
astray by sophistry and artful insinuations, yet are sure
to return to the natural exorcise of their good sense,
when the men in whom they have justly placed confi
dence, are culled on by duty and patriotism to coins for
ward and confront those who are striving to blind and
mislead their fellow citizens.
'i’lle letter of Governor Troup is before the people of
Georgia; they can judge for themselves of the political
doctrines he avows, of the measures he recommends to
adopt at the present time, and of his views with regard
to the controversy now pending between a State of (iiu
confederacy and the federal government. Me is clear
and explicit; he cannot he misunderstood in lus posi
tions. It would therefore he idle on our part to try to
illustrate what our readers cannot fail to understand.
Wo must content ourselves with requesting the render’s
attention to the conclusions which Governor Troup him.
self draws of the arguments he advances in support of
his positions, ami which clearly show the fallacy of the
new tangled doctrines attempted to be introduced in this
country hy the disciples of the Calhoun school. The
whole structure raised by the framers of the South Car
olina Ordinance and of the laws passed in conformity to
it, is demolished hy the irresistible force of plain, good
sense, and of the true interpretation es the federal eon.
stitntion.
The conclusions of Governor Troup are these ;
“Thnfe is no [tower given by the Constitution
to resist the laws of the United States.
“Tito only constitutional remedy for uncon
stilntiomil laws, is the ballot box.
“ Amendments of the Constitution, petition,
j remonstrance, conventions,correspondence, and
| consultations of the States—these, (if you
' please to call them remedies,) are not unconstitu.
I tional.
“ I ndern government founded on consent and
opinion, evils are to be borne as long as possi.
ble.
“The States in virtue of their sovereignty,
when evils tire no longer supportable, must
judge the evil and the remedy.
“ The sovereign knows but two modes of set
tling controversies, Negotiation and War.
“Negotiation admits of arbitration, & cont .-o
--1 versies may be referred to other States, but This
is by consent and not by the Constitution, It is
of course not permissible to one of the parties,
to refer it to its own Courts and Juries.
“ When States cease to have an interest in
the Union, or suffer extreme oppression, it is
better that they withdraw peaceably, than that
blootl should be shed in contests which seldom
i decide anything, and which are apt to separate
i the parties forever.
“As States may do very imprudently and un- <
wisely what they have a right to do, it becomes t
them* to act very deliberately and cautiously,
because k is lawful for other States to unite
against them, to compel a fulfilment of their ob
ligations under tbc public law.
FOREIGN.
A late arrival in New York from France, brings Ha
vre papers to December 11. The citadel of Antwerp
still hold out; the fighting had become more severe and
the loss greater. It was reported in Havre, that the ci.
tadel had surrendered ; but there is no mention of the
circumstance in the Paris papers of the 10th, nor in
those of Havre of the 11th. This report wasjbrought
by the captain. We have placed under our commercial
head, the s'ate of the Liverpool market, on the Bth of
December, received at Now-York hy the John Jay, from
that port.
MEDIATION OF VIRGINIA.
The Charleston Courier of last Saturday contains the
information that Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Esq. has
been appointed hy the Legislature of Virginia, to be the
hearer of the resolutions adopted hy that state, on the
subject of federal relations, and that ho was to have
left Richmond on the SBth tilt.
OHIO.
The Ohio State Journal furnishes us with the follow,
ing statements, communicated by the collector of tolls,
Mr. Beardsley.
Total number of pounds of all property on which
toll was charged hy weight, which arrived at or was
cleared from Cleveland, Ohio, hy way of the Canal,
during the year 1832.
Arrived 43,694.694
Cleared 18,724,522 '
Amount of tolls received during the same year,
$31,710 50.
Among the different kinds of property which arrived
anil cleared, during the same time, there were :
Arrived —288,722 bushels of Wheat; 54,404 hbls of
Flour; 13,801 hbls of Pork ; 261,026 lbs of Ashes ;
549,223 lbs of Butter; 85,711 lbs Cheese; 333,101 lbs
Lard; 636,940 feet Lumber.
Cleared—29,939 hbls Salt; 5,260,533'1bs Merchan
dize; 190,800 lbs Gypsum'; 113,954 feet Lumber.
COM M Eli < T A I. H ANK AT M ACON.
The following information respecting this Bank, wc
derive from tbc Milledgevillc Times, and Macon Mes.
s engcr.
We take an early opportunity to assure the public, and
bill holders in particular, that this Institution isn sound,
wood i ind healthy one, and that a redemption of the bills
of it, in specie, will be promptly met by the Bank. Wc
are under the best assurances and in which every reliance
may be placed, that the recent reports of its failure,
&. of its incapacity to redeem everv dollar in specie is
entirely unfounded.— Tunes, Jan. 30.
c are informed, just as our paper is croinj? to press,
that a rumor is in circulation in several of the upper
counties, that this institution has been compelled to stop
payment, and will probably be unable to redeem its hills.
There is not the slightest foundation for such a rumor;
no hank has been more prompt in meeting the demands
which have been made upon it, and none, we venture to
assert, is in a sounder and safer condition.
[Messenger, Jan. 31.
MAI \E.
The Legislature have passed resolutions censuring
the Senators in Congress from that State, Messrs
Holmes and Sprague, for having disobeyed the instruc
tions that wery given to them to vote against the re
chartering of the Bank of the United States, and a
gainst the Tariff. These resolutions call upon them to
resign their seats. __
MiMCt'flaneouN Items.
On the 11 th ult. whilst a man residing in German,
town, Pu. was fixing the lock of his gun, it accidentally
went elfin his hands, and its whole discharge was lodg
ed in the body of his wife, causing her instant death.
The ancients, with their attachment to methodizing,
miyts n writer in the Westminster Review, supposed ov
ery man to he possessed of three different ghosts, which
after the dissolution of the body, were differently dispo
sed of. They were distinguished by the names of Spi
ritus, Manes and Umbra. The Manes, they fancied,
went down to the infernal regions, the Spiritus ascended
to the skies, and the Umbra hovered about the tomb, as
being unwilling to quit its old connexions.
Extract of a Letter from Gen. Lafayette to an Ameri
can Gentleman, who was about to embark for the United
States from Havre, dated Lagrange, October 8, 183-3
“Your passage through a part of Europe, short ns it has
been, must enable you to fell our fellow citizens how
injurious to the consequence of the United States, and to
the cause of Republican Institutions in Europe, are
their State collisions; and what are the anticipations, un
founded I firmly hope, of a dissolution of the Union.”
At the late session of the Newllampshire Legislature,
Mr. Wilson, of Haverhill, from the select committee
to ascertain the number of days each member has boon
absent during the session, reported that the “committee
didn't know , and the members would'nt tell.”
The citizens of Troy are taking measures to have that
city established as a port of entry. Albany has been
laboring for some years to effect the same object for
herself; but hitherto without success.
The Post Office Department has entered into a con.
tract with Col. Beveridge, of Florida, for the conveyance
of the mail semi-weekly in steamboats from Columbus,
Ga. to Apalachicola, Florida, commencing on the Ist ult.
Hereafter no person can he appointed a Cadet at the
Military Academy, till he attain the age of sixteen.
Males and Females.— lt appears by Correct schedules
of the fifth census of the United 'lates, just published,
that in every section of Country, except New-Englnnd,
the free males outnumber the f ree females. The excess
of free females over the free males in New. England is
24,688! Excess of free nudes in the Middle States, 59,-
944; do. in the South Western States, 10,526; do|
in the Western and South Eastern States, 18,026; do.
in Districts and Territories, 3,759.
C OLLECTION OF DUTIES.
The Charleston Courier of February 2, gives us the
fol lowing information :
“Yesterday, the birth-day of practical Nul
lification, otherwise called the fatal first of Feb.
ruary , was signalized by no event of greater
importance, than a somewhat more rigid en
forcement than usual, of the revenue laws. The
British Ship Roger Stewart, from Greenock, and
Spanish |Brig Jlcrmoso Habanera, horn Havana,
were taken in charge by the U. S. Revenue
.force in our harbor, until the duties on the mer
chandize they contained, should be properly
secured to the Government. This proceeding
has been denounced, hy an Evening Journal, as
a “Federal aggression,” and tiic first step to
wards a collision with the State authorities. So
far from ibis being the case, the course pursued
by the Collector on this occasion, in compliance
with his instructions, is in strict conformity with
the provisions of the Act entitled “ An Act to
regulate the collection of duties on imports and
tonnage,” passed the 2d March, 1799-an act,
the validity or constitutionality of which, has
never been questioned. That this amounts t«
a “Federal aggression” can only be maintained
by those who ate anxious for some pretext to
commence "hostilities or who agree with an inge
nious Columbia Editor, that to enforce the reve.
nuc laws, of the United States, is to commit
Assault and Battery .
“We perceive, by the instructions ot the
Treasury Department, to the Collector of this
port, dated Nov. 6. 1833, published among the
other documents, accompanying the last Mes.
sage of the President, that the officers of the
customs are directed to adhere to the strict line
of their official duty, “ merely executing their
duties with, perhaps, greater vigilance than or- 11
dinary, and adapting existing regulations of daily v
use and application, to new circumstances of *
greater emergency, as they may arise;” and a
that it is the wish of the President and the Trea- t
sury Department, “to take no step, nor employ
any means calculated to provoke or excite to J
force, those who are now threatening resistance, s
but to defeat their operatioiis'by the moral forc f! a
of the Laws and the Constitution.” r
-N-ooJoo- c
Drawings of the Gold and Land Lottery to the
2c/ February , inclusive . , ,
Gold Lottery. 1
BURKE. 1
Fortunate Drainers. Capts. Dist. No. Diet. See. *
Elizabeth Stone, orph. 71st 997 20 3
Elizabeth Sumner, wid. Bryant’s 1294 21 3
Stephen Boyd, 72 384 173 '
Jonathan Jeffers, 72nd 307 3 4
Hardy Perry, Bryant’s 1098 4 1 >
Brannom Cole, 71st * 26 21 3
John Wiggin, Roe’s 383 16 4
John Boyd, Bryants 1052 111 1
Moses Mulkey, Griffin’s 710 17 3 '
Benjamin Maddrny, 70th 641 19 2 1
John Mingledorf, 72nd 997 12 1 1
JohnC. Watson, Brooks’s 1090 3 1 1
Morris Nicholas, 72nd 194 3 1
William Mills, Paris’s 406 11
Elisha Attaway, 72nd 983 2 1
Archibald Spears, Griffin’s 97 4 I
Moses Hanberry, 74th 240 14 1
Stephen Hayrnans, Bryant’s 240 15 1
Lycurgus and Elizabeth A. Irwin,
orphans, Polhill’s 666 2 1
Sarah Reddick, wid. Bell’s 129 2 • 1
COLUMBIA.
John R. Ryan, Dozier’s 67 16 4
Alfred Tr Brown, Adams’s 1079 19 3
Harris P. Spier, Culbreath’s 213 3 4
Vincent Rees, Harris’s 1204 4 3
Samuel W. Harrison, Culbrcath’s 228 19 2
Win. S. Jones, Walkers’ 657 17 2
Win. N. Stone. Bell’s 533 2 2
Isaac Lucas, Peek’s 190 15 1
James Draper, Harris’s 799 20 3
Jefferson S. Briscoe, Murphey’s 107 2 3
John Lamar, do. <l2 1 4
George Lassiter, Harris 793 21 3
Jesse Watson, Adam’s 558 15 2
Daniel L. Marshall, Tankersley’s 825 16 2
Isham Welsh, Adams’s 133 3 2
Nicholas V. Prather, do. 559 20 3
William Yarborough, Walker’s 4 5 1
William Hanson, Peek’s 1180 18 3
JEFFERSON.
John Hadden, Hannah’s , 1148 20 3
John Tomkins, Alexander’s 180 3 1
James Brass, Hannah’s 791 3 I
James Young, Gunn’s 767 3 2
Levi Campbell, Christie’s 201 17 3
Isaac Covington, Hannah’s 644 17 2
Rhoda Samples, wid. do. 1263 21 2
Samuel C. Boyd, Fleming’s 47 11
James Trimble’s orphans, Young’s 345 11 1
Alfred Turner, Alexander’s 772 17 2
Samuel B. Tarver, Christie’s 942 19 2
David Brinson’s orphans, Young’s 15 1 3
Absalom Taylor, do. 1142 5 3
RICIIMOMD.
John Edgar, 398th 1246 19 3
Absalom Rhodes, 121st 803 17 3
Alfred, William, Sarah, and Eliza
both Boody, orph*. 122nd 696 4 3
Hugh McGimley, 123 d 397 3 2
John W. Heard, 122 d 9 19 3
Geo. W. Redman, 119th 1005 18 2
Hiram Weston, 398th 64 10 2
Augusta* Simonet, sen., 120th 1193 21 3
Lucy ' illiams, wid., 120th 316 2 2
James Walker, 192nd 547 4 3
James Primrose, 119th 493 17 2
Ayres S. Turpin, 120th 778 15 2
George S. Morris, 600th 1163 12 1
Mary Ann Kelly, orphan, 122nd 626 5 1
Hillary Caffin, do., 210 1 I
Frederic J. Redficld. 120th 86118 2
WARREN .
James H ill, Camp’s H7G 3 3
John Marsh. Newsom’s 177 20 3
James Roney, Perryman’s 629 4 1
Harris Reese, Putes’s 2;>l 5 I
John Rogers, do. 1190 2 3
Wm. B. Hundley, Perryman’s 996 20 3
i Wm. Newsom, Newsom’s 23 3 2
Micajnh Rogers, Pntes’s 1188 2 4
Alfred G. Pogne, Parham’s . 820 2 1
Jesse E. Smith, Camp’s 369 2’ 4
’ Lewis Hilson, Down’s 1207 14 1
I Jesse Story, Perryman’s 481 16 4
i Rachael H ind, wid., do. 296 18 3
Je«.*o Burrow’sorphs., Newsom’s 117 I I 1
Allen Brainard, Stewart’s 1109 4 1
Ltuxl Loltcry.
UVIiKU.
Jonathan Jufier’s, 79nd 2fifi 24 3
Willis Hurst, Griffin’s 29(1 9 1
i Willis Mnynor, 72 nd 236 71
. Seaborn H. Poaterson, 75th 113 10 I
William Hynes, 75th 74 5 2
McKinley .Stmt's, Bell’s 126 27 3
James I!. Smith, 60th 269 27 2
, John B. Burley, Griffin’s 260 17 1
. Jordan Bell’s orphans, Roll’s 124 10 4
Mary Spence, wr s, 74th 255 4 4
1 Starkey J. Sharp, Peterson’s 166 12 3
! Robert Barrow, 72nd 85 17 1
Juda Garlick, wid., Roc’s 154 7 2
COLUMBIA.
1 Daniel Stanford, Culbreath’s 85 18 1
1 John Sturges’ orphans, Clictt’s 159 20 2
r Elizabeth M. Ray, wid. Murphy’s 45 15 3
Thornton Gibson’s orphans, Murphy’s 140 13 2
Edward Miles, Bell’s 98 11 2
James W. H. Blackston, Culbreath’s 73 4 4
- Nancy Richardson, wid. Adams’s 47 18 4
, W. M. Williams, Grubb’s 29 10 3
W. Anderson’s orphans, Alexander’s 137 5 3
Mary Clark, wr s, Hannah’s 83 27 3
3 JEFFERSON.
Jonathan Willis’s orphans,-Belcher’s 160 12 2
s Elizabeth Lane, wid., Williams’s 289 12 2
Hannah Ward, wid., Dawson’s 23 15 3
Benajah Hardy, Williams’s 223 6 1
’ Jeremiah 8. Tucker, Phillips’s 211 13 4
3 IV. (i. Mcßride’s orphs. Alexander’s 96 16 3
s James C. Wilkinson, Young’s 297 14 3
Lloyd Bell’s orphans, Carswell’s 8 8 3
M i Joseph Thomas, 119th 257 25 2
Levicy Funn, wid., 600th 54 23 2
'• Eliza Lyons, wid. 120th 180 14 4
John M. James, (Lunatic) 123rd 258 17 1
RICHMOND.
John Mcßride, junr., 398th 81 8 1
e George Kcnox. 119th 268 5 4
John Phelan, 120th 75 19 4
James Goodman, 122nd 287 7 3
Benjamin Barton, 600th 294 24 3
Patrick Rooney, 119th 193 7 4
r Hester Reece, wid., 119th 55 13 4
Sarah Jones, w. (of Chatham), 124th 172 23 2
Wm.Harnet, 600th 66 9 2
j Jns. & Alfred McKeen, orphs. 398th 210 12 4
1 John T. Taylor, do. 136 9 3
, David Aughtry, 120th 276 10 1
C John B. NoVrell, 122nd 255 11 3
WARREN.
y Thos. Turley, Grier’s 224 9 3
Edward Barbaric, Perryman’s 44 7 4
Eli Blankenship, Down’s 112 27 2
s Jeremiah R. Sevain, sol., Perryman’s 222 9 4
•- David K. Roach, Lynn’s 201 13 4
o David Wilson’s orphs., Perryman’s 95 19 4
d Richard W. Davis’s orphs, Down’s 717 1
Joel English, Pate’s 185 7 2
e James A. Chapman, Lynn’s 218 11 2
h Benjamin Adams, rs, Pate’s 160 9 3
o
cl WASHINGTON, JAN. 25.
Congress. — Analysis of Proceedings. —ln the Sen.
s ate , yesterday, Mr. Waggaman introduced a bill to give
effect to the Bth article of the Treaty with Spain;
w which was read twice and referred to the Committee on
<1 Foreign Relations. Mr. Smith , from the Committee on
O Finance, reported a bill prohibiting the officers ol the
Customs from trading in articles subject to duty ; which
was read anl ordered to a second reading. Several
private bills passed stages. The Senate then resumed
d the consideration of the bill appropriating for a limited
tune the proceeds of the sales of the Public Lands —the
q question being on the amendment offered by Mr. Pain
dexter. Mr. Benton addressed ihe Senate two hours
‘ and a half, in an able speech in opposition to the bill.
L ‘ The question was then taken on the first section of t’.ie
amendment offered by Mr. Poindexter , which provided
0 for the gradual reduction of the price of such of tho
e Public Lands as may have been in market for r M specified
period, and decided in the negative —yeas ’<3. nays 30.
* The second section of the amendment, crn/ning preemp
lions lo actual settlers under certain circamstiinfes,
was also rejected—yeas 13, nays 31. The question
was then taken on the third section of the amendment,
guarantying, (during the existence of the act) a continu.
ance of the surveys of the public lands, and that
the present minimum price of the same, shall not be
increased, which was adopted—yeas 25, nays 14. The
fourth and last section of the amendment, empowering
the Secretary of the Treasury, under certain circum.
stances, to discontinue and alter land districts, was
adopted—yeas 27, nays 17. The question then recur,
red upon the amendment reported by the Committee
on the Public Lands, (in lieu of the original bill) pro.
viding for a reduction of the price, and granting pre
emptions to actual settlors on the public lands, which
was rejected—yeas 17, nays 25. Mr. Benton moved
further to amend the bill by striking out the quantity
of land granted to each of the States of Louisiana, Mis.
siasippi, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Alabama, and
inserting in lieu thereof a quantity of land (after de.
ducting the amount already received by those States)
equal to that which has been heretofore granted to the
State of Ohio, for making Roads and Canals. This ».
mendment was supported by Messrs. Benton, Kane,
Moore, and Buckner, opposed by Messrs. Clay and
Ewing, and rejected—yens 12, nays 26. Mr. Moore
moved to amend the hill by requiring that the land grant
ed to the State of Alabama, should be applied in aid of
the improvement of the navigation of the Tennessee and
other rivers, which was rejected.—Mr. Benton moved
to amend the hill by deducting from the proceeds of the
sales of the public lands, to be distributed among the
States, the amount expended yearly in administering
the land system, and also the sum paid to Indians for
their lands, which was rejected—yeas 14, nays 24. Mr.
Forsyth moved lo amend the bill by striking out “ co.
lonization of free persons of color," as one of the pur.
poses, to which the States are required, at their dis
cretion, to appropriate their respective proportions of the f
proceeds of the sales of the public lands. This amend,
mont was supported by Mr. Forsyth, opposed by Messrs.
Clay and Chambers, and rejected—yeas 18, nays 21.
Mr. Mangmn then moved to strike out the restrictions
upon the States, requiring the applications to the ob
jects of Internal Improvements, education and coloni
zation of free persons of color, which was negatived—
yeas 16, nays 23. The hill was then reported to the
Senate, the amendments adopted in’ Committee were
concurred in, and as amender, it was ordered to be en.
grossed and read a third time. The Senate then at a
quarter before eight o’clock, P. M. adjourned.
In the House of Representatives, Mr. Wing, of Mi
chigan, presented the memorial of the Legislative Coun.
cil of that Territory, requesting the passage of a law
for its admission, as a State, into the Union. The re
solutions heretofore submitted by Mr. Adorns for calling
on the President and Secretary of the Treasury forcer
ta n specifications relative to their views upon the Ta
riff then came tip. .Mr. Kennon opposed the adoption
of the resolutions nt length. Mr. Stewart replied to
some remarks of Mr. Hoffman on a former day ; when
Mr. Wiekliffe demanded the previous question. Mr.
Clay moved lo lay the resolutions on the table, which
was carried; ayes 06, noes 72. A message was re.
ccived from the President communicating the copy of a
convention entered into between the United Slates and
the King of the two Sicilies, which was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs. The House then went
into Committee of the Whole ’on tho State of the Uni.
on upon the Tariff bill, Mr. Wayne in the Chair. Mr.
Wilde resumed his speech in support of the bill, which
he concluded after speaking about an hour and a half.
Mr. Vinton then addressed the Committee nearly an
hour and a half, when he gave way to a motion by Mr.
Arnold that the Committee rise, which was carried—
yeas 6!), nays 62. The Committee rose and reported
progress. Mr. Speight moved the Committee again re
solve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the
Slate of the Union. Mr. Irvin moved the House ad
journ, on which Mr. Speight called for tho Ayes and
Noes, which were ordered. The motion to adjourn
was negatived, Ayes 75, Noes 78. Mr. Bind moved a
rail of the House, on which he asked the Ayes and
Noes, which were ordered. A call was negatived
Avcs 85, Noes f)5. Mr. Southerland moved the House
adjourn—on which Mr. Wilde called for the Ayes and
Noes, wlrch were ordered. The motion was negatived.
Ayes 76, Noes 86. The question was then taken on
Mr. Speight's motion to go into committee of the whole,
on which Mr. Arnold demanded the Yaas and Nays,
which were ordered. The motion was carried, Ayes
90, Noes 79. The House then went into Committee,
Mr. Wayne in the chair. Mr. Vinton then went on
with his speech, which he concluded at a quarter past
sir. Mr. Watmnngh then moved the committee rise,
which was negatived, Ayes 68, Noes 72. Mr. IKat
mongh then addressed the committee in opposition to
tho bill, and was proceeding in his speech, when our pa.
per was made up.
I the Senate, on tho 26th, Mr. Clayton rose, and rc
f red to the resolutions which were offered by Mr. Cal.
un, and to the substitute proposed by Mr. Grundy,
and concluded by presenting a resolution, which he in.
tended to move as an amendment to that offered by Alr.G.
'.lie Public Land Rill was read a third time. Mr. For.
h moved lo recommit the hill with instructions lo
ike out the words “ colonization of free persons of
c lour.” Mr. Tyler proposed lo amend the motion by
striking out tho whole of the restrictions upon the states,
which require that the appropriations shall he applied
lo objects of internal improvements, education and colo.
■fixation of free persons of colour. Mr. Forsyth ac
quiesced in tills motion. A short debate ensued. The
motion to recommit was lost, yeas 20, nays 23. The
bill was passed, yeas 24, nays 20.
In the House of Representatives, the Tariff Bill was
taken up. Mr. Wilde went into an explanation of his
former remarks, which he had not concluded when the
Globe was made up.
[From the World of Fashion, London.]
On Hits, Chit Chat, and Tabic Talk.
Quite. Large Enough. —Wo understand that
the hide of the elephant Chuney, shot at Exeter’
Change, in 1820, was sold a few days ago for
the sum of thirty.two guineas. There is a report
in (own that it was purchased by one of Lord
Nugent’s agents, for the purpose of being made
into a travelling cloak for his Lordship !
Female Wit. —Lady C—, upon hearing that
the Portuguese troops had got to a place called
“Aqua Ardiente,” said to the Earl of A ,
“There is no doubt, then, my lord, of their hav
ing got ifito hot water.
A Curious Con. —Alvanlcy has perpetrated
the following—Why is a shoemaker like a fish,
monger?—Answer—Because he deals in soles
and eels.
Bow Strings. —Archery is now 'the fashion.
One of our contemporaries has a long article
upon tho subject, wherein it is stated that Ed
ward tho Fourth directed that his bowstring
should bo made of “hide, horse hair— woman's
hair, &c.” Many of our fair readers, perhaps,
knew not that the hair of their sex had ever
been used for archery. We do not wonder at
the monarch’s direction, for even at the present
day, ladies’ tresses make excellent beau-strings.
Horace is at last a Benedict. He besieged
the fortress gallantly and won the Day. —
Horace Cloggel is the spouse of the Princess of
Japan.
• “When is English butter like Irish butter?”j
enquired Lady Morgan. When it is made into
little Pats.
The Wild Irish Girl. —“Her ladyship has
grown perfectly enhonpoint, ’’said Crofter Crok
er to the good-hearted Jordan ol the L. G.
“An illustration, then,” quoth tho latter, “of
Fat-a-Morgan-a, I suppose.”
When is a flitch of bacon like a boat ?
When its along side.
Corns. —Lord Milton one day at a public
! meeting, amused himself by beating the toes of
J one of his feet against the heel of the other,
i “What the deuce is he at?” enquired Sir C.
> K ,of a slander’by. "Thrashing his corn,
j of course,” was the reply. “Ah, rejoined Sir
\ C ,“1 have heard that it engrossed his atten.
i tion in tolo .”
; notice.
41,1. persona indebted to the estate of the late Fran
cis H. C.mbs, dec. will please make immediato
d payment; and all those having demands against said cs
a talc, will hand them in properly authenticated within tho
A time prescribed by law, to
i. STERLING T. COMBS. Adn.
>■ I Januan j’2, 1833. lit 63
INDISTINCT PRINT