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I.UVS OF Til K I N'lTl; I) STATES PASSED AT TIIK
SECOND SESSION Of'PEE 22(1 COXURESS.
( Pi llt.lt , No. 4.]
AN ACT to establish a Land 0(11 no in tho
Territory of Michigan.
Ur it enacted In/1 hr Senate "ml Ihnise <>l Re
presentatives of the I'ailed. Stales of America in
Congress assembled, That all that part of the
Territory of Michigan, which is comprehended
within the following honntiiiies, shall, from and
after the passage ofthis act, constitute ono land
district for the sale and entry o)‘ tlio public lands,
viz ; lying between the third and (bn-lh ranges
of townships south of the bii.se line, and cast of
the principal meridian, except so much thereof
as lies north of the river Htirtmof Lake I'lrio;
and also, the first, second, third, fourth, fifth,
and sixth ranges ofTownships south of said base
line, and west of said principal meridian. And
there is hereby established a land office within
thesafno, lobe located at such place as the Pre
sident in his discretion, shall think proper to de
signate.
r ‘ Sue. 2. And hr il furl her rnartril, That there
ahull ho appointed by the President, by and
with the advice and eon:- at of the Senate, under
(he existing laws, a Register and Receiver in
and for said district, whoso compensation shall
he the same ns provided for other Registers and
Receivers.
A. .STEVENSON,
Speaker of the limine id ltrpre.scntuliv.es.
Ill) : L. WHITE,
President of the. Sr mile pro tempore.
Approved, January 10, 183.1.
ANDREW JACKSON.
l imn dir fierr:j.i Mmsnign ,)
MIWTI.W IN MONUdt:.
Pursuant to notice given in the Georgia Mes
senger ofllio 1 Ith insl, inviting the citizens of
Monroe Count v, without distinction of parties, to
meet in the Court House in Forsyth, this day,
23d January, 1811, for the purpose of expressing
an opinion in relation to the late Proclamation of
the President of the Foiled Slants, a large and
respectable number oflhu citizens of tlio County,
amounting to 5 or (I hundred, convened at the
time mul place appointed : Dr. Win. H. Stephens
wins called to the Chair, and Win. P. Henry ap
pointed Secretary.
A. 11. Chappell. Esq. explained the object of
the mooting, and offered the following Preamble
and Resolutions, viz:
The citizens df Monroe County, assembled in
pursuance of notice, for the purpose of express,
ing their sentiments in relation t<V the late Pro
clamalion ofthe President of (he F. States, can
not repress the declaration oft hot r strong surprise
and regret, that-principles and doctrines.such as
those contained in that document, should have
been sanctioned and promnlged by the present
chief magistrate of the Fnion. The cfl'eetutil
maintenance of that division of powers, which
tho Constitution hits ordained'hetween the Gene
ral Government and tho particular States, is a
vital and most difficult point in the working of
the complex political system ofour country. It
would he rendering this distribution of powers
idle and unavailing— ; indeed it would he a virtu
al annulment ofthe distribution itself-—if to that
Government, which holds the purse and sword of
the w hole Confederacy, ho also ascribed tho sole
and exclusive right of deciding what powers have
been conferred on it, and of binding the several
States by spich its decisions; —for the unchecked
right of judging ofthe extent of its own powers,
coupled with the unlimited command of the re
sources, pecuniary and military, of the country,
for the purpose of giving clfeet to its judgments,
must unquestionably amount in practice to con.
cunt rating in that Government any and all [low
ers which it may c.ltoos ■ to arrogate.
Os such a character and tendency, however,
uro the doctrines of the Proclamation—doctrines
which have ever been rejected by the Depuhli
cun party ns unsound and dangerous, and which
have heretofore only found a reception among
that portion of the people and politicians ofthis
country known as the Federal party.—For the
great, permanent, and paramount point ofdif.
ferenco between political partie s in the Failed
States—a dilferenee springing from the peculiar
character of our Federative System, and destiti
ed to Justus lung ns the Constitution itself shall
exist in its present state —turns un the i/urslion of
the right of judging. —the Federal party main
tinning that the right of determining what powers
are delegated by the Constitution and what aft:
reserved to the States, resides* exclusively in the
General Government as against the several
States, and that tho latter are constitutionally
obliged to yield to the ilclerminaii.ms ofthe for
mer, on all questions touching tho boundary of
power, whilst the Republican party, on *!tc oth
er hand, has always insisted that each State, in
virtue of its reserv -d sovereignty, anil (s a ne
cessary incident thereto, possesses an espial and
co-ordinate right of judging for itself, i ls against
the General Government, what powers it has
granted and what it has retained,and may also
aonstitutkmallv act upon such its jmhnnent, hv
taking measures to arrest, within i’s particular
limits, infractions ofthe Constitution by tho Fed
eral authorities.
The cardinal coti.l,cling doctrines of the two
great parlies of our country hi ing thus useer-!
tabled and distinguished, it is hardly possible to
• doubt as to their respective tendencies'. That
of the Federalists, by freeing tho General Go.
vernment from all check whatever exercisable
by the States in their separate capacity, leads
directly and .surely to consolidation and ultimate
despotism ; w hereas that of the Republicans is
happily adapted to the keeping of tho General
Government ami the s vend Stales within tlieir
respective rightful spheres, by rendering them
mutual checks on each other; and although it
exposes the country to the danger of occasion
al collisions between the head mul members of
the confederacy, yet an apt remedy lor such
collisions is always at hand in the power of «-
g the Constitution—a remedy to which
m -w -w w iw " •
1 resort will invariably he had, on failure of other
means, if there ho a sincere disposition to pre
serve pence and the integrity of the Fnion.
That Andrew Jackson should, at this late dnv,
have solemnly repudiated the republican doc
trines on this subject, and wedded himself by
tho most imposing sanctions, to those of the
Federalists, is an event, than which none has
over occurred in our constitutional history more
strange, unnatural, and portentous of lasting ill.
To say nothing of the fact, that the doctrines
he now advances those in opposition to which
he was elected f 0 his present high station, nor
ol the furth ~r s ue t, that the doctrines ho now
j °*. ;,.re the same that were thought to have
pte'.ed, a triumph in his elevation to power,—
leaving out of view, too, that, as a member of
iho republican party, he was always conceived
to hold the essential distinctive doctrines of that
party, —dropping all these things from our
thoughts, it is enough to present the simple ques
lion, has not his administration of the Govern
ment, up to the moment of issuing this Frocla
malion, been marked by a constant and clear re
cognition of the principles ho now denounces ?
I pon what hut a right of annulling laws and
treaties of the United States which she judged
to he unconstitutional, has the whole policy of
Georgia for years past, proceeded in relation
toher Cherokee territory '! Fpou what hut a
right of annulling as unconstitutional even that
twent.fifth section of the Judiciary Act, 'the
constitutionality of which the President seems
to think has never been questioned, has (ieorgia
based herself in her disobedience to the man
dates and defiance of the power of the Supremo
Federal Court? And upon what, let it he ask
ed, hut a recognition of this right of annulment,
as exercised by Georgia, has tho President him
self proceeded, during all this time, in his ac-
I. quiescence in this strenuous and long continued
annulling policy of the Stale ? And shall he
’ hope to win our belief when he tells us now that
' “ the power to annul a law of the I . States, ns.
sumcil by one State, is incompatible with the
existence of the Union, contradicted expressly
1 by tho letter ofthe Constitution, unauthorized by
its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on
■ which it was founded, and destructive of the
great object for which it was formed’ 1 ?
I Put il is not so much in reference to the
strangeness and inconsistency of doctrines such
( as these, coming from Andrew Jackson, as on
I account of the pernicious ascendency which the
I authority of his name is calculated to give them,
that we deem tho document in which are
put forth worthy of the most solemn animadver
sion. Throughout the Northern, Middle mid
Western States, tho party engaged in the sup
port of General Jackson, was heretofore tho on
ly conservatory of republican principles. That
parly having now, according to all the indica
tions that have transpired, fallen almost unanim
ously into the doctrines of the Proclamation,
those regions may he said to present, at this
time, one vast, tin variegated waste of Federul
j. ism. Nor is it surprising that the people of
i those portions of the Union should have thus
readily sanctioned the President’s new creed ;
’ for they form the great interested sectional ma
|. jority in whose coat ruling hands the General
Government is an obedient machine, dexterous
ly used to work out all their selfish ends of lu.
cal advantage and aggrandizement. And na
tural enough it is, that they should he disposed
to seo the groat check of State interposition re
moved from this machine—a machine from
which they can have nothing to four, and a check
on which is in reality hut another name for re
straint on their will.
Hut to the people ofthe South—the groat sec
tional minority—to ns who must always re
main, to an important extent, a peculiar people,
with peculiar and strongly marked interests, ha
bits and pursuits; tons who are doomed, by the
necessity of things, to constitute the ft older di
vision in this w ide extended and still enlarging
confederacy',—tho principle of State interposi
tion is tho very life-guard of our liberties, an
yEgis inclls|Htnsahlo to our salvation. Should
wc stiller it to he wrested from us and demolish,
od, the day will assuredly come, sooner or la
ter, when the more numerous millions of tho
North will tyrannize systematically over the
fewer millions of the South, and tho General
Government ho converted ipto a mere engine
for the enrichment of a sec ionul majority at the
expense anti to tho heavy oppression of the sec
tional minority.
Os what avail then is it, in the long result of
things—to w hat dues it amount in reference to
the lasting support of our vital interests and
great constitutional rights, that Gen. Jackson
has, through nil his previous administration,
sought to arrest the tide of Federal encroach
ments, if now he is permitted to succeed in tear
ing from our grasp what would he our only
shield of defence against a future administration
that might he disposed to oppress us? Little
shall we gain by hi.s efforts lostillo the misnam
ed American system, however sttcccsslld they
may prove for the present, if the same hand that
has been nerved to liberate us from its oppres
sions, shall also cast us, disarmed and pinioned,
through all coming time, on tho tender mercies
of those passions and interests in which that
system originated, and by w hich it will he even
tually re-established, unless it shall ho kept
down by the conviction, that the Slates to be
oppressed by it, would resort to their high right
of interposition and self-protection. Vos, the
settled conviction that this high right would he
exerted on an occurrence of a proper case for
:ts exercise, would tend naturally and powerful
ly to prevent the occurrence of such a case ; as
a sword iu the scabbard defends tho wearer by
causing him not to he attacked.
Wo will not cast awayour sword of defence at
the bidding of Andrew Jackson, nor will we per
mit our shield of protection to he broken in pie
ces by the rod of his power. Distant, far dist
ant ho the day, when we shall he necessitated
to draw that sword or uplift that shield in self
defence. Hut wo know full well, that to surren
der either would ho to hasten the period when
ivy shall stand in hitter want both ofthe otic and
the other.
Sotlih-Farolinn, however, has thrown herself
fully in the breach, and ifJnstico, Right and tho
Constitution, are not mere empty sounds, she. is
destined to prevail. Her triuihph, if she does
succeed, will redound to our benefit; her dis
j comfiUtre, if she is doomed to fall, w ill alllict ns
1 with till the calamities of which site herself will
the the victim. Whether wo have differed, and
still dilfer, from her or not, in some posh
‘ tions of her theorv of constitutional rights, is now
' of little consequence in relation to the moincn.
! tons contest in which she is involved. For he it
- remembered, that it is not against the peculiari
-1 lies of h r doctrine, hut against the great princi
i' pic of State Interposition, under ant/ circmnstan
t res, that the thunders of the Proclamation arc
t hurled. I’hut principle is right; to us it is the
■ cons 'n ative principle of all our reserved rights,
t and constitutional liberties; and we must main
i tain il, or yield ourselves up to be ground to
• dust at the w ill of a great central Govonnnent,
i without limitation of powers.
Um the many points of inferior importance on
■ which the Proclamation is open to exception,
wc will not dilate, but will proceed simply to set
i forth our dissent to such of them as occur to us
■ most interesting.
Resolved, Therefore, that we dissent from ail
; those views in the President’s Proclamation,
i which proceed on a denial of the rights of a
; P.tato to arrest, through her constituted author!-
' tic®, the operation within her territory, of ah
i unconstitutional law of Congress,
i Resolved, That we dissent from all those
parts of the Proclamation which assert the Con
stitulionulity of the Turilf acts of 1828 and
' 1 8,:i2; and especially we protest against the
- doctrine that Congress' dan, by a fraudulent
omission to sot forth, on the face of a law, the
I object for which it was passed, place the ques
lion of the eonstitutioimlify of such law beyond
the rcacb of the State sovereignties.
Resettled, That we dissent from the Presi
dent's view s iii relation to the origin of the Con
slitulion and Government of the United States.
We believe they were created by the people, of
tlStates in their character of separate politi
cal societies, and not by the people of all the
[ Stales, acting as one collective mass of popula
tion.
Resolved, That the constitution of the I ni.
ted States, being a compact among the Staffs,
' as political sovereigns, those sovereigns have
' caeh the right of secession therefrom, in cases
of breaches of the compact by the other par
ties'; and that this right rests on the same prin
’ eiples, (subject to such modifications ns result
from the peculiar structures of our Federative
System) as apply to all cases of a league or
1 compact'between Sovereign States.
Resolved, That we regard witli special disap-
I probation, the doctrine that a citizen can he
guilty of treason, whilst acting in obedience to
t the sovereign authority of his own State.
Resolved, That we deprecate a resort to mil
, itnry or naval force, for the settlement of the
, prevailing controversy between South Carolina
, and the General Government; and we invoke
, the interposition of Congress, by a repeal of
, the protective system, as the most proper and di
reel way of removing the present difficulties and
dangers; and ns the wrong commenced by the
j action of Congress in establishing this unconsti
tutional and oppressive policy, it is the bounden
duty of Congress to administer a remedy by re
tracing its steps and returning to the principles
’ of Jus;ice and the Constitution. And in case
of the pertinacious refusal of Congress to adopt
j this salutary, course, it will he the duly of the
' States to have recourse to the lust and highest
remedy provided by the Constitution itself,
in the power of making amendments thereto.
A. M. I). King, Esq. offered the following
preamble and resolutions as a substitute fur Mr.
Chappell’s:
’ Whereas, a mooting of the citizens of Mon.
’ roe County has been culled to express their
j. opinion in relation to the lute proclamation of
the President of the United States, and we, a
’ portion of the citizens of said County, in exer
-1 cisingthe right of expressing our opinion in re
lation to the above mentioned Proclamation,
deem it due the occasion to say, that Ihul, instru
ment receives our cordial approbation, us one
embracing the principles upon the perpetuation
of which our form of government most essen
tially depends. VVodecm it not disrespectful to
admonish our follow citizens that the right of
tile United States to secure their own political
existence is essentially interwoven with tiie
principles assumed,and in a most able and afiec
tionute manner vindicated by its venerable & pat
riotic author. We indulge a hope that the day
is yet distant, far distant, when the doctrine shall
ho received as true, by the people of our com
mon country, that the dominant faction in any
one State havo the right of placing their own
construction on the laws and constitution of thu
whole Union, and of enforcing that construction
against the opinions and interests, possibly, of
fifty times tlieirown number of free citizens of
a common government. We view this doctrine
as essentially the same with that lately assumed
by a portion of the people of our sister State of
South-Carolinn, —a doctrine which, if carried
into effect, will prove the overthrow of all that
is politically worth enjoying both to themselves
and to us, —a doctrine which we believe to lie
anti-republican, and tending to anarchy and the
subversion of all social security' and the perpet
uation of the civil rights of the people of these
United States: still less can we admit the right
of any State to withdraw from the Union when
a majority of that Stale may think lit to do so :
we hold that in thu beginning of the struggle
which led to our national independence, the
feelings of our forefathers were common —that
it was a united struggle in the same common
cause, and for the general benefit of the whole
country; and wc would respectfully ask, can
we believe that those who thus devotedly risked
their all in the noble cause, ever for a moment
believed themselves to be contending for the
establishment of thirteen separate governments,
which should not only stand independent of and
unaccountable to the rest of the world, but ab
solutely and perfectly so to one another ! We
cannot so behove nor for one moment admit.
To admit a perfect right inane party, in gene
ral implies a perfect obligation on the part of all
others to observe that right, and to abstain from
its infraction. One part of our constitution de
-clnres that “ Congress shall have power to levy
and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises,”
—another part declares that Congress shall have
power to “declare war”—hero the words are
simple, and as broad, perhaps, as the English
language will allow. A (Hirtion, however, of
thu people of one State have said that although
certain laws are clearly within the letter, yet
they depart from the spirit and intent of that in
strument, and are therefore unconstitutional,
void, and of no effect, and that they havo the
right to he their own exclusive judges in regard
to this important matter, and in effect say that
the people ofihe United States nncl'of the world
I are of right hound to acquiesce in this thuirjudg
j ment. And further, we hold that under the con
stitution the rights of all the States in relation to
the power of construing laws, and acting on that
I construction, are perfectly equal; and if the
\ stand assumed by our sister state of South Car
olina be correct, and there bo in existence no
rightful authority to gainsay her acts, wo are
unable to imagine any right on the part ofthv
General Government to enforce a declaration of
I war on Louisiana, provided a majority of the
! people of that State were to pronounco the war
, declared to carry into effect some system ol
i policy not authorized by the Constitution, and
i this too after the territory and jurisdiction of
j Louisiana bad been actually purchased by the
j common treasure of all the States. For the avoid
■ j ing of these and numberless other absurdities,
■ i and the shocking consequences incidcnttherelo.
■ I Resolved, That under the Constitution of the |
. U. Slates, and the oath taken by the Pmsident,
. we hold that ho has no personal discretion in
i enforcing the laws passed according to tie forms
, I and provisions of that instrument,
j Resolved, That so long as the right olbufiVagc
i and of free representation is secured to the pco
. pic of these United States, the object of the first
political importance is the preservation of our
; national Union; and its dissolution is to bo de
precated :is the greatest of political evils, not to
I one part alone but to every portion of our com
, nion country.
Resolved, That our confidence in the patriotism
of our venerable chief magistrate, Andrew Jack
i son, remains undiminished, and that we hail in
him not only the defender of our country, but
; the friend of our Union, constitution and laws.
The adoption ofthe first preamble and rcsolu
-1 lions wasadvocated by Messrs.Chappell,Gordon,
; IScall and James W. Harris. The substitute
! was supported by Messrs. King, Smyth nnd
■ Jienjamin F. Harris.
After a protracted discussion, a division was
I called for, when it appeared that Mr. Chappell’s
preamble and resolutions were adopted by a large
majority. It was then
Resolved, nem. con. that the proceedings of
this meeting be published in all the papers of the
' State.
AVM. B. STEPHENS, Chairman.
W'm. P. llkxhy, Secretary.
In accordance with the last resolution above,
editorsof papers throughout the Staton re respect,
fully requested to publish the foregoing proceed
ings-
(From the Georgia Journal.)
LEXINGTON, January 26, 1833.
Gentlemen, —At a time when old systems are
tottering to their foundation, and the whole
world, moral anil political, convulsed to its cen
tre; it occurred to me that a declaration of In
dependence, by the Temperance Society, would
not be unseasonable,
Accordingly I have prepared one. in imitation
of that memorable instrument, which was the
1 prologue to our National Freedom, and to civil
liberty, throughout Christendom. 1 may have
been anticipated in this thought, but am not n
ware of it, having seen no like attempt in print.
The American Temperance Society has set
■ apart Tuesday the 26th day of February next,
to bn observed as a jubilee, in commemoration
■ of the origin and success of this benevolent on
-1 terprize. Would not the reading of this decla
; ration, or one of similar design, form an appro
priate part of the celebration by our 100 Socie
ties, and 7,500 members in Georgia, on that
welcome day ?
Papers friendly to this blessed Reform, will
oblige the writer by noticing this suggestion. If
it produced no other good, a consciousness of
the same employment on that occasion, will im
part new energy to this laudable undertaking.
Yours,
JOS. HENRY LUMPKIN.
When in the course of human events it be
comes necessary for a whole people to break
the chains which have enslaved them to any
vice, and to assume in the earth the station to
which nature’s God intended them, a decent re
sped for the opinion of objectors and a desire to
gratify the curiosity of posterity, require that
they should declare the causes which have im
pelled them to this determination.
We bold these truths to he self-evident—That
all men are hound to pursue their true and sub
stantial happiness; that they are endowed by
their Creator with certain unalienable rights ;
that among these are life, liberty, health and
freedom of action ; that to secure these rights,
man is constituted a rational creature, & whole
some laws have been instituted in society; that
whenever any habit becomes destructive of these
ends, it is the right and duty of mankind to al
ter or abolish it; and to establish practices cal
culated to promote their present and everlasting
welfare. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that
any course of conduct long pursued, should not
bir abandoned, unless obviously wrong and in
jurious ; and accordingly sad experience has do.
nionstrulcd that the people are disposed to writhe
under the corse of intemperance, and slill sub
mit to its numerous and grievous evils, rather
than redress their wrongs, by abstaining frdm an
indulgence to which they have been long ac
customed ; but when a long tiain of abuses, tend
ing invariably to the same result, lias produced
a settled conviction that the world will be des
troyed by this fiery deluge, unless its proud
waves are stayed, it is their right, it is their in
dispensable duty, to look no more “ upon the cup
when it is red ;” and to provide new guards for
tlioir future sobriety. The history of Prince
Alcohol is one of countless injuries and inflic
tions ; all having in direct object and tendency
the destruction of the body in the grave, and
the soul in licit.—To prove this, let facts be sub
nutted to a candid world.
lie has caused three fourths ofthe litigation,
civil and criminal, in the courts, by silencing
the admonitions of conscience, imparting artifi.
cial courage to the nerves, hurrying his sub
jects into imprudent contracts, buying what they
did not need; makingHhem feel that they were
“rich and increasing in goods,” when they v ere
poor and without the means of complying with
their engagements.
By dethroning reason, he has filled our mad
houses and lunatic asylums with a largo pro
portion of their uilhappy inmates.
He has in the United States alone, one Prov
ince of his dominion, reduced 1311,000 yearly,
to pauperism, to be maintained by the labor of
the temperate and industrious.
He has shut up, annually, 56*00(1 of her po.
pulntion in the debtors prison; sent out 90,000
murderers, robbers, thieves and incendiaries, to
make havoc in socioty; rendered from 300 to
500 thousand citizens habitual drunkards, and
made a draft upon the sober part ofthe commu
nity for 30 to 50,000 recruits, to fill up the was
ting ranks of intemperance.
He has quartered upon all the villinges,towns
nnd neighborhoods in the land, persons to trafic
in moral ratsbane ; scattering fire-brands, ar
rows and death upon individuals, and the once
peaceful abodes of families; converting the bus.
hand and the father into a tiger and a demon ;
dissipating property; clothing once happy wives
with the habiliments of widowhood and woe,
and substituting squalid poverty and wretched
ness, for sunny prospects, as an inheritance for
orphaned children.
Ho has sent to our Legislative assemblies grog
shop delegates, who pervert the reason, and un
dermine the virtue of their constituents, to pro.
cure their suffrages, and fill the seats of Justice
with drunken Judges and Jurymen. By his in
fluence, the elective franchise, the birth-right
of freemen, has been so corrupted, that votes
are sold for the meanest bribe.
He lias polluted with his presence the sanc
tuary of the living God: yea, intruded himself
into the sacred desk, and clothed churches in
mourning for fallen ministers and members.
He has degraded the Army and Navy ofthe
Union, and occasioned an incalculable waste of
property, by accidents on the land and the wa
ter.
He has introduced amongnll classes, ages and
conditions, habits of idleness, profanity, profli
gacy and extravagance.
He bus inflicted upon our unoffending women
l nnd children, cruelties and sufferings, at the re
r cital of which, humanity shudders.
Under the delusive promise ofprolonging life,
j and invigorating strength, he has ruined the
- health, and brought to an untimely death, thou
sands and tens of thousands of human victims.
i He has plundered our wealth, burnt our
. dwellings, laid low in the dust our brightest tal
i ents, and such are his arts of seduction, that he
l persuades our citizens to slay themselves by a
. slow, but sure poison, nnd to become the exe
cutioners of their friends and brethren.
, He has added to the miseries of our slave
j population, nnd rendered the merciless savage
1 still more vindictive.
In fine, this unrelenting tyrant, whose known
? rule of warfare is an undistinguished dostruc
j tion of all ages, sexes and conditions, to com
-3 plote tlie work of death and desolation, is pour
ing upon th v : ■n n a flood of iniquity “as
f seriously ■ ■: and threaten with utter ru
-3 in, its social, intellectual, political and moral
character.”
In every stage of these oppressions, the bar,
the press, and the pulpit, have endeavored to
, cure the mischief; their repeated efforts have
. been answered only by an aggravation of bur
- dens. A Prince whose character is thus mark
ed hy every net, which may define a tyrant, is
unfit to havo dominion over intelligent and ac
countable beings.
W'e must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessi
ty which denounces our total abstinence from
‘ the use of ardent spirits. And appealing to the
Supreme Judge of the World for the rectitude
j of our intentions, do solemnly publish and de
clare : That wc will drink no more,, except as a
medicine, while the world stands. And for the
1 support of this declaration, with a firm reliance
j on the assistance of Divine Providence, we mu
tually pledge to cacK other our sacred honor.”
€O.\WKt:SB OF 'mu V. STATES.
WASHINGTON, February 1.
1 Congress — Analysis of Proceedings. —ln the
’ Senate, yesterday, several bills from the House
1 of Representatives of a private character, were
passed. Mr. Wnggaman introduced a bill to
establish a port of delivery at Perry’s Bridge,
on the Vermillion river, in Louisiana; which
was read and ordered to a second reading. Mr.
Grundy submitted a resolution for the appoint-
I ment of a committee to join such committee as
, may be appointed hy the House of Rep'roseuta
. lives, to ascertain and report a mode of exami
ning the votes for President and Vice Presi
dent of the United States, and of notifying the
persons elected of their election. At one o’-
clock, the Senate resumed the consideration of
the hill further to provide for the collection of
duties on imports. Mr. Bibb continued iiis ar
j gumont in opposition to the bill. After speak.
ing two hours, he gave way to a motion hy Mr.
i Poindexter, that the Semite, adjourn, which was
’ negatived — ayes 11, noes 19. Mr. Bibb rose,
’ but gave way to n motion by Mr. Buckner, that
the hill be postponed to, and made the special
order for this d iv, for the purpose of proceeding
to the consideration of Executive business. Mr.
Poindexter resumed the tno'ion to adjourn, and
asked for the yeas and nays, which were order
ed, and were—yens 14, nays 20. Mr. Bibb
then spoke about fifteen minutes, when he again
gave way to a motion by Mr. Mangurn, that
the Senate adjourn, which was carried—ayes
17, noes 14.
In the House of Representatives, the motion
heretofore made by Mr. Wilde to ro-consider
the votes by which the report and resolutions of
the Legislature of Massachusetts had been re
ferred to the committee of the whole on the
state of the union, came tip and was debated h}'
Messrs. Wilde,.!. Davis, E. Everett, Wicklilfe,
Polk, and Adams.' Before the question was
taken, the hour allotted to morning business had
expired. The standing order of the day was
then called. Upon the question, will I he, I louse
now resolve itself into the committee of the
whole on the state of tlio union ? Mr. E. Ever
est demanded the yeas and nays. It was car
ried, ayes 98, noes 79. The House went into
committee, Mr. Wayne in the chair, upon the
Tariff bill. Mr. Banks addressed the commit,
tee about an hour and a half against the bill,
and was followed by Mr. G. Evans on the same
side, who also spoke about mi hour nnd a half—
when Mr, Jarvis made a few remarks in favor
of the general principles of the bid, when Mr.
Howard moved to insert 3d September, 1 8.23, af
ter tbo word coffee, making the duty of one
cent per pound ; to take (Meet from that date;
which was agreed to. Air. Hurd then address
cd the committee in favor of the motion of Mr.
Huntington, to strike out the duties on ten and
coffee. Alter he had concluded, the question
was taken on that amendment,‘which was car
ried— ayes 09, noeso4. Air. C. P. White then
moved a series of amendments to the bill, mak
ing the reduction of the rates of duty upon the
most important articles more gradual. Before
the question was taken on these amendments,
the committee rose. The amendments were
ordered to be printed, and the House ad journed.
FEB. 2.
Congress. A ua /,, of Proceedings. —ln the
Senate, \ . -i. ~i iy, several memorials were pre
sented, and various bills reported by standing
Committees. The resolutions submitted on
Thursday, by Messrs Grundy and Tomlinson,
were adopted. A bill to provide payment for
horses and arms lost by the volunteers in the lute
campaign against the hostile Indians, and a bill
to explain and amend, the 18th section of the
Tariff’act. of 1832, wore passed. Thu Senate
resumed the consideration ofthe bill further to
provide for the collection of duties on imports.
Mr. Bihb spoke an hour and a half in conclusion
of his argument against the hill. Air. Frehng
hinjsen then addressed the Senate in favor of
the bill,and in reply to Mr. Bibb, After speak
ing one hour, he gave way to a motion hy Mr.
Seymour, that the Senate adjourn, which was
curried. Air Frclinghuysen will resume his
argument to-day.
In the House of Representatives, after sundry
memorials and resolutions had been disposed
of, the motion heretofore offered by Air. Wilde,
to reconsider the vote by which the report of the
Legislature of Massachusetts had been referred
nnd ordered to be printed, came up. Air. A
dams continued his remarks, and was followed
by Messrs Alexander, Wayne nnd Clayton, un
til the hour allotted to morning business had
1 expired; when Mr, Wicklilfe proposed that the
motion be laid on the table by unanimous con
sent. Mr. J. Davis objected. The House then
proceeded to the standing order of the day, and
went into Committee of the Whole on the state of
the Union, upon the Tariff bill, Mr. Wayne in
the Chair. The amendment to the bill, hereto,
fore proposed hy Mr. C. P. White, were separ
!, ately taken up. That to the first paragraph
imposing duties on wool, came up first—The
bill ns reported proposed a duty of 35 per cent.
! on unmanufactured wool until 1834, then 25 per
cent, till 1835; and afterwards fifteen per
cent. The amendment proposed that from
1834 to 1933, the duty should be 30 per cent. —
irom 1835 lo 1836, 23 percent, and afterwards*
20 per cent. Mr. Root moved to amend the a
mendment by striking out 30 and inserting 43
per cent, which was lost. Mr. H. Everett
moved to amend the amendment by striking out
the rate of duty and substituting 4 cents per
pound and 40 per cent, which was carried.
Ayes 87 nocs 07. Mr. Beardsley moved to a
mend the amendment by inserting “till 2d March
1634, then eight cents per pound and thirty five
per cent, till 1835—then 2 cents per pound and
thirty per cent, till 1836, after that time-1 cent
per lb. and 25 per cent. This amendment to
the amendment, was also adopted —ayes 86,
noos 69. The question of agreeing upon the
amendment ns amended was then taken and no
galived—ayes 72 nocs 82, The amendment
°f Mr. C. I’. White, relative to such blankets as
should not come within the 5 per cent, duty, ex
tending the period of the progressive reduction
of the duty, was carried—ayes 66, nocs 64. Mr.
Sewart moved to amend the amendment of
Mr. C. I’. M Idle, which proposed a similar ex
tension of the period of the progressive reduc
tion ofduties on carpets, by striking out 35 per
cent, the highest rate ofduty proposed, and the
progressive reduction, and inserting instead 50
per centum, as the permanent rate of duty.—
This motion was lost—ayes 75, nocs 80.—The
amendment of Mr. C. P. White was adopted
ayes 76, noos 73. The amendment of Mr. C,
P. White, relative to manufactures of cotton
and silk, was then taken up. A ter several irA
effectual motions to amend it, the first by Mr.'
Pearce, to insert a specific duty of 7-J cents per
square yard on cotton manufactures, except
colored or dyed cottons, on which a duty of 8|
cents per square yard was proposed, was lost—
ayes 68, nocs 73 ; another by Mr. Stewart, to
strike out that part of the amendment which
related to certain manufactures of silk and cot.
ton, was lost—ayes 63, iocs 78. Before the
question was taken on the original amendment,
the Committee rose, and the House adjourned.
•FEB. 4.
Congress — Analysis of Proceedings. —ln the
Senate, on Saturday, several memorials wc.ro
presented, and various private bills reported.
Mr. Tipton introduced a bill granting a pre
emption of a quarter section of land to actual set
tlers, at one dollar twenty-five cents per acre,
which was read twice and referred to the Com
mittee on the Public Lands. Mr. Grundy's resolu
tion changing the time of the meeting of the Sen
ate from 12 o’clock, M. to 11 o’clock, A. M.
was agreed to. At one o’clock, the Senate re
sumed I lie consideration of the bill further to
provide for the collection of duties on imports.
Mr. I'relinghuyson concluded his speech in fa
vor of the bill. The further consideration of the
•subject whs then postponed lo this clay. 'Pho
Senate then spent a short time in the considera
tion of Executive business, after which it ad
jou rued.
In the House of Representatives, after some
further debate upon the motion of Mr. Wilde,
to reconsider the vole by which the report and
resolutions of the State of Massachusetts bad
been referred to the Committee of Ways and
.Means, in which Messrs J. Davis and Wilde
took part, the motion was withdrawn. The
motion heretofore made by Mr. Plummer, to
reconsider the vote by which the estimates from
the General Land Office were referred to the
Committee on Public Lands, was negatived with,
out a division. The House then went in'o
Committee upon the Tariff bill, Mr. Wayne in
the Chair. The amendment of Mr. C. P. White,
striking out the B|b and 9th paragraphs of the
first section, and fixing the duty on manufac
ture® of cotton, and silk and cotton, at 50 per
cent, until 1831, —then till 1835 tit 25 per con',
and then at 20 per cent, was taken up. Mr.
Appleton moved to amend the amendment bv
striking out a portion and annexing a proviso
that until 1834 the duty on plain cottons should
not be less than 71,cents per square yard, and
on printed cottons not less than 8| per square
yard—and afterwards the duly on plain cottons
should not be less than 6 cents per square yard,
and on printed cottons not less than 8 cents per
square yard. Upon this amendment a debate
arose in which ?dcssrs. Appleton, C. P. White,
Wieklilfo, Cairihreleng,J. Reed, Burgos, Boul
d n, E. Everett, Wilde, .1. Davis, Clayton and
Stewart, took part. Before the motion was
taken the committee rose and the House ad
journed.
From the S milkern Patriot, Ftb. G.
Conn, il last evening adopted the following
Preamble and lb solii ions ;
.Whereas,BENJAMIN WATKINS LEIGH,
Esq. Commissioner from the State of Virginia
to the Constituted authorities of this State, has
recently arrived in this city upon the important
object ot Ins mission, and a deep sense of the in
telligence and dignity of tile enlightened and
patriotic Slate he represents, as well as of his
own distinguished merits, requires that a be
coming tribute of respect should he paid him by
this community—Bo it therefore
Resolved, That the City Council of Chat les
ion, on behalf of the citizens thereof, respect
fully welcome Mr. Leigh to this city, and ten
der him their gratulations upon Ids arrival and
residence amongst us.
Resolved, That Mr, Leigh bo, and he is
hereby requested, to consider himself us the
GEEST OF THE CITY, during his residence
here.
Resolved, That Mr. Leigh be, and he is here
by, invited to dine with the City Council at St.
Andrew’s Hull, on Friday next, the Bth hist, at
4 o’clock.
Resolutions were also adopted requesting the
InfcnJmit to communicate the above Resolutions
to .Mr. Leigh, and appointing a Committee of
Arrangements for the Dinner.
[From the Charleston Courier Feb. B.]
Mr. Leigh of Virginia. —This gentleman has,
as was to have been expected, from the pcculini
delieucy of his situation, politely declined the
invitation extended to him by the City Council,
to consider him, the “Guest of the City,” and to
partake of a public dinner. It is said that Mr.*
Leigh will leave this place for Virginia in a
day or two.
It is rumored, but we cannot vouch for its cor.
redness, that “the Powers that be,” have do.
dined taking any step in conformity with the
request of Virginia, until after the adjournment
of Congress, and that should that body adjourn
withouta satisfactory adjustment of the Tariff,
the State Convention will be again called to.
gather, to act on the question of secession, with
a view, however, of afterward) submitting
their decision to the people, for ratification or
rejection.
Official accounts have been received from
Commodore Downes at the Navy Department,
dated on board the U. S. Frigate Potomac,
Valparaiso, Oct. 26, stating that he had receiv.
ed a Communication that day from Mr. Ham,
Charge d’Affaires ofthe United States to Chili,
informing him of the seizure and detention, at
( onception, ol two American whale ships, the
Franklin and Good Return.