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MR- FOSTER,
Or GEORGIA.
The bill from the Senate, tort her to proviae f-r the
roiicctioh of the duties on imports," being under consi
deration, and the question being on ns Mini reading,
Mr. Foster addressed the bouse as f„Lows—
Mr Speiker—lf is not with the vain n »pe of produe.
in» the slightest effect on the decision of the question
now pending, that I rise to ad Ire*, you. . He must he
blind indeed, ulm *hxs not see tout there is a fixed and
settled determination on the part o‘ a very 1 irge m jon
ty of this house, to.pass rids bill. It would scarcely be j
going too far to say (and I hope in s tying so I shall he
guilty of no irreverence) that this majority “ would not
be persuaded” .0 reject this bill, even “though one rose
from the dead.” No, sir, the question is already defied,
cd ; wwt.as sure ns the final vote is taken, just so sure the
bill on the table will become a law of the land. Blit,
Mr. Speaksr, it isa duty which I owe to mvself to present
my views of this deeply interesting subject, and I beg
the attention of the house while I attempt to do o.
It wasniy fortune to belong to the conrfnittec to whom
the message of too President, suggesting the measure
now under consideration, was referred. On a careful
and deliberate investigation of the various suggestions
contained in the second page, I could not give my assent
to the most prominent o! them, and united with a majori
ty of my associates on the committee in a report which
was sometime since submitted to the house. The
views presented in that report it is now my purpose to
defend.
It would have been gratifying to inm Mr, Speaker, to
have heard from the advocates of this hill, an ex tnnna.
tion and defence of .its d.et.rl *; but they h ive n>t thought
proper thus to discuss it. My colleague, (Mr. Wayne.)
who has just taken his sea*, refl ete I s ime what on the
gentleman f rom South (' rolitta. f Mr. M‘Duffle,) because
in the course of ids argument lie referred l > but one of
the provisions of the bill; and yet my co'/eague was
guilty of the very same omission. He is tlie strenuous
supporter of tha whole hill; but did not bestow even a
passing remark upon only one of its features—the em
ployment of the military force. I shall not follow the
example of the gentlemen who preceded me. It will be
my object to investigate the details of the bill, and no'h c
the prominent measures which it proposes; and if I can
net hear reasons in favor of them, I will endeavor to show
some against them, which, if not satistuctory to the
house, arc entirely satisfactory to myself.
It is not to he disguised that this is an administration
measure. It comes to us n»t only approved, but asked
for, by the Executive; and, there ore, as a friend to the
administration, it would have given me great pleasure to
have been able to yield it my feeble support. But, how
ever high my respect for the President and his constitu
tional advisers', 1 cannot sm tain their policy at the sa
crifice of my own principles and opinions, I shall never
he so much the partisan or friend of any man, ns to sur
render the honest convictions of my own judgment. In
opposing, however, the recommendations of the Presi
dent, with regard to South Carolina, I take the occasion
to disclaim any imputation, whatever, on hismitives. In
the integrity ofliis motives, ami the purity ofhis patriot
ism. I have the utmost confidence-—quite as much, cer
tainly, as many gentlemen around me, who are so /(a’-
ously sustaining these recommendations.
I owe it to myself, Mr. Speaker, also to say, that I do
not appear here as the advocate of Sontu Carolina. Ido
not approve her recent measures. Do not imagine, how.
ever, that I am about to join in those unmeasured cen.
siircs and denunciations, which have been so lavishly be
stowed upon her. No, sir, this is a crusade in which I
■hall be among the last to enlist. It is an enterprise
which presents no temptations to my ambition. Il is a
field in which I shall gather no laurels. Sir, South Ca.
rolitta is the natural ally, the sister of Georgia. Her gal
lant sons are our neighbors, our brethren, our tellow suf
ferers —and, while disapproving their acts, I can most,
truly say, that, “ with all thr.r f uilts, I love them still.”
But, Mr. Speaker, I have prouvsed to enter into an in
vestigation of the details of the biil under consideration;
and I rfow proceed to the task.
The first section provides in substance, that when,
by reason of unlawful combinations or obstructions, if I
■hall .become tmposs hie to collect thcdui..*-* on imports
in the ports.of any State, the President shall he author
ized to emove the custom houses to some secure place,
cither on 1 uid or water, and to direct that the duties on
merchandise imported into such ports, shall he paid in
cash, deducting the legal interest. Now, sir, although
no particular State is designated, yet we all know as
well that this measure is inten led for South Carolina, as
though she were named in the hill. Indeed, the object
•vowed by the President is to countervail the ordinance
and legisi ition of .South Carolina.
The very first suggestion which this proposition miis
present to ( ilie mind of every one, is its p dpahle inequali
ity injustice. It is well known,. tat tit tc aengn a' tna- ,
ny merchants in Charleston, who have i o intention of t if- )
ing the benefit o' the late laws o' Carol! n, for Hvi purpo e j
o av iding the pa. in nl of the duties. Tney will e< n u ue 1
to imp rt tit i; g ods, give their bonds, and pay them j
punctually as lien t dorr. o.ihl it not, then, be unjust
in the extreme, to deprive these men o', rights and privi
leges secured to all other citizens of the Un led {states ?
and that, too, in a government whose ho ist h is been, and
ever slum! , be, its cjuallaics 7 ' ir, this i jus ice is to >
obvioits—it affords no ground tor argument—the mere
statement amounts to demonstration, and presents a I
striking dust mec of consigning to a common fate tlioar
whoobqy and those who trmsgress the 1 i« s, which it is
on* of thp most sacred duties of government to prevent.
But weighty and conclusive as this objection is. it is
light when compared! with another. Sir. the requisition
of cash payments, as contemplated, will, in my humble
judgment, conflict with Jivo clauses of the Constitution.
I am aware, ?,Ir Speaker, that on the subject of the
constitutional powers ofthe .government, I entertain what
are now regarded as old fnshcored notions I early con
eeived a strong bias (many -gentlemen will, no dotth',
consider it a very u iforMaate o.tc) in favor of a rigid
construction of this great ch :rter. It Ins hern a part of
my political education—and mitur.’ reflection his but
eonfimVcd the lessons of early instrn ction. Itmavnot
become me to siv that I have been “ trained up in the
way I should go,” hut there is eeraiulv m. r much proba
bility <d my “ departing from it,” When, then, I am
called upon to d i any act as a member of t!i, - house, I
turn to my. power of attorney —to this iustrumen vrhich i
has been the theme of so much eulogy, and the subject j
of so muL'ii ahu-c, and if I cannot find authority the r e for |
the act required it is more than I dare do to yicln my t
assent. And gentlemen must pardon me for remindin'? j
them of the high responsibility under which they act here j
—a responsibility much more solemn and fearful than
that which they owe to their constituents. And I beg
them to be candid with themselves on this occasion to
test tne bii(on wuicu tiicy will soon he called upon to
vote, by the Constitution winch they have so solemnly
sworn to support, and let an unbiassed conscience ren
der an ifspartia! judgment.
Rerdly, Mr. Speaker, had it not been for the source
from which some ofthe suggestions embodied in this
4fill emanated—were it not for the profound wisdom and |
transcendent talents ofthe authors and advocates ofthese
propositions, if would be difficult to perceive h >w there
could be two opinions as to their eonstituiion-ilitv—->r
rather, (JiHrunconstiiutionality. Allow me toinvitethe
■ericas attention of gentlemen to the , ’ .uses j n ifi.. C() „
stitution) to which I have alluded.—Tim first is. that “as
duties . imposts, and excises, shall he uniform throoghm.it
the United States.”—Now. will any ge-.rleman contend
—docs any one believe, that the ee biction of six per I
cent, interest for cash payments, would be equivab in to
the indulgence allowed by the present credit system?
Where is the importing merchant who will admit it 7
Where is the one who would consent to p change from
credits to cash duties on tiicsc terms? As to the mer
chant who.resides in the inferior, rqui-distar.i f r «ni
Charleston and Savannah, and who imports goods to i
each of those ports, paying the duties in cash, deducting 1
the interest, at the ore, and bonding finder tiie existing !
Jaws, the other, ask fliis importer whether he consid- ;
ers that he pays the same duties on each oflrs cargoes, i
and what would be Ids reply ? You know he would fell ,
you there was an essential difference. There is an in- ;
quiry proposed in ihe report «f yenr committee on the
Jtidic.ary on this, subject. the answer to which would put
this snhjebf at ryst. If there be no difference between
tne credit svKteb? njid cash payui'ntp, n dedi'C- !
tioe of the ftweresf, why do you not abolish credits, and i
Blve ihe Government the immense losses which it is con- I
•tantly si-s'a nog by the fiilurr ofimoorters mid their S
sureties?. Tl.i.ik, too, of the great trouble to which you i
frequently subjected,in the collcciion of these cus- j
ICW . bond*—aad tbeo tell :«*- wh«hcj- ihe pr«fcso: 1
system would be continued by Congress, if they could,
without serious inconvenience to the mercantile com
mun.tv, tmdvrindeed, without a severe pressure upon the
whole country, substitute cash payments, with the in
considerable deduction of six percent ?
If we-needed an additional argument, and one which
would placc this point entirely beyond dispute, the very
term* in which the proposition is expressed will furnish
it. The duties art to he paid in cash deducting the in
teresf.. Ifow. I appeal to the candor of gentlemen, and I
wisli “ the still sm I! voice” which breathes the response,
could be audible. I would a-*k every intelligent man to
ri i! me, why this deduction ofinterest is to lie allowed ?
Have you any doubt tint this provision is intended for
the purpose of preserving that very uniformity required
bv the constitution, ami thus obvi iting the constitutional
difficulty ? Sir, if the author ofthis suggestion were ask
ed. he would ted! you this was the object. If, then, this
deduction is not sufficient to equalize the cash and credit
payments, is not the constitution as plainly violated as
though no deductiomat all was rn ido ?
Let me now turn the attention of the II mse to the oh
rr clause of t!ie constitution to which allusion has been
unde. It is in the ninth seetioikofthe firsi -article, and
is in these words : “ No preference shall he given by any
rcculation of co.-no crce or revenue to the ports of one
State over those of another.” It will certainly not be
nrces-a-y to show tint this hill provides a “ regulation of
revenue;” and vet th s is not more plainly vnpirent than
tlr-t-. bv-this regulation,” a very decided preference
will !>e given to.thosc ports where it sliall not prevail,
| ovrr tlmse where it slnll be pn‘o-ced. Adopt this re.
gulati m- : n the pons of South Carolina, and the langi isli.
ing commerce of Savannah would so >n revive and flour
ish, while the active and lucrative t-ado of Charleston
would he effectn illy destroyed, and its great wealth and
| growing prosperity thus completely sacrificed..
The only answer which has been given to these con
s itutional objections, is. that the provision's of the bill are
gem ral--applicable to all the States eo r iial!v, and to none
unless the execution of the revenue laws is obstructed.
•Sir; lliis is scareelv a plausible subterfuge. What vs.the’
proposition?—Thai in case the laws are obstructed or
resisfetl by a force ton powerful to be overcome in the
ordinary w av, the Presuleni may order the removal of
the custom houses, and require the payment of the duties
in cash. Let us simplify the proposition ns much ns
possilde. If Congress can confer this power upon the
! President, it may unequestionably exercise it itseli—and
if it can nr wide the proposed remedy for a future contin
gency, it may certainly apply the same remedy if tbeem.
ergoney had already occurred. Suppose then, that from
and after the first of Feliruary, some of the merchants of
Charleston Kid avaded thcmselvcsof the benefit of I lie
nnllifving I iws, and had actually, by the aid of the State
courts, succeeded in rescuing their goods from the cns.
tom house offiei rs withmit giving them bonds, or pay
ing nnv duties—and th s fact is reported by the Collector
to the Government. Here is the case fiiirly presented—
the very state of things against which you are en leavor
ina to guard : year laws are mil ified. their execution re
s:sted by a force moi, g under the authority of the State.
Now. will any gentleman point me to that clause of the
con-sfitu'iou which relieves you, even in such extreme
cases ns these,from the restrictions and prohibitions to,
which 1 have referred? Sir, there is none. These pro.
visions of the constitution are plain and explicit—and
eannot he evaded—turn which way you will, and they
stare yon in the face. Gentlemen may indeed, by in.
genions and refined distinctions, silence their scruples
and persuade themselves into the support ofthis bill—
they only deceive tin mselv-s. It is utterly vain to at
tempt to reconcile it w th the constitution ; it is beyond
the reach of argument; the contradiction is too plain and
palpable. Disguise it as you may ; resort to all the arts
of c instruction—but “to this complexion it must’ come
at last.”
Yes. Nlr. Speaker, the passage of this bill will be an
otln r deep (G id grant it m ly not be a fatal) stab to tb s
sacred instrument. And really I had imped that its al
ready mangled body would have protected it from fur.
ther ou rage. The condition to which your repeated
attacks have reduced it, is sufficient, it might be suppos.
ed. to disarm even its most vindictive enemies. Let me
entrontym, then, tostay-the npliftod arm, and withhold,
it may be, the finishing blow. Sir, bad I the power,
like Mark Antony, “I would put a tongue in every
wound” which your ill-judged legislation has made, to
implore your forbearance.
To those around me, who have rccentl}' evinced so
much zeal in tlie cause of the constitution, and affected
so much anxiety to save it from sacrilegious hands, I
particularly appeal. I especially invoke the aid of an
honorable gentleman, (Mr. Vinton, of Ohio,) who, a few
evenings ago, in the fervency of his patriotism, was rea
dy to see all our rivers running with blood,'and this great
confederacy converted into one vast slaughter-house^
, rather than have one tittle ofthe constitution obliterated by
force. And, sir, had I but a small portion of that pow.
erful and commanding eloquence, which I heard on n
recent occasion,* manother place, in the anticipation of
dangers to this sacred instrument, “calling on ill the
people to its rescue,” in a tone and manner which, I can
never forget, and which tilled me with emotions, too big
for utterance : I repeat, sir, did I possess a particle of
this overpowering eloquence, I would call in loud
strains, not upon “all the people,” but upon these, their
representatives, in this hour of imminent peril, to come
to the aid of the constitution, and save it from the danger
whi.-it threatens it from specious ami subtle construction.
For if it must fall, it matters little whether by the hand
of violence, or by the unperceived and undermining pro
cess of ingenious and plausible sophistry. I would in
deed prefer the attack, by open violence, because then
we could see the extent of the danger, and might pre
pare to encounter it.
But, M r. speaker, the first section of this bill further
i provides that, to enable the collector more effectually to
' exact the paunent of cash duties as proposed, he shall
i seize am! detain all vessels anrl cargoes, until the duties
j a ,. e paid—md in the event of an attempt to t ike such
vessels or cargoes from the possession of the collector
In--iiiy force, eombin ition, or assemblage of individuals,
orbv any process, oili . r than from n Court of the Vni
e iSta’-ts. the President, or such person as he shall em
p >wor for. that purpose, may employ so'h pi"t of the
1 md and naval forces, or militia of the United States, ns
mav he necessary to prevent the removal of the vessels
! ~r cargoes from the possession of the officers of the
customs, &c.
Sir, that proneness to resist the exercise of all powers
not delegated to us, of which the House has had some
evidence, prompted me, when a proposition was made
to con er power so great, and of such dangerous tenden
i-v, to consult again the charter under which we act.—
On examining with great care, I find in the Constitution
that “ Congress shall have power to provide for calling
forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, to
sunpret s insurrections and repel invasions.’* The very
o'lje-t of the hill on your table ist * enable tbc Presi
dent “to execute the laws.” Now I will pot say that,
in extreme cases, when no other means could he avatla.
Lie, Congress might not under the power to “ pas® all
laws necessary” to carry the granted powers info effect,
resort to the regular army and navy—but f will sav,
tint the very provision for calling forth the militia,
shows verv clearly, that in the view of the framers of
j the Constitution, the execution of the laws, if inili'nry
| force should he necessary, should he !e r t to the niili'ia.
i the yeomanry of the country. Onr ancestors, in their
i difficulties with the mother country, had learned a lesson
I* as to the enforcement of laws, by the aid of a standing
I nr my, from which they seemed to have profited; and
1 ili *v confided this dangerous trust to those who \« ere
mos t deeply interested in a fai'hfiil, but mild execution
o " the laws —the great body of the people. And trnon
,l )ft legal maxim, that “the inclusion of one is the ex
due,'on of all others,” the provision for calling forth the
mi!iti? * t 0 create t* lo laws, excludes the idea that
any nth er force was contemplated for this purpose.
That phis was the View of those who were concern,
ed in the formation of tbc constitution, is plainly infer
nblc from the 'act that the fir'-t laws passed for the
sunpressmn oi insurrections in 1792 and ”>3, were en
titled, acts ‘to nrov’de for calling firth the militia to
execute the law * of the Union, suppress insurrection,
and repel invasion.” in iho very words of the constitu
tional provision.
But. Mr. Speaker. I maintain, that the present atti
tude of South Carolina does not furnish such a case as
contemplated bv the ro-, stitu ‘ton, where the laws are to
he e vrcnfcd even hr th.e mi htm.-There is no insur
rection there, within the n’rnnin g of the constitution—
nor is there such a “corn'd vtion to obstruct tiicrxcru.
f : on of the laws” as confcnip.'nted by the tu s o . - .art
’9.7. Whatever proceeding is had under the ordinance
of South Carolina, is the act of a sovereign s. t is
fio exercise of n sovereign pow er. .1 ether fins rur »t
I belongs to the state, it is not necessary, for the purpose
|of tlii-j argumen’, to inquire, ‘■he .claims i% and has ex-
I ercised it. and any act done under .the authority of tie
1 state, will ho protected by the state. T“ attempt, there
| tore, 10 reduce individuals acting .under- this nu. 10-
I ri’y to obedience to your laws, will L'C an a’tempt to
1 coerce the state—it will be making war up° n the stale.
And tins power, as stated in the report o' the judiciary
committee, and as all who have read the journals of the
fede r al convention know, was several times proposed to
he given to congress, but uniformly rejected- But, on
tuis p >in f , I shall adhere to.the course pursued by the
j committee. T will net be drawn iatq a discussion of
i the right of this government to make war upon one of
j • Alluding to the speech of Mr. Webaur, in the Sen
! ate, on this bill.
the states. Far, far distant be the day when such an in
quiry shall become necessary.
Even admitting, however, for the sake of argument,
the power in question, I ask the attention of the house
to a few considerations which should induce congress
to forbear the adoption of the rigid measures proposed
in this bill. And the first, and most obvious, is, that
there is not the slightest necessity for it. The law pro
viding for the modification of the teriff, which passed
this house a few' days ago, and which had alreadv re
ceived the sanction of the senate, has relieved its from
- those alarming apprehensions, which we have unhappily
had too much reason to indulge, and will soon quiet the
agitations of our distracted country. Sir, this law was
emphatically, a measure of cam promise: it was so, ten- j
dered on the one side, and received on the other. It is I
the bow of peace on the dark and angry clouds which j
have so long lowered, and with such fearful portent, on '
our southern horizon. Siifier, then, the troubled ele
ments to become again calm —and here let us once
m ire assemble round the altar of our mother country,
till hands united, all hearts mingled—let the sound of
pea r e, pease, go forth from tins hall, and its happy ana
healing influence extend to the remotest borders ol the
republic.
Hut- it is said bv my colleague, (Mr. Wayne,), and the
suggestion has been made by others, tout we have no
assurance that South Carolina will repeal her ordinance,
or that she will not nullify the tariff law which we now
pass. as she has those of ’2B and ’32. Sir, let us lie
candid with ourselves on this, occasion. It is indeed
poss'b'e tint this m-w/he the case; but does any one be
lieve it will be ? At the intercession of a s ster s'atc,
the co 'vention by which tins ordinance was passed, have j
been ordered to re-assemhlo ; and it is notorious that
the object ot this re-assembling is to suspend the opera
tion of the nullifying laws until- the close of the next ses.
sion of congress. This, too, let it be remembered, wa s
done at a lime when all hope of a modification o! the tariff
hy this congress had been nearly extinguished. With
these facts before us, then, and with th? still more strik
ing fa cv that every senator and representative in congress
from South Carolina has voted for this modification,
w here is the man who can, for a moment, indulge a se. ;
j. rious apprehension tint that state will attempt to arrest
the operation of the 'aw ? If there be a member of this
! house who does really entertain such apprehensions, I
j have some curiosity to know him. It will certainly en
i title him to a distinction winch he shoul 1 not lose the
I opportunity of acquiring, and I w.ll mere fore pause to
s**e if there be one who w*ill xnakc the avowal, f AYr,
F. here paused, but no gentleman rising, he proceeded.)
As I expected —a death-lll.e silence ■' No, sir. there is
not an intelligent man, here or elsewhere, who enter
tains a reasonable doubt Mat Souih Carolina wilt
not acquiesce in the compromise which has been ct
fected.
But, Mr. Speaker, it is further argued 'hat unless we
| pass the bill now on your table, the modification of the
tariff will have the appearance of concession—a yielding
to the demands of South Carolina —that it will seem as
though the general government had been ballied into
measures. At the same time, it is admitted that the
complaints of the south are just, and ought to lie re
dressed. Sir, I have been more than astonished at the
frequent repetition of this objection during this session.
What, sir, is the legislation of the American congress
to he governed and regulated by such fastidiousness?
How many a noble and gallant spiiit has met an untime
ly fate under ihe misguidance ot these false n uions of
honor! refusing to make just reparation—to atone for
an injury, because a challenge had been given ! And
yet we, to whose hands are confided, in an eminent de.
gree. the destinies of fifteen millions of people, are pre
pared to resign their high and important interests—nay,
to stake flic very existence of the Union upon this delu.
sive idea ! Sir, how long before we shall he able to
i sink (he feelings of flic man in the noble and elevated, |
and enlarged views of the statesman?
Gentlemen tell us, however, that hy decisive rne.i.
sun s on the part of the general government, all opposi
tion to its authority will he put d nvn. and the majesty of
the laws vindicated. How soon we forget the teachings
of history and experience! —What instructive lessons do
they give ns as to the consequences, in national as well
as individun' quarrels, of a course o' menace on one
hand, and defiance on the other! Collisions and violence
have scarcely ever failed to lie the result. But we are
| told with a triumphant, if not an r.nfeeling. air, that it
will be an easy matter, to put down South Carolina; that
| the Pi e-ident has assured ns that, the laws shall he exe
cuted. and his character is a sufficient guarantee for the
redemption of the pledge. All this may be very proba
ble. From the accounts we have of popular meetings,
and the numerous offers of patriotic volunteers to enlist
in this glorious enterprise, you have certainly little cans; j
to doubt your success. But how would you enjoy it,
j when purchased at the expcnce of the blood of your va.
' liant and chivalrous southern brethren ? Who would
rush madly on to crush even what some consider a
rebellion, when the lives of hundreds of our ewn conn
' frymen must he the cost? Sir, I envy no man his feel
i ings, who can cither boast of such an anticipated victory,
or could exult in the bloody achievement.
r But do you not run the hazard of provoking the other
southern states to take part with South Carolina?
• Much as they disapprove ker course, the origin of this
controversy is common to them all; there is an identity
• of interest and of oppression, which is rapiu!y producing
an identity of feeling. Sir, are not the present indica
tions sufficient to warn gentlemen 7 Do not the unquiet
state and feverish excitement in many parts of the south
ern country, admonish you of what may follow toe first
act of violence ? Sir, once kindle this fire in the south,
and who shall extinguish it? Excite the resentment
and passions of a gallant, high spirited people, and who
shall control them? Raise the tempest and who shall
allay it. or calculate its ravages ?•—Where is the master
spirit that can “ride in the whirlwind or direct the
storm ?” What hand shall chain the billows of the rag
ing ocean ? Believe me, sir, these are not the sugges
tions of an excited imagination. Violent and oppressive
measures in other countries, have generally resulted in
convulsion? and civil wars; and beware that you do not
make Toe history of your own a mere transcript from
their records.
There arc many past occurrences, Mr. Speaker, to
, which it is painful to advert; yet I cannot consent, on
this account, to waive nn advantage which one of that
character affords. A short retrospect will bring to our
recollection an event which will fully illus’tatc t.ie ai
-1 content I am now endeavoring to urge. The gentle
man from North Carolina (Mr. Carson) yesterday refer
red you to the unpleasant controversy which existed in
the year 1925, between the General Government and
the st ite of Georgia. That controversy and many of its
1 attendant circumstances, are fresh in my recollection.—
: I well remember the unequal contest which, single
Imndod and alone, we waged against this Government.
We not onlv derived no aid from our sister Stares, hut.
public opinion throughout the whole of them seemed to
ho against ns. This was indeed, “ (earUtl odds.” If
was our cjoncl fortune, however, in t.ns important crisis,
to have at the head of our Executive councils one ol
those cho'ce s’tHts who-seem designed for great occa.
1 shms. With a firmness that never faltered, and a res i.
, Intion that no circumstances could shake, he took his
! stand upon the ramparts of State sovereignty and reso
lutely res’sted every attempt nn the part of the Federal
Government to interfere in the just, rights of the States.
Finally, however, the Executive of the Union ventured
1 j to threaten us with military power. The appeal was
■ j instantaneous—it was nn electric shock—the feelings
j which it produced spread from the Potomac to the Mis
' ; sissippi. Then it was that the sympathies of ourCar.a
--1 1 lina brethren, who had previously given ns no eonute
-1 - nance, were aroused in our behalf, and every northern
1 breeze wafted to us the most cheering assurances, that
i if an attempt should be. made to execute the threat
i which had been uttered, we should not be left to con
| tend alone against our gigantic adversary; And can it
I be matterof wonder now, that Georgia should manifest
i n deep interest in the fate of Souih Carolina ? Can she
( so soon forget this generous sympathy? No, sir, she can
1 never he unmindful of it. nor ungrateful for it. Happily
the difficulty was adjusted, and the historian has not how
to record in letters of blood the result of the mad exper
iment.
But, «-r, we have evidence on this point of a still later
date. What has been th® effect of the President's re
cent proclamation, in which a resort lo force was intima
ted ? What do gentlemen from the South learn from
their private letters? What do the newspapers inform
| them to the state of feeling which has been thus
I plainly produced ? Is it not thus plainly to be foreseen
what must he the result of an atfcnmt to control or sub
due one of these State? by military power?
But, Mr. sneaker, I am willing to concede to our ad
versaries all the advantage in the argument hy the possi
bility which they allege—that Carolina may not repeal
her ordinance. “ What then.” sav the gen jemen, “are
j not the laws to be enforced ?” To this I answer, that
I the hill reported by the judiciary committee, together
j. with the laws already enacted, will enable the civil nu
j' thorities to make rite effort. And even if it were certain
that they would fail, it is better that the President should
he reduced to the necessity of convening the new Con
gress to devise mean? for meeting the exigency, than to
proceed to now and violent measures. Even though s he
Federal Government has the power to crush South Car
olina. it would he magnanimous to forbear. Be kind
and indulgent to her waywardness, give her no cause
of further provocation ; but bring her hack by gentle and
conciliating means to the path of her duty. And who
is there that would not prefer a triumph thus peaceably
obtained, to one gained at the point of the bayonet?
I am free to declare, however, that even if these means
should not succeed, and there were no modification of
the tariff. I would not, either now or hereafter, resort
to military force. I would much rather present to a
State assuming the attitude of South Carolina, the alter
native of submission or secession. I cannot for a mo
ment tolerate the idea of subjecting one of these States to
martial law—of governing any part of this great confe
deracy as a conquered province. There is something
abhorrent to my feelings in the suggestion of the bare
possibility that the trad by jury is to be uperseded by
the sword. In the first inaugural address of ?.lr. Jeffer
son, the ablest production that ever came from Ids pen,
'the Declaration of Independence always excepted.) he
expresses the opinion that “ours i? die strongest govern
ment on earth.” And why ? “ Because” says he, “it
is the only government where, at the call of the law
every man will fiy to the standard of the law.” Yes, sir,
here is vour reliance for the execution e-f your laws—it
is on your people; and to make this reliance sure, vour
laws must he so fra meal and so administered as to obtain
fur the government their affections and confidence.
These arc the sentiments substantially expressed in
nn extract which I had occasion, a short time since, to
read to the hou?e from a spccchnf the 1- te distinguished
Mr. Bayard I have now to ask the attention of gcn'le
mcn to another extract from the same speech. It will I
require no remark from me to point out its application to
the present crisis : indeed it is so very appropriate, that I
have procured the printed volume which contains it, lest,
if J should quote from memory. I might subject myself
to die suspicion of forgery. T will read but one sen
tence. “Your government is in die hands of the peo
ple ; it Ins no force but what it derives from them: and
your enforcing lams (mark the expression) are dead let
ters, irhen then hare ever been driven to resist your mea
sures." S ir, I would that gentlemen may hear and re
ceive this as a voice from, die tomb of the illustrious
dead.
But, NTr. Speaker, I have an argument to vngo against
the main provisions of this bill,, which alire??es itself
particularly to those gentlemen who believe in the uncon
stitntionalitv o r the protective svstem. This hill is imen.
ded to provide fur the execution of the existing lari!?
laws, whether the proposed modification takes place or
—which laws have been declared hy renrlv all the
southern States to he uncoils?nitiona'-. This I under
stand my colleague ( VI-. Wayne) to admit; it lam mis
taken. he will correct me.
[Mr. Wayne said, he had expressly admitted the pro
tective system to lie nnconstiiutionah]
I am glad that 1 did not misapprehend my colleague.
But it is difficult for me to conceive how we can main
tain dint the tariff laws are unconstitutional, and yet pro
vide the means for enforcing them. We are bound by
our oaths, and by the most sacred of duties, to support
the Constitution ; and vet we contribute our aid in passing
laws to violate it. We are told, however, that these ta
riff laws having been passed according to the forms ol
the Constitution, we are bound to provide the means of i
enforcing them. Sir, lam too little of a political ensn.
ist to lecture on the morality of these principles. This
subject I shall leave to gentlemen who are not only more
able, hut more disposed to discuss it. For myself, I can
not feci these constitutional or moral obligations prompt
ing me to aid in the execution of unconstitutional laws.
I ant aware, sir, that a southern man, acknowledging
these obligations, and acting accordingly, will receive the
commendation and applause of those who are interest
ed. If, under ihe influence of these principles, we
should aid our tariff brethren incarrying their protective
laws into execution, tliev would, in turn, compliment us
upon our generosity and liberal views. They might well
do so. These complimentary speeches like all others,
cost nothing- whatever profit is made hy them, there
fore, is dear gain. There is no safer investment than
th at of compliments—for there is no capita) required, and
'.here is no hazard, except that of losing a character for
sincerity —a verv trivial consideration, when compated
with the profits of the speculation. I hope I shall not he
considered as exhibiting any tiling like indifference to
the good opinions of my political adversaries. Far Iron)
it. No man appreciates more highly or reciprocates
more cordially their feelings of kindness and persona! es
teem—but I should he unworthy of those feelings ir I
were capable of bartering away tnv principles and the in
terests of my constituents to conciliate them.
I come now, Mr. Speaker, to the consideration of
that part of the hill before you, which provides for
removing to the United States courts, any suit or pro
secution commenced in a State Court, against a re
venue officer, for nn act done in the discharge of It is
duty, as prescribed hy law. That some amendments
of the existing laws in cases of tin’s kind, are necessary,
I candidly admit. Where an officer is sued in a State
court, for an act required by a law ol the United States,
it is a case “ arising under the laws ol the United
c tates,"—-one ofthe very cases to which the judicial
power of tho United States under the Constitution ex
tends. The exercise of this jurisdiction, it seems to me
for many reasons, ought to be provided for ; and that pro
vision is made in the hill reported to the House, hy the
Committee on the Judiciary. But when it is proposed
to extend this provision to criminal prosecutions, I can
not assent to it. It is an attempt to give to the federal
judiciary, cognizance of criminal cases, where a State
is a party, for which there is no warrant in the Con
stitution. Having on two former occasions in this
House, expressed my views on this point, I shall not
repeat them now—but content myself with referring
gentlemen to the able argument of Mr. Madison, in the
Virginia report of’9B, and to tiie explicit exception to
the'exercise of this power in the ratifications ofthe Con.
stifution hy the conventions of New York and Rhode
Island. I should, indeed, exhibit a specimen of singular
inconsistency to rote for this provision, after having so
repeatedly denounced the exercise ot the power hy the
federal tribunals as unauthorized —and I should he tc
cording. at the same time, a most severe sentence against
the public authorities of the State of Georgia, who have
not only expressly denounced the power, but openly re
fused submission to it. Sir, were I now to concede this
jurisdiction to the federal courts, I should expect the
ghost ofthe ill-fated Tassels to haunt the dreams ot the
midnight hour, —and to hear his “ blond crying from
the ground” against the people of my .State.
1 have much more to say on this important subject.
Mr. Speaker, hut at this late hour, after the polite and
attentive hearing with which I have been honored, I
cannot so much abuse the patience o! the House, as to
trespass much longer upon it. I was particularly desi
rous i.f adverting to these laws which my colleague
(Mr. Wayne) referred to as precedents for this hill; but
a sl’ght notice of the most prominent of them must
suffice. Sir. it i? not the least, of the alarming considers
tions which attend the introduction and advocacy of this
bill, that the defence of it? most objectionable parts is
founded on precedent. Mv colleague tells ns that the
"rovis'on for eliciting the President with the whole
land and mv-.l force of the U non. i? borrowed from a
I twnassedin the “ democratic administration of Mr.
Jeffer on.” But does my colleague sec no difference
between measures for national defence agamst toreign
powerc, and those for internal government? The hw
to which he alludes, was passed for the purpose of enfor
cing tho embargo, which, if not itself a new measure,
was of a defensive character, and intended to operate
upon England and France, both of which had committed
serious denredations on our commerce. And is it not
matter of history that tiie discontents of the eastern pco.
pie at these restrictive measures, were such that Mr.
Jefferson himself yielded to their repeal 1 And yet this
i« the precedent which wo are to adopt in confiding to the
Pres i dent powers to he exerted in a controversy between
•he Federal Government and one of th? Spates ot the
Union. Sir, I repca*. that this is the very circumstance
which gives me the deepest concern. By this act you
establish some most alarming princ pies, and it is to he
n standing precedent upon vour statute hook. Some
gentlemen arc rim more willing to confertlv>se power?-,
on account of their confidence in the individual who is
to ex®rei?e them. Now. Inm .petite sure that I hi\e ?
mu"h confidence in General Jai-ivson, a? T sued 1 a- r
in any one wdio mav succeed him ; nor do I apprenend
any danger to the country from the exercise of these
extraordinary powers hy h m ; I do not believe there w i
he anv necessity for his executing them at all; hiu they
arc powers which I would vest in no man liv ng. I here
is not a worse rule its legislation than that of framing
laws with an eye to the individual by whom they are to
he executed, ft were always better to trams t tern un
der the idea that they were tc- he administered by °>ti
rers who would abuse their powers if they couf ' ~~
Reave ns little to official discretion as possible. Mno
does not perceive the danger to which the country aru
its liberties might be expo ed under the administration
ofsome daring and ambitious tyrant, clothed with the
authority conferred by this bill?—And should such an
one unfortunately reach the Executive chair, and desire
this authority, he will only h n ve to recur to “ the de
mocratic administration of Mr. Jefferson.” and “ the
democratic administration” of General JacKSon, am
there arc precedents for as much power ns he canwieh .
Mr. Speaker, my earliest affections were to the Union o
these States, and my latest aspirations shall he for u?
contmnance. and for the preservation of our present form
of Government, to he administered in tiie spirit and on
tiie principles which gave birth to both. It is therefore,
that I look with watchful jealousv on any measure calcu
lated to change its character. Such is thefeolingwi.h
which I regard the bill you are about to pass. It?ten
dency is to a military despnt sm, and improbable as it
rnav to many, this may he hs ultimate termination.
Should this be the melancholy result. I call ties House
to witnes, that at the first step on this downward march,
I have not failed to raise a warning voice against tt.
- i -I E
AUGUSTA; th
w
Friday I?loriiiMS, March 29, 1833. d
- si
£j=\Ve publish in this day’s paper, Mr. Foster’s
speech. Having been furnished with Mr. Wilde's speech,
wc shall lav it before our readers in our next. After we p
have disposed of all these speeches, and other public
documents, we shall devote more of our columns to oth- r
cr matter, equally instructing and attractive to many of *
our subscribers.
BANK OF AUGUSTA. f
The following gentlemen are chosen Directors ofthe
Bank of Augusta, to fill resignations : H. Bowdre, A. f
Sibley, and Robert Campbell—the two first on the part ,
of the State. _____ (
STB AM HOAX COM PA XV. ,
Col. Thom is M’Grxi has been elected Treasurer o. (
the Steam Boat Company of Georgia, for Augusta. ,
( IK ITf iO .1 ,
By acts of the last legislature, tiie site of the pttblts ;
buildings in Tattnall County is to be called RcinsviLLE ; ,
of Lee County. Starksville, in lienor oi General John (
Stark, of the Revolution ; of Sumter Court*)’, Ameiuccs; j
of Stewart County. Roax-Oak.
GttOHGIA. 1
In the general appropriation act passed at the last t
session of the legislature, there is this provision, that |
for the purpose of defraying uhe expenses of government. f
f or the political year 1533. and refunding the money
advanced to the State by the Directors of the Central {
Bonk during the year 1832, the said Directors shall
f ive to the credit of the Treasurer of the Stale, from a
time to time. §IBO.OUO. The sums so advanced, to he g
i aid hack to the Central Bank ns soon as ihe receipts at
the Treasury shall enable the Treasurer to do so. s
The legislature provided for refunding the money al-
ready advanced hy the Central Rank, by requiring the
Bank to pay to the - rcasurerthe further sum of §IBO,-
000 ! This puts us in mind of the following anecdote re- a
lated 0v John Taylor, in the Records of his life, and for
which wc must apologise for introducing while treating q
of such grave and important a subject as the fiscal con
cerns of the State. t
Kenny, the author of the humorous and popular farce g
of “Raising the M ind,” drew the principal character,
Jeremy Diddler, from an individual well known at the j.
time in London of the name of Bibb. Mr. Morton, the o
dramatic writer, met Bibb one day after the successful t
performance of one of his plays. Bibb, concluding that p
a prosperous author must have plenty of cash, com- (
inenced his solicitation, and ventured to ask him for the
loan of a crown, instead of nine pence, as Bibb was
accustomed to ask. Morton assured him that he had f
no more silver titan three shillings and six pence. Bibb r
readily accepted them, of course, but said, on parting, fl
i. Remember, I intended to borrow a crown, so you owe f
me eighteen pence.” p
The legislature provides fur refunding the money hor- c
rowed, by borrowing more ; and now it seems, that the f
Central Bank, instead of being the creditor of the Trea- x
sury, has become the debtor for §180,000: and it is ns
likely that the Bank will get its money back from the
Treasury, as Morton got his from Bibb,
The appropriations made by the last legislature are as
follow:
Governor’s salary. Secretaries, and four
State House Officers, §14,000 s
Judges and Solicitois, 20,925 1
Printing and Contingent Funds, 40,000 i
Commissioners Town, of Columbus, 16,000 !
Lottery Fund, 45 - 000
Georgia Guard, 15,000 1
Penitentiary Fund, 12,.>00
Road and River Fund, 25,000 <
Sundry appropriations, 9,000 j
Legislature of 1832, about 60.000
§257,425
LATEST PROM EXGI-AXD. 1
Lit; arrivals at New-York from Liverpool and Havre, ,
britis dates from those places to Feb. 5 from Liverpool,
and Jan. 21 from Havre.
Tits new Parliament of the United Kingdom melon
the 2 )th Jan. and re-elected the old Speaker, Charles ,
Manners Sutton. It was expected that the speech from
tiie throne would not be delivered until the 6th of Feb.
The following highly important intelligence to the
British M’est Indies, was taken from the London Globe
of January 29, by the Ne wYork Commercial Advertiser;
“ The West India interest were thrown into considera
ble alarm yesterday by a report that it was the intention
of Ministers to introduce a bill into, the new Parliament
for the immediate emancipation ofthe slaves in the West
Indies. It was stated that the purport of the bill was to
limit the existence of slavery in the colonies to three
years, and that it was not the intention of the govern,
inent to offer any compensation to the planters or proprie
“Tn consequence of these rumoys. a deputation ofgen
demon connected with the West Indies waited upon
Lord Grey, and had an audience of the noble E irl at the
Treasury yesterday afternoon. They requested to be in
formed whether it was true that it was the intention of
the government to emancipate the slave population ? The
answer, we understand, was in the affirmative , and that
a bill for that purpose would, on an early day, be submit,
ud to the consideration of the new Parliament. It was
also intimated that three years would be the period fixed
for the extinction of slavery—that emancipation of the
negroes would he unconditional, and that no compensa
tion, except under special circumstances, would be al
lowed.
oSir Alexander Grant, who headed the deputation, in.
quired ofthe noble Premier whether it was the intention
of Ministers to announce this important measure in the
speech from the throne at the opening of the session.
Lord Grev replied that the measure had been formally
decided upon, but that he could not, without departing
from the rules of emtr'esy, give any intim ition ofthe s«n
liments which his Majesty wou.d communicate in his ad
dress to both houses of Parliament.
'“Upon it being represented to the noble Earl the proba
ble consequence which might ensue in the colonies in
case those measures were prematurely announced, lus
Lordship intimated that the government were prepared
to meet ihe exigencies, and that an imposing force, con
sisling of 15,009 men, would forthwith be sent to the
West Indies.
“ This is said to he the purport of the conversation
which took place, after which the deputation withdrew,
and communicated the result to their friends in the city.
' We beg it to be understood that we make these state
ments upon the rumors which were generally circulated
in the city yesterday among the W est India circles.
“ This afternoon the business of the Colonial market
has been suspended by the announcement that his Ma
j, sty’s ministers have made slavery a cabinet question ;
report adds that slavery will he abolished in three years,
aul that no compensation will he given. Tins announce,
ment ha? occasioned great agitation, and most of the
WV.si I idia planter? h ive withdrawn their sugars from
sale, to await the issue of this great event,
[T ic West India Deputation hid a conference with
Lord Goderich on the 2.1 ult.]
Ofthe affairs of Holland and Belgium, nothing of a de
finite nature has been received. The news, however,
from that quarter, is on the whole satisfactory. The
Dutch ministerial papers recommend an rjustmentot the
points in difference.
The Turkish army, under the Grand Vizier, has been
totally defeated hy the Egyptian army, under Ibrahim,
the son of the Pacha of Egypt, in the plains of Koniah.
The battle took plpxeon the 21st December.
Tite main body of the Sultan’s troops, about 42.000 in
number, chiefly Albanians, and 500 of the Grand Vi,
z'er’s household troops, under his own command,
were to make the principal attack on the centre of the
Egyptians while the Turkish cavalry, divided into two
corps of 6000 men each, was to engage the wings of
Ibrahim’s army, and attack when it should sec an oppor
tunity.
Ibrahim, perhaps, guessed this plan, and, favored by
the defiles, had sent strong columns against, the Grand
Vizier’.? wings, leaving in his centre only sufficient troops
to cover his movements. He hail scarcely reached the
extremity of the wings of the Grand Vizer, when he
impetuously attacked the Turkish cavalry and dispersed
if, and then attacked the Grand Vizier himselt on both
flanks. Unprepared for this attack, and engaged with
ihe Egyptian centre, which he had already broken, he
■ hastily collected some of his best troops to oppose -e
Egyptians, but in vain. Nothing remained but to make
he enemy pay as dearly as possible for the victory, which
vns unavoidable. This was done, and the Egyptians I
lid purchase their triumph by a sanguinary conflict sf I
six hours’duration. The loss on each side was near- . H
y equal. When the Albanians were dispersed the Grand Liß
Vizier, with his faithful household troops, defended wP
limself to the utmost, till he was wounded and taken
prisoner.
The Turkish army amounted to 60.009 regular and ir
regular troops, and that of Ibrahim Pacha 30,000 — but
the latter, as before remarked, were commanded by ex- nT,
perienccd European officers.
On receiving this intelligence the greatest gloom «
prevailed at Constantinople ; and both Sultan and people
fell into a state of utter apathy and despair. There were
still about 30,000 Turkish troons dispersed in Asia Mi
nor and about 10,000 regulars in reserve—but they were
dispirited and inactive.
A grand meeting of the Council was-held on the 21
of January, over which the Sultan presided in person, in
reference to the question of war and pence, but it was
neither accompanied nor followed by any decisive move,
tnent.
There is at least one consolation remaining to the
Sultan—it is the fidelity of his troops—which, in con
sequence of his innovations-upon the ancient discipline
of the Turks, was deemed e.xtromcly doubtful. They i
conducted with great bravery throughout the whole bat- I
lie ; and although this conflict is a serums disaster to I
the Porte, it could not be deemed a fatal one, were his "
Councils animated by wisdom and energy. The roun.
trv. too, between Koniah and Constantinople is moun.
lainous, and in its passes and defiles, great annoyance
might be given to an approaching army, and its progress
retarded, until the obtninment of foreign succor, if dos
pair and terror had not seized the Divan. )
From France, it is stated in the French pape’-, .hat
the Emperor of Rusia has refused tc ,»-ceivc Marsh .1;
Mai son in his quality of Ambassador of France. lie has*
also refused to receive Bir Stratford Canning as Ambas.
ador from England. The belief at Paris was that tho
Duchess of Terri and the Ex-ministers would speedily be
set at liberty, under conditions of perpetual banishment
from the kingdom. It was reported that the Duchess
was in a declining state of heatth.
Uncertainty still hangs over the destinies of Portugal
and Spain. The Holy Alliance would s- em to have ob.
mined from the King of Spain the continuation of the
old system of absolutism.
It, is stated in an English paper that an ingenious plan
to alter the whole system of the Sugai trade, has been
submitted to his majesty’s ministers, and to the principal
powers connected with the Colonial trade in Condon , it
had produced a great sensation. It is contemplated that
only one process should take place in the West Indies ;
that after the boiling of the Sugar cane, the proceeds in
a fluid state should be shipped for England, to be man
ufaciuncd there. By a patent taken out, the fluid, by
one process, is to be manufactured into refined sugars.
The process of making muscovado sugar and distilling
rum, would all be in England. The person who has sub.
mitted this p’nn, has taken a patent for the refining by
one process, the fluid into lump Sugar, in most of the Eu
ropean countries, and, we believe, in America. Pile
plan, says the London New Price Current, will create a
complete revolution in the sugar trade. It is entertain,
ed by the ministers, and approved of by the first houses
in the West India Trade.
MJ SPELL A\ E OUS IT E MS.
The Charleston Board ofllealth reports the death of
II persons in that city during the week ending on tha
24th inst. —6 whites and 5 colored.
Awful. The New. York Gazette, of the 18th instant,
slates that the ship Martha, arrived there on the 17th,
fell in with the wreck of a vessel that had been burnt, and
fourteen dead bodies floating around her. Picked up
some spars, and trussel tree of mizen mast, on which
was written, M. 11. Taylor, mate of ship [the rest oblite
rated.]
F.xchange on London was quoted in the Boston papers
of the IGth hist, at less than five per cent. prem. This
is lower than usual by two or three percent.
The recent failures of the Eastern mails have been
caused by the bad condition of the roads between New.
York and Philadelphia, the mails from the east having
reached the latter city several hours after the departure
of the steam boat.
Ah incendiary paper, under the title of “The Emanci
pator,” has recently made its appearance in New. York.
It is gratifying to see that the press of that city, indig
nantly denounce both its authors and their object.”
The General Assembly of Virginia have allowed Mr-
Leigh, huheir appropriation law, $2,500, as a compensa
tion for his services in South Carolina.
Mr. Barry, it is said, is making arrangements to carry
the mail between Washington and Eastport in Maine fl
yer a line of 555 miles, in something less than three days.
Value of Labor- —A Boston paper states that the va
lue of the ic.p cut from a fresh pond, and shipped from
that port the present season for Southern markets, is es
timated at ,$150,000.
The Alexandria Gazette states that the President,who
had been quite unwell, is now recovering his health.
The same paper mentions that handbills arc'in circula
tion in various, parts of the country, nominating Col. R.
M. Johnson for the Presidency.
Hannah More. —We regret to learn that this excellent
lady, was supposed to be on her death bed, at our last
dates from England. Siie is in the 84tli year of her age.
Col. H. A. S. Dearborn, of Massachusetts, lias been
nominate 1 by the National Republicans for re-election to
the next Congress, from the same district in Massachu
setts which he represented in the last Congress.
The New-York Standard states that it has put up a
new double cylinder Napier press, which throws off 2500
sheds per hour.
The New-York Journal of Commerce, of the 13th inst.
contained two hundred and forty seven new advertise,
ments, besides ships, auctions and steamboats.
Drawing aj the. (jo/<1 Lottery to the ilGtn -March ,
inclusive.
BURKE.
Fortunate Brewers. CajAs. Dist. Bn. List. Sec.
Wm. Taylor. Roe’s 562 3 3
Seaborn J. Van, Bush’s 4 1
Moses T. Proctor, Polhill’s <35 17 3
Robert E. Wimberly, 75th 856 3 2
John McGruder, 73 1 213 16 2
Frances Farrow, wid., 72d 408 19 2
Jeremiah W. Burke, Bell’s 42 3 2
Thom as Mulford, Paris’s 384 14 1
COLUMBIA.
Bennington B. Blackston, Grubb’s 1113 2 3
Thomas Davis, Dozier’s 1181 2 4
Waters Dunn, Tankerslcy’s 1295 11 1
John Megahee, sen. Adam’s 763 11 1
Hanlv Powell’s orphs , do. 863 21 3
JEFFERSON.
Caleb Baxter, Young’s 707 II I
Wm. Cowart, Christie’s 8S 13 1 S
Eason Lee, Hannah’s 1237 18 3
Benjamin Hudson, Gunn’s 439 3 3
RICHMOND.
Millington Morgan, 124th 230 4 3
James Wall.-, 120th 323 o 1
Wm. Eve, 123 *2 J ?
Hezekiah Bailey, 600th 104.) 2 1
Sarn. McCollough, 124th I?” ~ *
Martin Frederick, 120th |rj! a 01 ~
MarvG. Bagiev, wid. 122 d 116821 3
Jonathan S. Beers, 398th oqo oi o
James W. E. Reid, 120th ' * ~
Hannah Robinson, wid. 122
A rr c,c**«* 2
John Bryant, 121st
WARREN.
Roda Harris, wid. Newsom’s 854 21 3
Nathan Marsh, sen. do. ."If, d 2
Ezra Castleberr . Camp s l~o() 21 3
Aaron Johnson, Pates 44 21 3
PonUin \ I)own s b.)5 4 3
ShHrack F. Williams, Perryman’* 199 16 4
S,7e Holder, 3 3
Thomas Anslev, sen. Perryman’s 640 16 2
Tho- Wvnne, Johnson’s 1189 16 2
Larkin Wilcher, Down’s 674 3 4
Martha Ransom, wid. Lynn’s 1148 2 2
Tain Kent, Down’s 350 15 1
Millicent Wright, wid. Parham’s 2 12 1
Alpbcus Fuller, do. 91 3 3