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«V I*. C. GUIJKU. AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORXIXG, AUGUST 29, 1844. " rr ™
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST!
OFFICE IN McINTOSif-STRRET,
Third duor from the Sorth- M 'eft corner of Broad-nt.
Sales of LAN I) by Adininmtraloni, Executors, or
Guardians, are required, by law, to \*- held on the
first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of
ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at
the Court House in which the property is situate.
Notice of these sales must be piven in a public
Gazette sixty days previous to the day of sale.
Sal es of NEGROES must l>e at public auction, on
the first Tuesday of th** month, between the usual
hours of sale, at the (dace of public sales in tbe
County where the Letters Testamentary, or Ad
ministration, or Guardianship, may have lieen
granted, first giving SIXTY days’ notice thereof,
in one of the public Gazettes of this Slate, and at
th<* door of the Court House where such sales arc
to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be
given in like-manner forty days previous to day
of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditor* of an Estate,
roust Ik- published for forty days.
Notice that application will le- made to the Court of
Ordinary lor leave to sell LAND, must be pub
lished for Foeß MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must lie pub
lished four months Ix-fore any order absolute
esn h«- irivi-n hy the Court.
WITHDRAWAL OF 31R. TYLER.
TO MY FRIENDS THROUGHOUT THE UNION.
The reasons which influenced me in ac
cepting the nomination for the Presidency,
made by a convention of my friends in
May last, at Baltimore, have lost much of
their original force. 1 had been not only
most violently assailed by the Ultraists of
both parlies, but had been threatened with
impeachment for having negotiated a Trca
ty proposing the annexation of Texas to
the Union, as a portion of its territory,
and for having adopted precautionary mea
sures, clearly falling within the range of
Executive discretion, to ward ofTany blow
which might have been seriously aimed
at the peace and safety of the country in
the event of the ratification of the Treaty
by the Senate. The opinion of a person
once ranked among the distinguished jur
ists of the country, found its way into the
newspapers, apparently as the precursor
of such proceeding. A report had also
boon made at a previous session of Con
gress, by a Committee of the House of
Representatives, which proceeded from
the pen of a man who filled no limited
space in the eye of the world, in which—
because of the exercise of the veto pow
er in arrest of the unconstitutional and
pernicious measures of a United States
Bank, and a donation to the States of so
much of the public revenue as was de
rived from the public lands, at a moment
of groat embarrassment to tbe Treasury,
and when loans were necessary to sustain
the Government—l was charged with the
commission of crave offences in the above
particulars, and with deserving all the
pains and disgrace flowing from the high
power of impeachment, a measure, as it
was intimated, only not resorted toby tbe
House because of a doubt entertained
whether the proceeding would bo sustained
by public sentiment. I had, it is true,
protested against that report as originating
in wrong, and dictated by party rancor
and malevolence; but my Protest was re
fused a place on the journals of the House,
and thus, in future times, my name might
have been tarnished hy the fact of a solemn
declaration, highly implicating my char
acter, rt maining uncontradicted and un
reversed on the public journals. The
party majority which had sanctioned a
proceeding so unjust had. it is true, been
swept out of existence by tbe elections
which shortly afterwards followed; but
at the time of my acceptance of the nomi
nation, although a large and overwhelm
ing majority of the opposite party had
been brought into power by the People,
as if for the express purpose of sustain
ing me in what I had done, yet that very
party had made no public movement in
dicative of a friendly feeling, and a por
tion of its members, who seemed to con
trol the rest, exhibited the bitterest hos
tility, and the most unrelenting spirit of
opposition. Under those circumstances,
there was but one course left to me
consistent with honor, which was, to
maintain my position unmoved by threats,
and unintimidated by denunciations.—
Those of my countrymen, who had come
to my support, had done so in a self
sacrificing spirit, without the indulgence
of any other expectation than that my
character should be vindicated, and that
the policy of my Administration should be
sustained; and I felt that it would better
become me to abide the most signal defeat
than to incur the disgrace of deprecating
the action of a party, the chief object of
whose loaders seemed to be to fasten upon
me disgrace. I had also an indistinct
ho|»e, that the great question of the annex
ation of Texas might, in some degree, be
controlled by the position I occupied.—
These motives induced my acceptance of
the nomination made by my triends. Be
fore the close of the session of Congress,
however, developments were so clearly
and distinctly made as to the threatened
impeachment, that no trace of such mea
sure was left. Mr. J. Q. Adams’ report,
implicating by motives and conduct in my
Vetoes of the Bank and other bills, was de
prived of all of its force and furtive effect,
by a Report made by a Committee, of
which Mr. Ellis, of New York, was Chair
man, accompanied by resolutions, which
passed the House of Representatives some
few days before the close of the session by
a large and commanding majority, not
only rescuing my motives from all impu
tation, but justifying and upholding my
policy. The voice of the people in the
elections of 1P42 was thus directly res-
I ponded to by that of their Representatives, i
j and but little remained for me personally j
i either to expect or desire. Since the ad- j
. journment of Congress, the language of
i many of the leading presses of the coun
try, and resolutions adopted by large as
semblages of the people in their primary j
meetings, have still further endorsed the ;
proceedings of the House in the approba
tion of the acts of the administration. I
could not, however, look exclusively to
my own wishes, which would have led
me immediately to retire from a contest
which seemed no longer to be possessed
of an object worthy of much attention. —
! But 1 was not at liberty to do so without
1 fir.it consulting with such of my most pro
| minent and steadfast friends as I could
; most readily confer with; men who had
1 shared with me in much of the abuse
: which I had encountered, and would par
tially have participated in all the obloquy,
if any, which might, in the future, attach
to me. So far as 1 have been able to con
sult them, they have yielded their assent
to the course which my own judgment
suggests as proper; and I now announce
to them and the country, tity withdrawal
from the Presidential canvass.
1 cannot omit to accompany this public
annunciation with a few remarks, ad Ires
sed to the Republican portion of what was
culled the Whig party of 1840. 1 make
no appeal to that other portion, which was
formerly known during the early period
of our political history, as Federalists, at a
later day as National Republicans, and
now pass under the general appellation of
Whigs. Such an appeal would be whol
ly out of place, since their political prin
ciples are entirely at war with those I
have advocated through life. I mean no
imputation on their motives or their patri
otism. I doubt not that the old Federal
party, in the lead of which stood the elder
Adams, were as deeply and sincerely con
vinced of the necessity of the Alien and
Sedition laws, as the present is of that of
a Bank of the United States, with other
measures equally latitudiuous, along with
the abolition of the Veto power, whereby
to convert the Government into a mere
majority machine—to make it the govern
ment of a single nation, instead of what it
is, a political compact between free, sove
reign and independent States, by which
so much power, and no more, has been
granted to a common Agent of all the
Slates, as they esteemed to be necessary
for the promotion of their mutual happi
ness. No; to them 1 have nothing to say.
If I have received their support at any
time, it has been, not from attachment to
me or my political principles, but from
some supposed influence which I might
bring to bear, as a secondary agent, in
advancing their purposes. All the obli
gations which I have received for such
reasons, have been more than counterbal
anced by the untiring opposition which I
have encountered at their hands since I
attained my present station, and the con
stant and unmitigated abuse which their
leaders have poured out in a torrent upon
my head, designed, as I verily believe in
the first instance, to drive me from the
Government; and in the last to overwhelm
me with obloquy and reproach. But 1
have a right to address myself to those,
who, like myself, co-operatcd with them
in the contest of 1840—who were, and al
ways had been, the advocates of the prin
ciples of the old Republican party —whose
strenuous efforts have always been direc
ted to preserving the compact of Union,
unbroken and inviolate—who have sus
tained at all times the principles of the
Republican party 0f1798-’9 —who have
participated, from time to time, in all Re
publican triumphs—whose fathers were
victorious over the elder Adams in tbe
election of Mr. Jefferson, as they them
selves were over the younger in the elec
tion of General Jackson. To this portion
of the Whig party of 1840, I feel that I
have a full right to address myself; and 1
now seriously put it to them to say,
whether any expectation of good to the
country which they had formed in the
1 election of General Harrison and myself
! to the Presidency and Vice Presidency
i has been disappointed? Many of us had
j been thrown into opposition to Gen. Jack
son during his last term, having voted for
him upon his first and second election, be
cause of certain doctrines put forth in bis
Proclamation, and because of certain
measures which followed that celebrated
State paper. Our opposition proceeded
from no spirit of faction, but from what
we esteemed it to be, a sacred regard to
the high and essential principles of the
Republican party —and regarding his
successor as in a great degree identified
with what we esteemed as errors in Gen
eral Jackson’s administration, our opposi
tion was continued to him. The state
and condition of the country also seemed
to require change in the general adminis
tration. Have you been disappointed in
the reform which you promised yourselves
by going into thatcontest? You demand
ed a rigid economy to be observed in the
public expenditures. Have you in this
been disappointed? \ou required accoun
tability on the part of all public agents?
Has it not been fulfilled? Let the fact
that a defaulter has become almost un
known for the last three years answer the
question. You asked that a coarse of pol
j icy should be adopted which should puri
-Ify and reform the currency. Was the
1 currency of the country ever in a better
condition? Let the rate of the Exchangee
i between all parts of the country answer ,
j the inquiry. Has the day ever been,
when the currency was sounder or the j
rates of Exchange lower? You sought
once more to put the mechanical arts in :
j active ojieration, and to relieve commerce '
j from the blight which had fallen upon it. I
j The first has revived, and the last has un- j
furled its sails, which now’ whiten almost j
every sea. The paralysis which had ;
; fallen on public credit, to an extent so
I great that the poor sum of §">.000.000 of ;
| Government stock was offered to Europe- |
| an and American capitalists without our
j being able to find for it a purchaser, has
j passed away, and a well suppliedExche
j quer gives evidence not only of the expan.
1 sion of trade, but of the stable basis on
| which rests the public credit. The very i
■ stock for which no bidders could at one j
| time be found, now readily commands in (
the market an advance of fifteen or twen- j
ty dollars in the hundred. In the mean \
time I submit it to you to say, whether j
the principles of the Republican party •
j have not been closely observed in all that
has been done. Did those principles re- j
quire that we should recommence a new 1
cycle of twenty years, the predecessor of
which a Bank of the United States had
fulfilled in 1836? Beginning by increas
* 11 ° c* »
mg the derangementsof business for years,
attended in its mid career with compara
tive prosperity, then resorting to efforts by |
all its large means to force a recharter, and
ending its existence amid the curses and
denunciations f f she many it had ruined.
Most of you had, like myself, through all
time, pronounced the Bank to be uncon
stitutional. Had your opinions on this j
subject undergone a change in 1840, and |
did you contemplate that General Harri- |
son and myself—who during the whole
contest avowed our opinions to be un
changed in that respect, in numerous ad
dresses to the public,—would be deserv
ing of denunciation if either of us should
refuse to perjure ourselves by sanctioning
a Bank charter, which, believing it to be
unconstitutional, our sulemnoath of office
required us to vote against or veto? Tell
me, moreover, brother Republicans of
1840, bad you then brought yourselves to
the conclusion that, even admitting
a possible abuse of tbe Veto power,
it was proper to erase from the Consti
tution that great barrier and check to un
c nstitutional and highly inexpedient le
gislation, thereby making the will ofCon
gress supreme and in.-talling tbe majori
ty of that body in the full possession of I
all the powers of Government? Or did
you, or do you now still cling to the opin
ion in which the qualified Veto originat
ed, that a Governmet t without checks and
balances is the worst form of Oligarchy,
| —and that too many guards, in order to I
secure public liberty, cannot be thrown j
over its different departments?—lf, in- j
deed, you are advocates of a change so 1
vital as that proposed, then may not only |
the Garrisons and Tappans of our own
j country rejoice, but a shout should ascend
i from the Abolition Convent on “of the
| whole world,” at the fact that our Feder
I al system had given way before the pow
j er of a consolidated government, whose
j will, uttered forth by sectional majorities, |
was absolute, adm tting of no check or 1
resistance from any quarter whatever.
If, indeed, these be your opinions, then
have 1 most grievously disappointed the
hopes in which you indulged in connec
tion with my election and toy Administra
ton. I must, nevertheless, most solemn- !
ly aver that had I been aware that such |
would have been expected and required :
of rne—if' I could have believed that you, j
i whose candidate I was peculiarly consi- j
dered, and to conciliate whom I was no- j
minalcd for the Vice Presidency, w'ould j
have required of me in the contingency
which unhappily occurred, that I should
commence my Administration with an act 1
j of perjury, and sanctioned measures all- i
j horrent to every principle of my past life
i and at war with the prosperity of the
! country and the continuance of liberty, I
i would not have suffered my name, hum
! ble as it was, to have been breathed in the
I canvass. No, I claim the proud privilege
i of an American citizen to think for my
self on all subjects, and to act in pursu
ance of my owii convictions—and it would
require a total change of my nature in
order to convert me into a mere instru
; ment of party, or party dictation.
I I would appeal not only to yourselves
but to all my countrymen to say, w’helber
j in the matters appertaining to our foreign
; affairs, they anticipated more success in
; the adjustment of difficulties and in the
formation of highly important Treaties
than it has been my province to cause to
be negotiated. Long standing difficulties
have been adjusted—difficulties which
threatened mo t serious y the peace of j
the country. Nor has any opportunity
been lost for enlarging the commerce of
the country, and giving new markets to
j our agricultural and manufactured pro
i ducts. If the country has not reaped full
fruition or benefit from ali the Treaties
thus negotiated, it surely has not been the
fault of the Administration. The loss of i
two of those Treaties through the action !
of the Senate, cannot but be deplored by j
!me as great public calami ies. By the I
I Treaty with the German States, we had
: opened the way to a more extended com- I
| merce with 27,000,000 of people, in our j
j cotton, tobacco, rice and lard, at duties 1
j on tobacco, rice and lard greatly reduced, j
and with a stipulation for the free admis
sion of cotton; while we had agreed to re
ceive at somewhat reduced duties articles
from those States which entered into the
mo t limited competition, if at all, witn a
few similar articles of American product.
The treaty was particularly interesting
from the fact, that for the first lime, after
repec ed struggles on the part of my pre
decessors, to accomplish a reduction of
duty on tobacco, the Government bad suc
ceeded in doing so. It was negociated !
under resolutions originating w th the to
bacco States, and with the presumed sanc
tion of Congress, who had raised, as it is
believed, the mission to Vienna, from a
second to a first rate mission, with direct
reference to the tobacco interest, and had
also appropriated a sum of money some
years Q( >, to enable the Executive to em
ploy ai(“gent in Germany to acquire in
forma' vfi as to the tobacco trade, the ser
vices of which agent had only ceased a
short time prior to the negotiation of the
Treaty. My hope still however is, that
the benefits of tbe Treaty and the Treaty
itself may not be lost to tbe country. I
think it proper to add that there was no
design to deprive the House of Represen
tatives of any rightful and constitutional
action over the subject which it might pro
perly exercise. It was on the contrary
my intention to have submitted the Trea
ty, and all papers calculated to elucidate
I it, to the House of Representatives, if it
had been ratified by the Senate for such
action as they might have deemed it pro
per to adopt—a course pursued in all ca
ses in which the action of the House is
required to vote supplies of money, or ful
j fil any other object falling within the scope
I of their power.
In negotiating the Treaty for tbe annex
ation of Texas, which was rejected by
the Senate, motive . have been ascribed to
tbe Administration which had no place in
its mind or heart. One gentleman, occu
py ing a prominent place in the Democra
tic parry, whether for good or evil it does
nut become me to say, lias assigned in an
address recently delivered i t Missouri,
two prom nent motives for its negotiation:
Ist. Personal ambition, and, 2dly, a pur
pose to dissolve the Union. Mr. Clay al
so, in a recent letter written to the editor
of a newspaper in Alabama, has called
the Treaty infamous , and ascribed to it,
in its origin, sinister objects. I repel both
their assaults upon the Treaty and its ne
gotiators. What object of mere personal
ambition in any way connected with office
i could have influenced the Administration
in negotiating the Treaty? The public
arelti' :s furnished tbe strongest reasons
to believe that the Treaty would have
met the unqualified approval of both Mr.
Clay and Mr. Van Curen. While the
i one was Secretary of S’.ate to Mr. Ad
t ams, and the other to Gen. Jackson, each
1 in his turn attempted to obtain the annexa
■ tion of Texas. Mr. Clay's negotiation
was carried on with Mexico in the third
year of her Revolutionary struggle, while
Spain regarded her as a revolted Province,
and her armies were in possession of many
of the strongholds of the country. What
reason then, could I have had for suppos
ing for an instant that a Treaty with Tex-
I as, after eight years of actual independ
-1 ence, with no Mexican soldier within her
territory, and subject only to occasional
border interruptions, could or would have
met with opposition from him or his friends?
and meeting with no such opposition on
the part either ot Mr. Van Buren or Mr.
! Clay, and their friends, it would puzzle a
| sounder casuist than I profess to be, to
: conceive in what possible way it could
! have interrupted the relations of those two
i gentlemen, who stood at the moment at
j the head of their respective parties, and
i were looked upon by all as competitors
for the Presidency. It is well known that,
when the negotiation for the acquisition of
' Texas was commenced, and up to a pe
j riod succeeding the signingof the Treaty,
it was my confident conviction, expressed
to many, that it would, from the circum
stances I have stated, receive the support
both of Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren,
so that neither would be affected by its ne
gotiation.
If it had been charged that the Admin
istration prompted by the ambition of se
curing the greatest boon to the country,
and the whole country, in the acquisition
of a territory so important in itself and so
inseparably connected with the interests
of every State in the Union, and every in
terest of the Union, I would have pleaded
guilty, without a moment of hesitation.
1 confess I felt ambitious to add another
brio-ht star to the American constellation.
It would have been a source of pride to
me, if that measure had been carried, to
h .ve witnessed from the retirement that
awaits me, the annual expansion of our
| coastwise and foreign trade, and the in
creased prosperity of our agriculture and
manufactures, through the rapid growth
of Texas, which would have furnished me
an unfailing source of gratification to the
end of my life. I should have seen also
the Union of the Slates becoming stronger
and stronger through their reciprocal affec
| tion —local jealousies suppressed, and fa-
I natical schemes and schemers alike pros
! trate. I should have witnessed the bles
j sed results of our Federative system as it
embraced the finest country in the world,
I and brought under its influence devoted
j like ourselves to the maintenance and pre
! servation of free government. This was
j the kind of ambition which prompted the
negotiation of the Treaty. Its ratifica
tion was the sole honor which I coveted,
and all that I now desire. What sinis
ter motives could have originated the ne
gotiation at this time, that did not exist in
1827? What was there note to have ren
dered a Treaty infamous which did not
exist then? If it be said that we had a
Treaty of Limits with Mexico, I ask if, in
1827, we had not also a Treaty of Limits
with Spain? We had not recognised j
; the independence of Mexico, and, there- j
fore, virtually claimed that we had a per- !
feet right to treat with her fur the annex- j
ation of Texas, and in fact, if we had so i
pleased, for Mexico entire. Eight years
ago we recognised Texas as independent,
and surely our right to negotiate with her,
implied no worse faith than in 1827 to ne
gotiate with Mexico for her. The idea
that because of the existence of a Treaty |
ofLimits with any nation, we must for- j
ever thereafter deny to all parts of the ter- j
ritory of such nation the right of revolu- j
lion or change, can only excite with an j
American citizen, a smile. Was it deem- !
necessary, in 1827, to consult the House j
of Representatives, or the People? Was
it considered necessary to obtain the as
sent of every State, as would seetn now
to be proposed, before forming a Treaty
of Annexation? If the assent of every
State is necessary, then may we bid adieu
to the prospoctof annexation now or here
after. The Constitution devolves the
treaty-making power on two-thirds of the '
States, through their Senators, and it is i
altogether a new doctrine that a Treaty |
should not be negotiated withoutthe assent !
of all. Danger to the Union through the J
exercise of the power of a constitutional 1
majority in the making of a Treaty, is a j
doctrine for the first time advanced, and 1
having no foundation in point of fact. I I
regard the preservation of the Union as :
the first great American interest. I ,
equally disapprove of all threats of its dis
solution, whether they proceed from the
North or South. The glory of my coun
try, its safety and its prosperity alike de
pend on Union, and he who would con tern- j
plate its destruction, even for a moment, i
and form plans to accomplish it, deserves i
the deepest anathemas of the human race.
I believe, that tbe annexation of Texas
would add to its strength, and serve to per
petuate it for ages yet to come; and my i
best efforts, while I remain in office, will |
be directed to securing its acquisition, |
either now or at a future day. Whether ;
any efforts will avail to secure this object, ■
since the rejection of the Treaty, remains *
still to be seen. I abandon all hope upon the
; subject, if it shall be esteemed necessary
j to obtain for it the approval of every Slate,
i The case rarely occurs that any Treaty
receives the unanimous approval of the ;
Senate.
I have been called upon, in justice to j
myself, to make these remarks in with- |
drawing from the position in which my j
friends had placed me. I might present
other inquiries growing out of the course
of the Administration, both in regard to
our domestic and foreign relations, as to
width principles have been maintained,
which may arrest the attention of future
and even remote Administrations—but let
what 1 have said suffice. All that I ask
of my countrymen is a candid review of I
my acts, and an impartial comparison of '
the condition of the country now with
what it was three years ago. I appeal
from the vituperation of the present day
to the pen of impartial history, in the full j
confidence that neither my motives nor my
acts will bear tbe interpretation which has, i
for sinister purposes , been placed upon 1
them JOHN TYLER.
Washington, Aug. 20,1844.
i
[Frotn the Pensacola Gazette.]
Mr. Editor, — I have but little more to j
say on the subject of the Tariff, for my i
object is notso much to discuss this impor- j
taut topic as to present it in two or three I
startling points ofview, with a hope of ex
citing attention and inducing inquiry. It
is a subject of vital importance to all; of
much more importance indeed than we are
generally aware, and all that the advc
cates of free trade desire is that the people
should enquire—of that enquiry we do
not fear the issue.
I propose in this number to show in part
to what an extent we are interested in this
subject, by selecting two articles of con
sumption of universal necessity, and I will i
prove that on those two articles alone, the ;
consumer, pays a tax, (the most of which ;
goes into the pockets of the northern man- |
ufaturer) far exceeding the whole amount :
of our national revenue.
I have seen it estimated in some essays
on this subject that the consumption of cot- '
ton and woollen cloths in this country ison |
an average at the rate of §lO a head; but
as I desire to be certainly within bounds,
I will estimate it at only half that amount.
Our population may be estimated in round
numbers at 20,000,000, so that the con
sumption ofcotton and woollen cloths at i
§5, amounts annually to a hundred mil
lions of dollars. I have shown that the
duties on those two articles vary from 30
to more than 100 per cent, but I will not
here insist thatthe price is raised to the full
extent of the duly, it being sufficient for
my purpose to adopta calculation publish
ed in the New York Journal of Commerce
I of the 20th July, from which it appears
j that the average rise of price on these ar
• tides under the operation of Mr. Clay’s
I Tariff has been 27$ per cent.
! This gives us at once, Mr, Editor, an *
additional tax ot millions a year on
cotton and woollen goods. But the tale is
not all told—th ree fourths of the consumers
paying this heavy tax are agriculturists, eg
the last census shows, and in my last num
ber I proved that agricultural produce had
fallen under the operations of this tariff at
least 20 per cent. As farmers must buy
cotton and woollen cloth from the manufac
turers, and merchants by givingtheir pro
ducts in exchange, of course this 20 mil
lions less must be added to the 27£ mil
lions advance on the goods, thus making
47£ millions of Tax paid by consumers on
these two articles alone, (more than under
the compromise act;) of which perhaps the
odd 7£ millions goes to the Government
and the other forty into the pockets of our
task-masters.
Again—the last census show us that the
capital employed in tiie manufacture of
woollen and cotton cloth amonts to 66,-
863,000 the increased profit on which be
ing forty millions is at the rate of 60 per
cent.
And again from the same source w«
learn that the persons engaged in these
manufactures amount to 93,000 in num
ber, and by the same rule in arithmetic, it
appears their increased profits amount
to §430 a head annually, and as a great
majority are laborers the increased pro
fits of the capitalists must be enormous.
In reading an account of one of the mass
• meetings at the North in a whig paper,
i (for I read papers of every political com
■ plexion) I noticed that one of the gorgeous
; banners in the procession bore this in
| scriptiou;
“Log Cabins,”
“Hard Cider,”
“Coons,”
, “the mottoes to arouse a sleeping nation.”
I perfectly agree with this banner, Mr.
j Editorl and almost wonder that they havd
| not aroused from the grave the honored
; dust of our revolutionary sires who shed
I their blood so freely to’establish these ro
i publican principles. Yet I humbly con
| ceive that the facts I have presented in
I these numbers deserve some slight consid-
I eralion—also do we not hear of the rapid
ly surviving prosperity of the north where
all the manufactures are, and do we not
know and feel that in the South the times
j are yet sadly out of joint—are there no
j reasons for this ? Are there no means of
j accounting for the fact that in a land like
j this, where every element of happiness
: and prosperity seems to have been given
i us, we yet languish in poverty? If the
1 people will think and examine they will
i flnd that tiiis eiicct like every other has
its cause—they will find that they are the
deluded victims of wrong and outrage al
most without a parallel.
Forty millions extorted annually from
the consumer to be added to the swollen
hordes of ninety-three thousand men en
gaged in the manufacture of two articles
!of indispensable use ! Is it any wonder
| that in South Carolina where facts like
these were proven to the people by the es-
I forts which were there made to inform
them—is it any wonder that inheritors as
they were of the principles of ; 76, they
refused to submit to sucli oppression and
raised the standard of resistance—and
even if we are not prepared to admit that
I they were right as to all the circumsfan
| ces of time and mode, might we not, to
use the language of Edmund Burke,
“pardon something to the spirit of Lib
erty ?” PUBLIUS.
A...--.- 1 TO KENT.—My brick Dwelling on
pp | Broad-street, below the market, as plea; ant
jhsLand as agreeable a residence as any in the
i city.
Also, a small Dwelling next above.
ang 1 th 4 A. PICQUET.
MTO RENT, from the first of October
next, a Store in the new building on the
corner of Broad ami Washington-streets;
| it is an excellent stand for a Dry Goods Store, and
| if rented before the middle of August, will be fin
j ished to suit the tenant.
Also, a Dwelling in the same building containing
| eight rooms to be neatly finished, with every con-
I venience fora family.
Also, four rooms with fire places, suitable for of
i fices or bed-rooms, to be rented separately or to
gether, entrance from Washington-sireet.
Also, two tenements on Camphell-street, and on*
| on Washington-street near the Medical College.
1 Apply al the store of Moore & Davis to
I July 18 JOHN xMOORE.
M TO RENT, from the first of October
next. —The Dwelling House, on Ellis-
adjoining the old Post Office, and
the second door above .McCoy’s stables, formerly
the residence ofW. J. Bunce, —the house is in good,
order, with a good stable. Apply to
J. B. GUIEU. > ~ .
W. W. HOLT, $ ”•
j July 13 ts 10
R ANA WAY from the subscri-
ber, about the 10th of July last, my negro
man SQUIRE, he is about five feet eight
-4j» m or nine inches high, dark complected, stout
built fellow, between twenty-five and thirty yean
j of age. He had on when lie went aw ay a suit of
j new white homespun clothes, without hat or shoes.
J He has several times ranaway. and always denies
1 his true owner, and place of residence, and also
j goes by different names. Any person taking up
said fellow and delivering him to me, or lodging
him in any safe Jail so that I get him again, shall
have all reasonable expenses paid.
Direct to Duntonsvillc. Edgefield District, S. C.
WILLIAM STROM, Senior,
august 20 3 26
, STOLEN —From my premises on Sa
turday night, the 3d inst., a bay HORSE,
i about fifteen hands high, one hind foot
| r ~ M * r— * white, walks very fast, weak eyes in
! consequence of the hooks being recently taken out.
I will give a reward of five dollars for the delivery
! of said horse to me. Any information thankfully
I received. A. N. VERDERY.
Bell Air, August 13, 1844 th 3 aug 15
OFFICE S. C. C. & R. R. COMPANY, \
HAMBURG, Jan. 24,1844. )
OTlCE.—Freight on Cotton to Charleston by
Rail Road is reduced to 75 cent* a bale.
Jan 25 A B. STTTJGES. Agewr