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<£l)c (Georgia Constitutionalist.
°- V **’ C * GLIEI " AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 6, 1844. VOL. XXU.-NO. 33.
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
OFFICE IN McINTUSH-STREET,
Third door from the Sotih- Went corner of Broad-tt.
Sale* of LAND by Administrators, Executors or
Guardian* are r-qiiire.l. by law, to be held on the
lirsi | uesday in the month, between the hours of
C*n in ihf forenoon ainJ three in the afternoon, at
the Court House in which the property is situate.
Notice of these sales must be given in a public
t>atetle nxTY r>4 vs previous to the day of sale.
«»ale* of NECHOES must be at public auction, on
the first Tuesday of the month, rx-t ween the usual
hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the
county where the I/etters Testamentary', or Ad
ministration, or Guardianship, may have been
granted, first giving sixty days' notice thereof,
in one of the public Gazettes of this Stale, and at
’the door of the Court House where such sales are
to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be
given in like-raanner forty days previous to day
of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate,
must be published for forty days.
Notice that application will I* made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell LAND, must be pub
lished for FOUR MONTHS.
Notice for leave to *>-11 NEGROES, must he pub
lished four months before any order absolute
can lx- eiven by ihe Court.
[From the Columbus Times. \
JUDGE TAYLOR’S LETTER.
Messrs. Editors: —Having seen in the
whig Rifle and Albany Courier, of Baker,
what they are pleased to call “a severe,
just, and well merited castigation,” for
my renunciation of the whig party and
their late principles, I desire to hestow a
passing notice upon these veritable gen
tlemen, to meet, and repel, as I trust,
successfully, their unjust charges against
my political honesty, and patriotism.
7'hey attribute my change, first, lo dis
appointment, in not receiving a nomina
tion for Congress, at the Albany Conven
tion, ‘which I bad expected.’ Do these
Editors not know, and is it not a suppres
sion of facts, that my name was not before
that Convention, but was withdrawn by
n»y j>osi ive instruction? Could I then
expect that, which 1 had declined, though
solicited l»y many good and strong friends?
It is true that I once yielded to the many
different solicitations of friends, from dif
erent parts of the district, to use and offer
my name before the Convention; hut be
fore the assembling of the Convention, 1
determined upon not suffering my name
to Ik* placed before them, as I became
fully convinced from recent developments,
of the designs, and purposes, of the whig
party, in regard to the tariff, internal im
provements, and the annexation of Texas,
that I could not longer co-operate with
my old party friends, and I did so; inten
tending at a pro|«r time, to declare my
principles—those which as a politician,
and partisan, I had early imbibed from
teachers in the school of strict construction
ists of the Constitution of the United States.
It is true that I drafted, and presented
to the meeting in Cuthhert, the preamble
and resolutions attributed to me—and was
then in principle a whig, and favorable to
Henry Clay for President; ’tis also true,
that then, I had before me the declaration
and opinions of Mr. Clay, in his letter to
Mr. Meriwether, that he inner was in fa
vor of a high tariff, and that no more
money should be raised, than is necessary
to an economical support of the Govern
ment. In his speech at Charleston among
Nullifers, and anti tariffites, he declared
‘thai influenced by a desire to avert the
the coming danger, and anxious to per
petuate the l'n,on, and give peace to a
distracted country, I brought forward the
compromise act, anil aided in its passage;
in my subsequent life, 1 adhered to its pro
visions, and shall do so in future .” In
connection with these, I had also before
me,’ his last speech in the Senate of the
United States upon this subject, in which
he urges upon the Senate this satisfactory
adimontion: “Do not raise the question
of protection, which I had hoped had been
put to rest! There is no necessity of pro
tection, for protection.” Not only had I
these declarations of Mr. Clay, but the
uniform, and undeviating opposition, of
all parties in Georgia, for the last twenty
years, to a protective tariff. I had also
what should be good authority with one
of these ‘veritable Editors,’ the declara
tion of the Columbus Enquirer, in 1834,
when stating what they were —that among
other things, they were The opponents of
every branch of that iniquitous system of leg
islation, which was commenced in J rand ,
and is now attempted to he sustained by
force. But I did not have then the change
of Judge Berrien in the Senate; and of
Messrs. King, Gamble, Foster, Meri
wether, &c. &c. in their views upon ‘the
unjust, unequal, and oppressive burthens
of the taritf act of 1842.’ 1 did not then
know, that Judge Berrien’s opposition to
the act, was a mere sham, a ruse to lull
the South; and that before he voted
against the bill, he declartd, to some of
his friends, that if it should fail by a sin
gle vote, he would instantly move its re
consideration. That he, approving the
bill too, never would have consented to
an adjournment of Congress, until that
bill, in its present or some modified form
had passed; I did not have before me the
congratulations of Mr. Webster, offered
to the country, in his speech at Trenton,
for the changes of opinion by Messrs.
Berrien, Archer, and other distinguished
Southern w hig Senators, upon the great
question of the tariff.
I had not before me the entire opposi
tion of the whig party, with one honorable
exception, to Mr. McKay’s bill—and its
equally entire devotion, to f e act ot 1542,
which had been previously denounced,
and repudiated by the whigs of Georgia.
None of these changes, none of these
; countermarches, were before me; and as
an old State Rights man, promulgating
w herever I went, and upon every occasion
that Mr. Clay had so modified his feelings
upon the tariff as to make him acceptable
to the south, I drew up and prese ted that
preamble and resolutions.
And though he had forfeited all cla m
to the suffrages of the outh, by his zeal- ;
ous support of the tariff, and his advocacy ’
of the force bill, in so much that the Siate
rights party in 1834 could not support him
—and that a choice either of Clay or Van
Buren, would be a great evil, and there- I
fore they could choose neither in the lan- ■
guageofthe Georgia Journal and Southern :
Recorder—yet so ample and satisfactory, |
had been the assurances given by him, of ;
his determined opposition to any tariff, that
l would raise more revenue than was need- !
ed, for an economical support of the gov- |
eminent, that his first sins were forgiven I
him. ami he was hailed by me as a mem
ber of th e, great whig party, as their invin
cible leader. Had determinations
continued, I should still have been a whig,
ami tho supporter of Mr. Clay. The no
mination of the Albany convention to the
contrary notwithstanding.
My eyes were first opened by the Hon.
A. 11. Chap 1 ell, in his first letter to his
former friends and supporters; upon whose
head, every epithet that could debase, and
upon whose reputation, every calumny has
been heaped, that malignity, and party
rancor could invent, hut which lik 'hr ar
rows of the superstitious Indian, a med at
the sun in eclipse, have fallen 1 ai c.lcss at
the feet oftho.se who aimed th°rn. It was
not un’il his predictions were fully reali
zed, and 1 believed the whig parly in Cou
gre s werecmnpromitting their principles
upon the tariff and catering fir the support
' of Adams, Webster, (biddings, &c. to car
ry Henry Clay nto the presidency,could
1 satisfy myself, that as a southern man, I
would wrong my conscience, and cheat
my country —longer to co-operate or con
tinue in the whig party in the support of
such principles. I here ask the people of
Georgia, if they are satisfied, that the act
of 1842, is an act for protection, and the
bill of Mr. McKay, was cur ailing in its
character, yet affording ample revenue to
meet the wants of the government; can
they refuse upon principle to justify me,
nay, more, the entire whig party of Geor
gia, in quitting Mr. Clay and his party,
and in supporting Polk and Dallas? Hear
Mr. Clay in the Senate of the U. States,
when thundering forth his anathemas,
against the corruptions and extravagances
of the administration of t lie federal govern
ment, declaring most emphatically, “that
twenty tw’o mil ions of dollars is the larg
est sum needed to support the govern
ment.”
And then read his letter to Mr. Cope, in
which hesays:“l have every whore main
tained, that in adjusting a tat iff for revenue,
discriminations ought to be n ade for pro
tection; that the tariff of 1842 has opera
ted most beneficially, and 1 am entirely
opposed to its repeal.” What! utterly op
posed to the repeal of the tariff of 1842,
when a tariff for revenue is all that is con
tended for, without incidental protection;
and this very act, now' yielding to the go
vernment for the year 1844, thirty-five
millions of dollars, w'hen twenty two mil
lions only are needed?
I see from statements in the papers that
at the port of New York alone for the first
half of the first year $11,521,597 of duties
have been received by the government —
should the next year yield the same
amount, the port of New York alone will
furnish money enough under the present
taritf to support the government, and in
t Mr. Clay’s language, “the very largest
sum necessary.” Without adverting to
the embarrassed condition of the country,
i with a revenue from duties of thirty five
‘ mill ons; 1 ask, what other evidence is
necessary to convert an honest mind, in
, search after truth? If those facts will not
, start one from his sweet repose, into which
the syren promises of Mr. Clay anti the
Whig party have lulled him; have we any
reason to believe that he could be moved,
" “though one should rise from the dead?”
But this is not all; the duties upon im
portations is at the rate of forty per cent,
r upon the value, derived chiefly and main
ly from the class of articles constituting
the poor man’s necessaries, such as iron,
steel, trace, and other chains, salt, brown
sugar, molasses, &c. which pay a duty
i of, from forty to two hundred and fifty six
per cent.; whilst gems, pearls, combs, and
i precious stones, pay the interesting and
neat little duty of seven and a half per
cent, ad valorem.
I am told that in Muscogee in a speech
which I made before the (day Club, ‘I not
only fully avowed all the doctrines of the
Whig party, but upon the subject of the
tariff, advocated protection to an extent,
far bevond what is contended for hy the
whigs, at the North or South.’ Here I
lam at issue with the Whig Rifle. lam
I not mistaken, and by those w’ho were pre
sent upon that occasion, it cannot he for
gotten, that I distinctly stated, that the po
licy of the Democratic party, seemed to
1 me, to be, to drive the Whigs into the de
j fence of a protective tariff, and that the
; Whigs should not suffer themselves to l>e
driven by their opponents into the def. nee
i of principles, which they do not advocate,
and if I understood the principles of the
, | Whig party aright, they were to be found,
| in a strict construe ion of the Constitution
of the United States, which requires only
a tariff for revenue, w ith the right of dis
crimination. These were my sentiments
upon that occasion, and such such too, as
were afterwards substantially delivered
in Blakely and Newton, and for which
I received the cheers, and smiles, and
thumps of approbation, from the whigs.
Upon the taritf I have never occupied any
j middle ground, I have ever been its oppo
' nent; and not until the vote by the last
Congress upon the question did ever be
lieve otherwise, than that Southern whigs
and Southern Democrats, would stand
i shoulder to shoulder in an unbroken op
position to that system of unconstitutional,
unequal, and unjust legislation, which
had truly distinguished for twenty years
their devotion to principle. But it was
reserved for 1814, to draw the line of dis
; linction. The cris-s ha- come—the is
j sue has been joined and we are now call
ed upon for the first time in Georgia, to
lake our sides, ‘choose you thi day w hom
you w ill serve.’ I have chosen to serve
the constitution of the United States, —and
to withdraw my allegiance, from that par
ty in whose ranks, as active politician, I
have from the age of manhood, for the
last eleven years, done active service.—l
choose to respect equal rights, equal pri
vileges, and equal burthens.
To have continued with the whig party
would be to have contributed to the sup
port ol unequal rights, unequal privileges,
and unequal burthens. I have ever op
-1 osed a protective taritf, and though these
veritable Editors would gladly create a
different impression upon the public mind,
the nominee of the whig party, by the Al
bany Convention, will not have forgotten,
that w ithin the last three months, upon that
question, he and 1 in a spirited conversa
tion in which others participated were di
rectly at points. He the friend and advo
cate, as 1 then understood him, of a protec
tive taritf, and I, as ever, its denouncer
and foe.
lam opposed to the empty professions
of the whig party, who declared to us, in
their general State Convention, that they
are in favor of the annexation of Texas,
at the earliest practicable period, consis
tent with the power and good faith of the
nation, and yet, openly oppose every plan
proposed to obviate existing difficulties; in
action, concurring with the abolitionists of
the North, that it would be an extension
and perpetuation of slavery—and at the
South that it would operate, so as to abol
ish slavery in Maryland, Virginia, North
Ca-olina, Kentucky, and other States.
Can the whig party, with one portion of
its members headed by J. Q. Adams, and
others at the North opposing the annexa
tion of Texas because of her lawless popu
lation of renegade ruffians, her mock re
publican constitution, decreeing eternal
slavery on the colored race, and preferring
dissolution (I hope the nerves of the Edi
tors of the Enquirer will not be disturbed)
to annexation—in truth and reality sup
port this great measure; and when at the
South, the reasons urged by their pres
ses and orators are, that it is all humbug
—a bubble which has already bursted,
w ithout doing any harm—and that land
j would diminish in value in Georgia, Ala
| bama, Mississippi and Louisiana? I sav
can that party, using such arguments, fa
vor this great measure? All honest men
i will answer no. Their purposes cannot
be concealed nor mistaken. They are
opposed upon any and all terms, to annex
ation, — the reason is apparent, the Dicta
tor has otherwise ordered it.
Texas proper is said to contain two hun-
I dred millions of acres, and would make
five such States as Virginia in size; not
i more than two of these would probably be
| strickly settled with a slave population;
i nor would these be settled mainly from
I Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and
Kentucky, but every slaveholding State,
as also every free one, would contribute
in her proper ratio. The idea that annex
ation would make the more northern slave
States free ones, is therefore preposterous;
unless there were some coercive power, to
force emigration from the more northern,
and restrain it, in the southern slave
S;ates. Is it not just, that Texas should
be annexed, for the maintenance of the
balance of power in the Union? lowa in
a short time, must be divided into three
States large as Virginia; Wisconsin must
al>o come in with three such as South Ca
rolina—in none of these, will slavery ex
i ist—and yet. with such things before us
I —Georgia Whigs—say annexation is a
j humbug, and should have no share in the
i shaping of our political opinions. Shall
I we fold our arms, and surrender all that
i is disputed by northern fanatics? Shall
we resign the right to equalize the powers
and interests of the Government among
, the different geographical divisions of our
widely extended country? No! patriot
' ism forbids it. When the north in a short
time, must have six Slates, as Virginia,
and South Carolina—shall w’e not be al
i lowed an effort, for only five, whose inter
ests and pursuits, will be mainly identi
fied with ours? Oregon must at no dis
tant day belong to us, and as slave labor
cannot, and wi I not be introduced there—
the balance of power will preponderate in
favor of the free Slates. But the foreign
influences which bear upon this question,
are indeed important.
England has her eye on Texas, neces
sity requires her to get another and better
outlet for her dense starving population—■.
they must emigrate; once let her establish
; an influence in Texas, by her emigration
there, and what becomes of our safety at
the South—nay, of this whole government
—fenced and hedged in, upon every side
by Great Britain—our growth impeded,
our energies paralyzed by the embrace of
the British Lion.
These. Messrs. \\ hig Rifle, and Albany
Courier, are some of my reasons for my ;
recent separation from the whigs. And
though “no tears be shed,” I have the
abiding consolation, that no imputation,
throw’n upon my motives as a politician,
has or can swerve me from the path of
duty to myself, and my country. To be
slandered, ‘and to he castigated severely! /’
is nothing more than I had expected. The
cormorant appetite of the calumniator,
which, irrespective of persons, feeds upon
such aliment, may be gratified by this; but
the reflecting and honest, will inquire into
the Cbuse of such vituperation : and look !
into the validity of my reasons for separ- j
ation. I have other reasons besides those
already given, and among these, are, op
position to internal improvements, and the
assumption of the debts of the States by i
the General Government; both of these
schemes are leading cardinal principles
of the whig party, but which were not
opened to my view, until I saw that un
der existing laws, the revenue, w hich must
accumulate, from the present onerous ta
riff, into the coffers of the Government,
and w'hich must Dave annually a surplus
of twenty millions, must be disposed of in
some way, and if this immense surplus he
not raised for internal improvement, and
assumption of State debts, for what pur
pose is it drawn from the pockets of the
people? I have trespassed, perhaps, al- ;
ready too long upon he patience of the
reader; and will cone ude by an earnest
request, that he do as I have done, exam
ine for himself as a southern man, and
pursue such a course, as facts and the
honest convictions of unbiassed reason and
patriotism dictate. (Signed )
WILLIAM TAYLOR.
Cuthhert, Aug. 5, 1844.
[From the Columbus Times.]
We are not in the habit of noticing the
communications of anonymous writers,
but there is article in the last Columbus
Enquirer, over the signature of “Upson,”
upon which we bestow a moment’s atten
tion. He sets out with the doctiine, that
the suppression of truth, according to the
code of Christian ethics, is equally with the
suggestion of falsehood, a violation of that
injunction of Holy writ, “thou shall not
bear false witness,” and with it under his
eye, at the head of his article, proceeds
delihsri-ately lo perpetrate the very offence
which it was his design to charge unjust
ly upon others. We had shewn by ex
tracts from speeches of Mr. Clay, made
in the Senate, in 1836, that he was the
firm advocate of the doctrine, that Con
gress had the power under the constitution.
“TO ABOLISH SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF
Columbia.” “Upson” charges, that in
making these extracts we were guilty of
“garbling.” That charge is untrue-—for
no other sentence in the speeches referred
to, can be found, which in the smallest
degree tends to the modification of Mr.
Clay’s opinion as expressed in the Extracts;
and for the purpose of showing that what
we here say is true, we publish to day, all
Mr, Clay said on the occasion referred
to. Dare “Upson” ortho Enquirer do the
same? They are afraid to do it.
“Upson” was shrewd enough to see that
were it known to the people of Georgia,
that Mr. Clay is unsound upon the Consti
tutional question , he would be abandoned
by all who are not chained to his car; and
not daring to meet it, flies off to a speech
made by Mr. Clay in 1839, in which he
argued against the expediency of the exor
cise of that power on the part of Congress:
hoping in this way to becloud if he could
not “suppress the truth,” by calling pub
lic attention in another direction. It was
wholly unnecessary to defend Mr. Clay
upott the question of expediency, for we
had not charged him with being desirous
of, or inclined to the abolition of slavery
in the District or elsewhere; this Upson
well knew. Will he or the Enquirer
leave their readers to judge for them
selves, by publishing the whole of Mr.
Clay’s remarks on that occasion as we
have done? We are afraid they cannot
be provoked into an act of so much rash
ness. Elect Mr. Clay and suppose Con
gress to have passed a bill abolishing
slavery in the District, and what will be
his position? He believes in the Constitu
tionality of the measure— as ever since
1841 exhibited the greatest opposition and
hostility to the exercise of the veto, (or as
he abhorently calls it) “the one man pow
er,” and vehemently expressing his desire
to “pluck it from the Constitution as an
odious relic of the royal prerogative,”
could he withhold his sanction of the bill?
He could, but not without a change of
opinion, and abandonment of all his op
position and hostility to the veto pt wer.
11
“Mr. Clay rose to make an explana- ;
tion with regard to the precedents cited by
the Senator from South Carolina, one of
which cases had been made on his motion;
and as it was his intention to vote for the
acceptance es the petition, it might, with- j
out some explanation, be supposed that i
there was an inconsistency in such vote. I
The right of the petition had, it w’as true, j
certain qualifications, one of which was, \
that it must be addressed to a deliberative j
body, having power ever the subject of i
which the petition treated. Another quali
fication was, that the petition should not
be insulting to the body to which it was
addressed. This was the case with the
petition from the town of York, Pennsylva
nia, which the Senate refused to receive.
It would be recollected that this petition
was not intended to complain of a griev
ance in the power of Congress to redress,
but was in fact an insult to the Senate.—
Hence the rejection was not founded on
the ground that Congress had no power
over the subject treated of in the petition,
but on the ground that the matter contain
ed in it was offensive. He differed with
the Senator from South Carolina as to the
right of Congress to refuse the reception
of a petition. He well knew that every
deliberative body had the right to deter
i mine the time when petitions should be
received; but this was under a mere re
i gulation, having in view the convenience
of the body as well as of the petitioners.
‘‘'His idea was, that Ihe right of petition \
\ carried with it the right of being heard on
; any subject that the body addressed had the
power to act on. He thought that there
teas enough in the constitutional provisions
which related to ihe District of Columbia,
to justify their considering it. On the sub
ject of the right of Congress to abolish sla
very in the District, he was inclined to j
think, and candor required the avowal, that
the right did exist; though he should take
a future opportunity of expressing his
views in opposition to the expediency of the
exercise of that power.”
“The Constitution gave to Congress,
with respect to the District of Columbia,
: all the powers not prohibited by it and
I was directly contrary to that provision of
the same instrument with respect to the
Stales which prohibited the exercise of
powers not granted, and reserved them to
the States and their people.
“Mr. C. also expressed his disapproba- !
tion of the motion to receive and immedi
ately reject the petition, made by the gen
tleman from Pennsylvania. He did not
think it a safe, substantia , and efficient
enjoyment of the right of petition to reject
it without its passing through the usual
forms. He thought that the right of peti
tion required of the servants of the people
to examine, deliberate and decide either to
grant or refuse the prayer of the petition,
giving the reasons for such decision. He
thought accompanying the rejection ofthe
petition with a clear and distinct expres
sions of the reasons of the Sen te, would
carry conviction to every mind, satisfy
the petitioners of the impropriety of grant
ing their request, and thus have the best
effects in putting an end to the agitation of
the public on the subject.
“The question was here taken, ‘Shall
the petition he received?’ and it w'as deci
ded in the affirmative:
“Yeas —Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buch
anan, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis,
Ewing of Ohio, Ewing of Illinois, Golds
borough, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hub
hard, Kent, King of Alabama, King of
Georgia, Knight, Linn, McKean, Morris,
Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Robbins, Rob
inson, Buggies, Shepley, Southard, Swift,
Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, j
Webster, Wright—36.
“Nays— Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Cuth- I
hert. Leigh, Moore, Nicholas, Porter, ;
Pieston. Walker, White—lo.
“Mr, Clay, said the motion before the
Senate wassusceptihleof amendment, and
before he sat down he would offer one.—
He had thought a reference to a enmmi*.
i tee, and a report of the reasons against
i granting the prayer of these petitioners,
| would he the better way to dispose of the
; subject; hut he feared a majority could
{ not he had for that course. There were
| certain great subjects that ought to he
kept out of the scope of political action,
they were the tariff, the great public do
main, slavery, and the Union. Mr. C.
commented briefly upon the importance
of each of these heads, and condemned the
movements in a certain quarter on the
subject of slavery.
“Mr. C. after arguing at some length
j in favor of receiving the petition, confend
; ing that the refusal to receive it would be
I a violation of the right of petition as se
cured by the constitution, expressed the
strongest disapprobation of the course of
the northern abolitionists who were inter
meddling with a subject that no way con
cerned them. He expressed himself in
favor of a gradual emancipation of the
black race, if it could he done without
those injurious consequences which would
inevitably flow from such a measure.—
Although he had been taught from his
childhood to believe that every man, no
| matter what was his color or condition,
j was entitled to freedom, yet the retaining
; the black race in slavery was justified by
| the necessity of the measure. If he were i
i a southern man he would resist emancipa- j
t on in every form, either gradual or oth- i
erwise, because he would go for his own 1
race, which was the superior race of the |
j two; and because emancipation must ne- j
: cessarily give the inferior race, in the |
course of time, a numerical preponder- I
ance. Mr. C. after some further remarks ;
submitted the following amendment:
“Resolved, That the prayer of the pe
| litfoners be rejected :
“For the Senate, without now affirming
or denying the constitutional power of
j Congress to grant the prayer of the peti
! tion believe, even supposing the power
i uncontested, which it is not, that the exer
i cise of it would be inexpedient—
“Ist. Because the people of the District
of Columbia, have not themselves peti
lioned for the abolition of slavery within
the District. * * *
“2d. Because the States of Virginia and
Maryland would be injuriously affected by
such a measure, while the institution of
slavery continues to subsist within their
respective jurisdictions; and neither of
those States would probably have ceded to
the United States the territory now form*
in£ the District, if it had anticipated tho
adoption of any such measure, without
clearly and expressly guarding against it.
“3d. Because the injury which would
be inflicted by exciting alarm and appre*
hensfon in the States tolerating slavery,
and by disturbing the harmony between
them and the other members of the con-
I federacy, would far exceed any practical
benefit which could possible flow from tho
abolition of slavery within the District. 0
“Mr. Clay said the amendment sub
mitted by him was offered with the best
motives. He could not assent that Con
| gross had no constitutional power to legis
late on the prayer of the petition. Ho
I was ready to express his opinion on that,
as lie was on all subjects. The first
clause of his amendment was in reference
to feelings as it went against abolition,
without affirming any opinion as to the
i constitutionalilty of the measure. The
j next, in the absence of its constitutionali
ty, recognised the inexpediency of if. la
j the reasons assigned, the first was that tho
people of the District had not petitioned,
and that, he said, did not imply, that f
they had petitioned, their praver would
fie granted. The next reason offered, ho
thought, ouirht to have been receive by tho
Senators from the South with a veiy dif
ferent feeling than was evinced, which
was that the States of Maryland and Vir
' ginia would be injuriously affected by it;
| and if they had anticipated it, they would
not have made the ces ion. In that he
ha 1 asserted a principle of fui h coeval
with the cession itself. The third reason
was, the degree with which the injury
would he inflated would far exceed any
practical benefits resulting to the Govern
ment. This was a substantial reason*
which must exist as long as the Govern
ment. These views would suppress abo
lition in the North and, in moments when
the minds of the South were calm and un
agitecl, would quiet their alarms. But
as they had not been received in the spirit
in which he expected they would he, he
was willing to withdraw his amendment.
“Mr. C-ay said he had listened atten
tively to the argument i of the Senator from
Virginia [Mr. Lrgh ] and if any one could
have convinced him tnat it teas unconstitu
tional that gentleman could. But he had
heard no argument that had changed his
opinion. Ha contended that as neither
Virginia nor Maryland nor both combined ,
| could abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia , the power without limitation or
restriction existed only in Congress. He
had intended to say bu ' little, and that Utile
in the spirit if kindness. He had risen
j for the purpose of icithdraicing his amend
i mrnt
? rrrk. * It ENT. Jrom Ike first of (JUoOtr
next, a Store in the new building on tho
r^. ; •. of Broad and Washington-strects;
it is an excellent stand for a Dry Goods Store, and
if rented before the middle of August, will be fin
ished to suit the tenant.
Also, a Dwelling in the same building containing
eight rooms to be neatly finished, with every con
venience fora family.
Also, four rooms w ith fire places, suitable for of
fices or bed-room®, to he rented separately or to
. pethcr, entrance from Washington-street.
Also, two tenements on Carnpbell-slreet, and one
; on Washington-street near the Medical College.
Apply at the store of Moore & Davis to
1 Julv 13 JOHN MOORE.
JhrfL lb RENT, from the first of October
Is-giß 71CX ' —The Dwelling House, on Ellis
- adjoining the old Post Office, and
I the second door above McCoy’s stables, formerly
the residence of W. J. Bunce, —the house is in good
order, with a good stable. Apply to
J. B. GUIEU, ) r ,
W. W. HOLT, \ tx "*
inlv 13 H 10
an IC H M UiND HOT E L
AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. Mtlll.
The subscriber having taken the above named
house, formerly occupied by Captain Edward W.
Collier, would be happy to receive the patronaga
of his friends and the public generally. The house
is situated in the vicinity of many of the principal
Ware-Houses in Augusta, making it a convenient
location for persons vis ting the city on business.—
Families can be accommodated w ith retired and
pleasant rooms.
Persons favoring me with a call will find due at
tention, c( mfortable lodgings, the best fare, atten
tive hostlers, and moderate charges.
The subscriber will ahu continue to transact tho
Ware-House and Commission Business, at the
old stand, and tenders his thanks to his friends for
the patronage heretofore received and respectfully
sobers their continuance of the same. His charges
will be the same as last season.
JOHN T. WOOTTEN.
Augusta. * ugnst 29. 1814. th 6 aug 29
THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD.
—Runaway on the 6th day of February
last, a negro man. named NED, about 30
■ years of age. black skin, five feet eight or
! ten inches high, weighing about one hundred and
i seventy-five pounds, no particular mark recollect
j ed. Said hoy was bought from the estate of David
: Urquhart. Esq., in February last, he may be lurk
-1 ing still about the plantation, or passing up and
j dow n the river in some Petersburg boat. The above
reward will be paid for his apprehension and de
j livery in the jai! at Augusta. An additional reward
| of fifty dollars will be given for the detection of
j any person harboring, concealing or employing tho
said negro. A. MARTIN,
j augJS 24
STOLEN—From my premises cn Sa
, night, the 3d inst., a bay HORSE,
about fifteen hands high, one bind foot
rrm * ‘ white , walk* very fast, weak eyes in
I of the hooks being recently taken out.
t I will give a reward of five dollars for the delivery
j of said horse to me. Any information thankfully
received. A. N. VERPERY
R“II Air. Aurn-tl3. ISI4 th 3 su» 15
W>OWi>TH—JbO k ep BLp*
M. leg Powder, which is for sal* low. py
feb JO GEO w. LAMAR Co