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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
JAMES GARDNER, JR.
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THE LAST JOKES OF PUNCH.
[PER THE CAMBRIA.]
Parliamentary Court Circular.— Lord
W. Loftus k ssetl hands on Monday last
with the Duke of Marlborough on the ap
pointment of his brother as member for
Woodstock. In the evening his lordship
dined with his grace; and after dessert,
took down instructions in writing tor his
brother, how the duke wished him to vote
during the session. Lord W. Loftus
started the following morning for the-con
tinent, with orders for his brother to re
turn immediately to England, and wait
upon the duke to learn his speech in time 1
for the third reading ofthe Maynooth bill.
AU very well for once. — The President
.of the Swiss Diet, in his closing speech,
“apologised for the little that had been
done.” This system of apologies for our
Parliament would never do in England.
It would become too monotonous.
peel’s pathectic appeal to o’connell.
I give thee, Daniel,“all I can.
Though poor the offering be,
The Alaynooth grant is all, my Dan,
That I can yiehFto thee ;
I might give up the Irish church,
But if I did, what then ?
My friends would leave me in the lurch—
I mean, my party men.
Perhaps ’tis just—perhaps ’tis fit
That I should more concede ;
But then the House won’t suffer it—
They won’t—they won’t, indeed.
Believe me, I my conscience pinch
Much more than words can tell,
To grant thee thus a single inch ;
And thou would’st take an ell!
Oh ! do be quiet. Daniel, pray ;
Be moderate, I implore;
Take what 1 cede; another day,
I may allow thee more.
Keep Ireland out of water hot,
I beg thee on my knees;
And I won’t say that she shall not
Hate justice— by degrees.
THE ROSE AND THE LILY.
[from the german of df.uern.]
A. lovely Rose and Lily growing
In a garden, side by side,
The Rose, with love’s own radiance glowing,
Turned and said, in beauty’s pride :
‘Wherefore raise thy head >o high,
Since not half so fair as I *
Sure all the magic charms that hover
O’er the lips of maiden fair,
In my bosom’s depths the lover,
Fondly seeking, findeth there ;
On her dewy lips repose
All the glories ofthe Rose!’
The Lily turned to speak, soft smiling
With a proud yet gentle grace,
For well she knew the charm beguiling
Os her pure and virgin face:
‘The whiteness of the maiden's breast,
Os beamy is the surest test.’
That moment, through the garden bounding,
Comes the treasure of my life;
As light they hear her footfall sounding,
Ceased each angry word of strife.
The lovely flowers she stands before,
And they are sisters evermore !
Her fair young cheek, where lilies, roses,
In fast friendship ever bloom,
To the rival flowers discloses.
Vovl, .......
TEXAS AND THE GULF OF MEXICO.
During our drives through the streets,
especially on Sundays, the display of ne- i
gro finery and taste was very remarkable.
If we happened to overtake a particularlv
well-dressed person with a Parisian coat, J
a glossy hat and well-varnished boots, we
were sure to be surprised by seeing a black
face appended to these advantages'. I saw
such persecuted negro slaves frequently ;
they appeared to have no other occupation •
than that of flourishing about their gold
headed canes, and fixing a glass in their
eye. Gioves (which are an unusual sight
at New Orleans) they generally indulged !
in, and with one hand gracefully placed in
the coat-pocket, looked worthy—behind—
of figuring in the Tu Tileries, or St. James’ j
street. No one pays higher for his outfit I
than the negro in the slave states. He
gives his money too, so carelessly, and
with such an independent air. I have
heard of their giving eighty dollars for a
suit of clothes; and their industry, and ef
forts to procure money are highly praise
worthy. They are in the habit of giving
their masters a certain sum of money, '
(generally, I believe, about two dollars a
day,) in lieu of their services. Their time,- i
then, is their own, and they are at liberty I
to make as much more out of it as they ■
can. From what I saw and heard, lam ■
inclined to think that many of the domes- |
tic Slaves would not accept their liberty,
were it offered them. There is scarcely
any spectacle more affecting in idea than
that of a human being made a matter of
barter. I went to America strongly pre
judiced against this unnatural traffic, and
prepared to view every instance of it with
horror, and every slave with compassion
and sympathy. 1 became, however, after ;
a short time, somewhat moderated in my I
opinions; and though still regarding the ’
slave-trade generally, in the same light, 1 '
began to think that the slaves themselves
were not quite so much to be pitied as I
had imagined. The first time I saw a
slave sold I was affected almost to tears,
but after contemplating their cheerful,
happy faces, and seeing how well and
kindly they were generally treated, 1
learned to view the scene with different
feelings. A slave-sale is in some respects |
a laughable sight enough. The Ameri- ■
can auctioneer is not to be outdone by that
prince of auctioneers, George Robins him
self, in the exercise of his vocation. 1
once saw a very small “lot” put up; it
was a poor looking creature about four
feet high, and appeared certainly not
much accustomed to stand in high places;
he stood up, however, boldly enough, by
the side of the auctioneer, dressed in the
smart clothes kept for the especial pur
pose of making the poor fellows look their '
best. The auctioneer began : “This fine .
young man, gentlemen, is warranted lobe '
, only twenty years of age; sound in wind
and limb—he has an excellent character, i
and a good temper. Moreover, gentle- !
men, he was born in the State of Missis
sippi, and is warranted to be a first-rate
field hand, and a terrible good cotton-
■ picker. It ’nd be a privilege to have him,
gentlemen.” All this time the object of;
1 such eloquent praise stood on the elevated j
platform, and instead of (as one would
imagine) looking distressed and unhappy,
seemed only rather bewildered, and grin
; ned throughout the ceremony from eai to i
' car.
[From the New Orleans Bulletin.]
THE BRITISH EAST AND WEST INDIA
SLkVE TRADE.
The following extract from a recent
number ofthe Jamaica Journal gives the >
latest intelligence that has been received
of the progress ofthistiew branch of com
merce. The traffic is carried on undei
the special patronage ofthe British ci own.
being part of the system by which that
Government, while professing to bend all
its energies to ihe eradication ol the rtl.iye |
' trade,seems, in fact, but striving to obtain
a monopoly of it for her own people and ■
colonies:
“Coolie linmigrnfinn. Blundell, ( aptain
Robert Hunter, left Calcutta on the 26th January i
I last, having on board 271 emigrants for Jamaica. ;
These consist of 21)6 males, 29 females, 16 hoys tin ‘
I <ler 12 years of age, I girls under the same age, and ;
16 infants under 2 years of age. Among this num- I
Ik-.- it is believed there are sor 6 ’Sirdars, who, :
having already been to the Mam itiusand can speak j
the French language, are expected will be found ;
ns 1 lid here, as they have already served on Sugar ■
I plantations, anil will be able to instruct the others '
I more easily than any other class of men could do. •
i The Lord Hungerford also sailed the. same day for |
j Demerara, having on board 36') emigrants for that !
| colony. Tiie difficulty of obtaining vessels at Cal- l
entta to convey emigrants to the West Indies, was l
! very great, owing to the unusually high rate of
freights to England.
i “There is no prospect of obtaining emigrants |
from Madras this season.”
In describing this traffic as the opening ,
i of a new Slave trade, we have not used a '
harsher phrase than is applied to it by .
I many of the English people themselves;
thAse who are really sincete in their de
sires and efforts (however mistaken in
. the means they use) to meliorate the Con
dition of the servile races, are according
i 1 v disgusted with the shocking hypocrisy
that displays itselfin the conduct of the
Government, pushing its pretended zeal
for the destruction of the Slave trade
! even to the extent of violating good neigh
borhood and trangressing the laws of na
tions, while it. surreptitiously introduces
and encourages the same traffic in anoth-
l er shape. There is great virtue, no,
! doubt, in a change of a name; but the i
' real anti-slavery men of Great Britain
are not deceived by the transmutation of ;
hhe odious and contemned epithet ol
i “Slave trade” into the mollified appella
tion of “immigrant transportation.’’ wheth- ;
er the “immigrants ' be Africans seized
by her majesty's cruisers from private
' traders, and carried into Guiana, instead!
of Brazil or Cuba as had been intended
by their original kidnappers, or whether
they be her majesty’s own subjects re- ■
, duced from the remote regions of India
I into predial and domestic servitude in the
j islands of the West. In either case they
I do not hesitate to denounce and stigma
. tize the practice by its real name. It was
: only in April last, indeed, that a petition
j was presented in the British House of
' Commons, from a committee of the Anti
' Slavery Society, and signed by the vener
able Thomas Clarkson, setting forth the
i enormities of the traffic described in the!
i preceding extract from the press of Jamai
ca. A great part of the 100,000 laborers ;
! obtained from India for the Mauritius, this ;
i committee declare, were forcibly or fraud- !
I ulently introduced. Referring to the pro
■ ject for a loan to Demerara and Ti inidad, I
I for the purpose of aiding this species of >
“immigration,” the committee “prayed ■
r Tpmph<af.” declaring their apprehension
“that the introduction of laborers, nomi
nally free, but in fact slaves, into those
countries, would lead to imitation by other
states holding slaves, and the revival of the |
slave trade.” The chicane and finesse j
enacted in order to conceal and disguise I
the real situation and detiny of the recap- 1
lured and other negroes carried, under
the sanction of the Government, into the
West India Colonies, are also a subject of I
special denunciation with those persons in j
Great Britain whose abolition doctrines I
and prejudices are s’neerely entertained. I
The attempt of the Premier in his reply
to Mr. Tyler’s last message on the sub
ject of the slave trade, to gloss over'thej
practices of the Government in this par-;
ticular, was more severely handled in the I
London “Anti-Slavery Reporter,” than bv
any press, as far as we observed, in this ;
country. It was very fully shrown, that. ■
whatever refinements of language might
be used to describe the transaction, the I
manner in which the African importa
tions into the British West Indies arecar
ried on, is but the establishmentof a legal
slave trade, and the deluded immigrants
but introduced into a state of bondage.
When the practices ofthe British Gov
ernment with regard to slavery and the i
slave trade, are thus held up to scorn by '
the very men whose fanatical pm poses the j
Government pretends to be abetting and ■
aiding, it cannot be expected that others !
should view them in a charitable light.— ,
Indeed, if the half that is said of the work- ;
ingsof the British system be true, it would !
seem to be matter of proper inquiry with ,
other countries whether they will con- j
tinue to lend their aid to that power, in an !
enterprise which she thus adroitly turns j
to her own advantage, without benefitting i
ibe cause in which she is professedly en- ■
gaged.
'[l'N’orn the Baltimore American.}
A case was tried recently in the Superior
Court at Richmond, in which the Richmond
Manufactu ring Company claimed ofthe James
River and Kanawha Canal Company damages
amounting to -$50,000. It was one? ofa num
ber of actions brought by the milling and
manufacturing companies of Richmond to
recover damages from the defendant for with
holding, from March, 1838, until January,
1839, the supply of water for driving the
works ofthe plaintiffs; which they contended
the defendants were, by their contracts, bound
to furnish. It appeared on the trial that the
time during which the supply of water was
suspended was occupied in enlarging the
Canal for the d >uble purpose of procuring an
increased, adequate and constant supply of
water for the purposes of navigation mainly,
and for milling and manufacturing purposes
incidentally. It was also proved and conce
ded that the work had been done with all
possible despatch. A verdict was rendered
for the defendants, Judge Nicholas (raving
decided, among other points, that the grants
of water were to be taken and considered as
subordinate to the higher purposes and objects
designed by the Legislature to be attained
when the power was bestowed on the James
River and Kanawha Canal Company to im
prove this great highway of the Common
wealth; and that the sound and true interpre
tion ofthe contracts in the case entitled the
defendants to do what was done by them. It
is expected that the case will be carried to
the Court of Appeals.
[Frotn the. Albany Argus.]
THE POSITION OF TIIE UNITED STATES
IN EUROPE—AMERICAN INFLUENCE—
CALIFORNIA
We have previously alluded to the
manner in which the English tory jour,
nals groaned over the election of Presi
dent Polk and denounced the democracy
of this country. Mr. Clay was evidently
their favorite. They preferred him de
ci hdly, as most favorable to that policy
which best accords with their own notions
of strong government. Still it will be re
membered that lhe whig press— peer in its
to the Presidential election, for parly ef
fect, asserted that the tories of England
favore'dCol. Polk. The comments of the
London Times, Morning Herald, and oth
er tory journals, put a quietus upon that
charge.
The consent of the United States to
the annexation of Texas, and the firm
stand taken by President Polk in his first
address to the people in behalfof the rights
of his country over the Oregon territory,
have deepened and widened the interest of
all Europe in observing the movements
of the United States, it is said that the
arrival of every packet from our coun
try is looked for with eager expectation,
because there is no telling what may be
the next movement of our extraordinary
republic.
The recent revolt and revolution in Cal
ifornia is calculated to. keep up that in
tensify of interest in Europe. 'The sa
gacious remark < f the London Times that
the acquisition ofCalifornia will assuredly
follow the Annexation of Texas seems
likely to become history, evcii before the
most sanguine here had anticipated such
a result, but it will be hereafter retnem
bered that the revolt and the revolution in
that Mexican province have been carried
out, not by Americans but by Mexicans.
When that new Republic hereafter ap
plies for Annexation to the United States,
this circumstance should not be overlook
ed by the revilers of our country.
It cannot fail to have struck every ob
serving mind that at no previous era have
rhe people and government of the United
Stales been the subject of so much atten
tion among all parties in Europe. For
the first time since the organization ofour
government, the election of a President of
the United Slates begins to be. felt in Eu
rope. It is no longer mere idle curiosity,
about a new nation, but that, eager watch
fulness which betrays that the movement
of the political waters here, distant as we
are, creates some surge even across the-
Atlantic. A few years since, our elec
tions were regarded as a matter of little
importance, but now of the first moment,
as the action of our government is grad
ually becoming the balance wheel of the
world. Our national position is certain
ly most singular. We stand alone, and
yet we are lhe more potential from that
very position. Here, lhe many rule—
there, the few. But the influence of such
an example as our institutions are' daily
presenting may be vast, beyond al! com
parison—far beyond that ofgreat fleets
and armies. The more our institutions
are studied, the wider will be their sway.
Its Empire is that of Public Opinion—and
therefore the United States, must in time
insensibly sway the world. But its pow
er is yet in its infancy. We have now
20,000,000 of people and twenty-eight
states —but not many years will elapse,
before we shall count fifty millions of
soulsand fifty states, drawing within ouut
.“liMilif iiOirtilf I '-'litiii'iiia,
tant Oregon.
If we hold fast by the Union, who can
estimate the far-reaching influence this
increase of power must bring? As ex
tended as will be our country, its power
is not like that of Rome. We have no
conque ed provinces to hold in subjection.
There, a few thousands under the name
of Roman citizens, arrogated to them
selves the privileges of a nobility. Here,
ice are all. -Roman citizens.” We have
no desire to conquer the world by our
arms—but to sway it through the health
giving influence of our free institutions.
Under these circumstances, the present
position of the United Stales throws' a
vast responsibility upon American states
men. They have an extraordinary des
tiny to fulfil. Their measures may influ
ence not their own countrymen only, but
millions elsewhere. 'Theseshould there
fore be of so just and honorable a cast as
to stand the scrutiny of time, and com
mand the approval of the civilized world.
This becomes a still higher dutv, when
we remember that thus and thus onlv can
they strengthen and widen that Public
Opinion which will eventually liberalize
the institutions of European monarchies,
and lift up the toiling millions from that
abject slavery and cruel dependence now
too bitterly manifest in the bowed forms,
squalid faces and tattered rags of the
peasantry and operatives of the old
world.
[ From the N. T. Morning News. ]
FASHION AND PEYTON A. ’
The following remarks of the Express are,
perfectly just as to the superiority of Fashion
over Peytona. The former is certainly a
wonderful little creature. The oftener she
runs the more her condition appears to im
prove. While Peytona was completely knock
ed to pieces by her race on the Union Course,
Fashion was only in better condition to run
another four mile race the next week, and
still better the next! Fashion was not in
condition on the first occasion, and so one of
the best judges told her owner before she
started. On her last race at Camden, had
Peytona been able to push her to any contest,
the performance would have surpassed that
of the Union Course. Though she had it her
own way throughout, the time for the first
three miles in each heat was better than at
the former trial; Peytona each time breaking
down in the fourth mile, Col. Kirkman
brought a stable of five fine horses all the
way from Alabama with him, and he had the
satisfaction to return with all ofthem beaten.
Better luck next time.
. - [From the Express.]
Peytona and Fashion,, notwithstanding reports to
the contrary, will not probably run together again.
It is not true that fashion is not in condition to run,
if her owner pleased she would do so; nor would it
surprise us to see her walking over the course, at
Canton, to take the four mile purse, there. It would
surp>iseVs greatly, to see Peytona attempting any
such thing. As to the comparative merits of these
racers, as determined by their performances this
season, there can be nodoubt, that, as a campaigner,
Peytona never was and never Will be a match for
Fashion, —that the hitter lost on the Union Course,
solely because her competitor wasin better running
condition, —and that a fair and unprejudiced an
alysis of the two races,—-at Union and at Camden.
—an examination of what Fashion could do, did
do, and did not do, —at each, —will prove that 'she
isa far superior animal to Mr. Kirkman’s mare.—-
These are the opinions of the best judges ol these
matters, —men, who are not prejudiced either way,
and whose names, ifgiven, would be taken as put
ting the stamp of decisiveness upon their assertion.
Whatever glory there, may be in it, (and we admit
that we appreciate it but little,) the North has cer
tainly not yetyielded the championship ol the turf,
which she has long enjoyed.
THE EUROPEAN WORLD AS IT IS.
Sketches from the files of foreign journals re
ceived at“ The Union” iffice by the Cam
bria.
We make the following extract from,
the summary of parliamentary proceedings,
which we find in a number ofthe London Lea
gue of recent date. It is a bitd »-ej e view o
England and the English, as they now ap
pear to “young England.
“Lord John Russell, at the close of last ses
sion, announced h is intention of bringing un
der the deliberate consideration ofthe legist i
tiu-e. the subject of the condition ol the labor
in,,■ the United Kingdom. A grave,
a “rent-, a vast subject! Ail thinkers, for the
last thirty years, liave pointed to lhe great,
fact that," in spile of all our extraordinary
progress in material improvement, “wealth
accumulates and men decay; ’ not in numbers,
but in social standing and individual happi
ness. With capital accumulating enormous
ly. with landed property continually advanc
ing in value—with a people multiplying
rapidly, we have for years been so encoun
tered "by the difficulties which surround us
on every side, that the toiling millions are
now circumscribed and hemmed in; their in
dividual value lessening; their power over
their own position crippling daily; and masses
of wretchedness perpetually confronting the
wealth, the resources, and tne greatness of
this country, like mud hovels surrounding
everymarble palace. It is this—the “'coztj-i
--tion of England question!' — which called into
existence the anti-corn law league. Its
early operations were opposed by knavish or
unreasoning men, who y were either hired or
taught by monopolists to repeat the parrot cry,
that the repeal ofthe corn law’s was sought
for by the masters, in order more effectually
to enslave the men. That has all evapora
ted now. Common sense toils the common
mind that the immediate impelling motive ol
any employer, when he seeks for an en
larged sphere for the employment of his
capital, must be his own immediate in:e est.
But this cannot, be done on the principle of
free trade, without leading to the benefit of
everybody else, enabling the most selfish
masterTreely to exchange, in the open mar
ket of the world, lhe industry and idgenuity
of Great Britain, against the produced ofany
or every other; and immediately the state ot
things will be brought about, so well descri
bed by the hand-loom weaver, when he stated
that monopoly caused two or tour men to
run after one master; whereas free trade
would lead to one master running after two
or four men.
“This picture is drawn with ability, and.
though startling, is true in many respects.—
Can England remain much longer in her pre
sent condition, under the operation of the in
fluences coincident with the march of mind
of the present cantury? is the question for
specula! ions of those who trace out the con
nection between cause and effect. Will her
people, who see and appreciate the effect of a
liberal government like ours, in oettering the
condition of those who individually strive to
improve their own, remain content with their
present constitution and laws for another
quarter of a century ? The march of mind,
and the happy results of our governmental
experience, must eventually tell with tre
mendous effect in influencing the future con
dition of the English public, who speak our
language, and rejoice most sincerely with ns
at the successful result of each improvement
in the science of government will) which our
history abounds.”
Among the contributions to the late famous
free-trade bazaar is a splendid pearl-handled
knife, beautifully engraved with a kneeling
figure and a sheaf of corn. Motto—“ Give
us our daily bread, duty free.”
“ Wages f agricultural labor in Europe.—
The wages of laborers seem to be lower in
France, even in proportion to the low price
of provisions, than in England. The general
council ofthe different departments fix tariffs
p... ....guliiring tl,e prices at-which different
bo convertible into -
By them, the prTcgs of a day’jj.: '' mK a
laboring man is 'St 10 pence,
never higher and sometimes
as low as 71 pence; that of a horse or mule at
from 10 to I2j pence; and the hire of a two
wheeled cart at from 10 to 15 pence.”
[ From the Washington Union.]
NATIVISM REBUKED.
The 21st anniversary of the American
Sunday School Union was celebrated in Phi
ladelphia on the 20th ult. A large number of
the clergy of that and sister cities were pre
sent, and delivered addresses appropriate to
the occasion. The following is a portion of
the remarks ofthe Rev. Dr. Johns, of Balti
more, as reported in the Public Ledger:
“The Rev. Dr. Johns, of Baltimore, com
menced his remarks by alluding to certain
alarmists who are continually pro hesying
the downfall of our country. 'There are
those, he said, who believe, or affect to be
lieve, that the means of moral and religious
education in this country has failed, and that
we are doomed to see a deterioration of socie
ty in America—a general sinking of the
high tone of moral principle throughout the
land. Such people attributed this prospec
tive depreciation to several causes: that we
were outrunning the ..means of enlighten
ment, and were extending ourselves beyond
the social christianizing influences; that we
are flooded annually with a vast increa e in
population from foreign countries, imbued
withail the vices of the Old World, and that
no barriers we can erect can prevent this
flood from sinking the morals ofthe land;and
last,that our frame of government contains
the principles of popular influences upon leg
islative action, which will extend its demor
alization to government, prostrating its sa
ving power, and leaving it no recuperative en
ergy.
“ The speaker said that he did not believe
with these birds of ill omen, but even if dis
posed to be alarmed, he would not cease his
labors. He read ir the Divine Book that
where danger is seen it is prudent to guard
against it, and he repudiated the idea that we
should succumb. That American Christian
bad but a poor conception of his duties to his
God and country, who, because ot threatened
dangers, withholds his exertions in the con
flict ofopinion now going on; and we want
men to conduct it properly. We want a
band of devoted Christians to labor in the
machinery of Christian enterprise. No des
pairing portions. We want such self-sacri
ficing men as Wilberforce, willing to rise or
fall by the rising or falling-fortunes of the
land which gave them birth.
“What, said the speaker, if Europe is pour
ing her thousands upon our shore: have we
not room enough and to spare? i trust in
God that the simple truism which regards
our land as the refuge of the oppressed may
be perpetuated, i have no sympathy with
that narrow, selfish spirit which would bar
the door to the honest emigrant, or deter him
from coming, by increasing the time within
which, he cannot enjoy the franchises of a
freeman. This last attempt is one of the
most visionary ever conceived by the mind of
man in this country. It can never succeed;
and ought not, if it could. The wonder to
me is, not that the oppressed of Europe do
come here, butthatthey do not crowd upon us
in far greater numbers. Isay, sir, let them
come, and let u-s baptize them in a knowledge
ofthe Gospel truth and in the enjoyment of
our freedom.
“The Speaker said that it was our very
prosperity which caused our danger. Instead
of being thankful to God, we were tilled with
pi’ide, vanity,and all uncbaritablenes. This
\yas manifest in the increase of Protestant
sectarianism which was evident around us.—
I think I arn correct. I should be glad to
I find myself mistaken; but we see Christians
drawn into sectarianism from the saving
truths of the Scriptures. This is the most
> subtle form in which the great tempter lures
■ mankind; and we see its operation- in ail
i Protestant sects. We see the forms of Epis-
copacy, Presbyterianism, or Methodism, ele
( vated in importance, as if there was no saving
1 grace beyond them. I admire the affection ot
i the Methodist lor his church, and i claim for
Episcopacy the same degree of religion; but
let us not fritter Protestantism, which, under
God, 1 believe to be the safety of this country,
: and substitute mere sectarianism in its place.
“The speaker said tlr.it he looked upon
: such institutions as the American Bible So
: ciety and the American Sunday School Union
| as instruments in breaking down sectarian
ism. If we leave these two institutions only
: in full operation, the birds of ill.omen may
I take flight. We can rejoice in an increase of
I population, and say to the people of Europe,
Come on; and we can let that principle, which
lies at the foundation of our free government,
i “Ihe influence of the people on legislative
i action,” and which contemplates virtue in the
i people, remain unmolested, and fear not that
■ we will continue to be a moral, a religious,
' and a great people.”
i [Correspondence of the Washington Union.]
Detroit, May 26, 1845.
I have remarked, in occasionally looking
over the whig journals, that your moderation
I towards the British premier, in reference to
the menacing language in which lie indulged
' in the House of Commons on the Oregon
| question, has been-mistaken for a quailing
! spirit on the part of our government on that
, subject. Your declaration that the admin
; istration were not disposed to close the door
to fuither negotiations, but that hopes were
I still cherished of a pacific adjustment of the
Oregon controversy, has been construed into
| a disposition, either from sectional consider
| ations, or from apprehensions ot British hos
tility, to make undue concessions to that pow
i er on the northwest coast, and to surrender a
! large portion of Oregon inorder peaceably to
j secure the residue.
■ On the contrary, my inference from the
I good temper and forbearance manifested on
the occasion, in your discussions in relation to
i this momentous subject, leads me to the con
clusion that the President is firmly resolved
to maintain the ground taken in his inaugural
' address, and that he means to carry out his
position in regard to the unquestionable right
i of the United States to the Oregon Territory.
The policy of this republic is peace, as long
I as peace can be preserved compatibly with
I national honor. It is, therefore, right to feel
' and express a hope, as long as a shadow of
hope remains, that negotiation may still re-
I suit in an amicable adjustment of the ques
tion in controversy.
I 'L'he suggestion that sectional views have
any influence on the administration in rela
tion to the Oregon claim, is a.libel on the pro
bity and integrity of the entire cabinet, as
well as on the President. Not' a gentleman
among them is capable of treating great na
' tional questions in a sectional spirit. The
President, the Secretary of State, and the
j Secretary of the Trea.-ury, as well as the
' other four members of the executive govern
ment, have often publicly committed them
selves in’regard to our title to Oregon. They
; are liable to no charge of inconsistency, if,
| with settled opinions on the subject, they still
desire to avoid war by its pacific settlement.
Prudence, and a just respect for the opinions
,of mankind, require them to pursue this
I course.
While, however, these are my views of
their sound policy, I am of the opinion that
one single argument, on the American side of
the Oregon question, .supersedes and over
rules all other considerations, and must, ulti
mately give conclusive direction.to the action
of our government upon it.
Neither Great Britain, nor any other Euro
pean power, can be allowed to establish new
colonies on,th is continent. So far, especially,
as England is coucerued, thu. «••<»!•: "Jt
|. province tn North
Af^lfl^^wou; 111 be utierly incompatible with
oiir safety, tranquillity, and independence.—
This is so obvious, that it would be super
fluous to enter into a train of reasoning to
prove it. As long as she may keep the peace
towards us, her present colonial possessions
may be respected. The moment she un
sheathes the sword against us,her North Arne- :
rican colonies must fall into our hands, and
become a part, of these United States. Let j
her consider this, and pause in her ambition
to create new provinces in this hemisphere.
Twenty-two years ago, the American prin- I
ciple of policy in regard to ail this momen-I
tons matter was officially announced to the'
world. President Monroe, in his message to
Congress on the 2d of December. 1823, in re
ference to this very Oregon question, pro
claimed that thenceforth the American con
tinents were “noZ to be considered as subjects j
for future colonization by any European pow- I
er.” It was, at the lime, understood that the ■
declaration of Mr. Monroe was made in con- j
currence with the views of .Mr. Canning, the
then prime minister of Great Britain, who j
considered that tins was the best course which ;
could be adopted to prevent future collisions j
between the two most powerful maritime na- i
lions on earth.
The following is the whole passage which
the message contained on the subject:
“At the proposal of the Russian imperial govern
ment, made through the minister of the Emperor,
residing here, a full power and instructions have
been transmitted to the minister of the United States
at St. Petersburg, to arrange by amicable negotia
tions the respective rights ami interests of the two
nations on the northwest coast of this comment.—
A similar proposal had been made liy his Imperial
Majesty to the government of Great liritain, w hich
has likewise been acceded to. The government of
the United States has been desirous, by this friend
ly proceeding, of manifesting the great value w Inch
they have invariably attached to the friendship oj
the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the
best understanding with his government. In the
discussions to which this interests has given rise,«7irf
in the arrangements by wldch they may terminate,
the occasion has been judged proper for asserting,
as a principle in which the rights and interests.of the
United States are involved, that the American con
tinents.by the free and independent condition which
they ha ve assumed and maintain, are, henceforth,
not to be considered as subjects for future coloniza
tion by any European power.”
'Dus noble declaration constitutes the true
basis of the American political system. It is
thecreed of our foreign policy. Iris the text
book of American statesmen in our diplomat
ic intercourse with European nations.
It will be perceived that the President was
careful to exclude the wishes of Great Bri
tain from any weight in inducing him to nego
tiate lor the settlement of the conflicting
claims on the northwest coast of this conti
nent, It was the desire of our government
tn cultivate the friendship of the Russian Em
peror, to maintain a good understanding with
his government,, which induced tts to enter
upon the negotiation with Russia. 'Die pro
posal on the subject was made to England, not
by the United States, but by Russia. The
great object of the arrangement concluded
by that negotiation was to prevent, from that
time,any European colonization on tire Ame
rican continent. No such provision was the
result. But there can be no doubt that the
President kept constantly in view, in that ne
gotiation, the exclusion of England from the
establishment of any colony in Oregon.
. Caul inn to Patentees.— lt has been decided
by Judge Nelson, as we learn from a commu
nication in the National Intelligencer, that it
the proprietor of a new invention sellseven
one of his articles before he has taken out his
patent, be thereby loses his exclusive claim;
the sale is held to be an abant[onment of the
invention to the public. This is a new de
cision—the opposite doctrine having been
heretofore held at the Patent Office. The
case in which the law was declared by Judge
Nelson was that of Wilson vs. Packard.—
Commere ial Advert iser,
I [Correspondence of the N. I’. Jour, oj Commerce.]
Washington, June 3d.
It appears that the President has finally de-
I termined not to pay the instalments’ of the
Mexican indemnity actually paid to United
| States agents by Mexico. The documents
I on the subject will probably soon be published,
; and, even with that aid, it will be difficult to
j tell who got the money paid by Mexico.
I am assured by some that Gov. Shannon’s
; action in the matter has been perfectly cor
' rect, that lie stated simply on his responsibil
ity as minister, that the money had been paid,
; and then pulling himselfon his dignity, would
I have nothing more to say on the subject,—
i leaving it for our Government, to fid Means
- to dispute his statement, if they could.
The apologists of the Envoy also say, in re
ference to his extraordinary silence, during
the late important transactions, that it is at-
I tributable merely to his entire ignorance ol
I the language and politics of the country to
I vyhich lie was so unwisely sent. The truth
i is, he was sent to Mexico to get his salary,
and our diplomatic appointments are too
often merely parly jobs, and have no refer
i ence to fitness for the position. It does not
- appear that he has been recalled, and the ru
• mor that he intends to come home wants cou-
■ firmat ion.
| li is now admitted that Mexico will be uh-
I wise enough tostrikea blow at Texas as soon
■ as she may find that Annexation is unavoid-
I able. The administration appears to be
I prepared for the event. The consequences
' cannot fail to be highly important.—The utter
! failure of the invasion, and the loss to Mexi
co of the California*, will be the certain re-
I suit, unless the matter should be committed
- to very imbecile hands.
To send a fleet to attack Vera Cruz, and
- batter down the castle oi San Juan Aloa,
i would be ridiculous. At this season of the
year, the yellow I’eter would be more terrible
than all the Mexican chivalry, and would re
’■ alize the best wishes of the friends of Mexi
co. But the defence.of Texas is easy.
Let our Gulf Squadron act only as a Gar
| da-Costa: its only and easy duty would be, to
■ protect the communication between the Mis
sissippi and the Rio del Norte. From New-
Orleans to Galveston is about thirty hours’
run, and from Galveston to the mouth of the
Rio del Norte, isabout twenty-four hours’run
■ by steam: the currents are extremely favorable.
If the coast be kept clear, Ihe large steam
boats of the Mississippi will be advantage
ously employed in transporting troops and
stores.
Tiie supplies for the Mexican army oM the
Texaft frontier, which are even now derived
from New Orleans, will be cut off. Thou
sands, and tens of thousands of the adventu
| rous population of the valley of the AJissisip
pi will seek to be transported to the very cen
' t-re of Mexico.
The Rio del Norte is navigable for steam
boats to Alamo in Chihuha. Thence across
to the Gulf of California, is only 350 miles.
A communication will be kept up, across lire
I country, with our fleet, whose station will be
at Mazatlan, and all communications would
be thus cutoff’ with the upper and lower pro
vinces of Mexico. The' provinces of Chi
huha and of Upper and Lower California,
I would necessarily fall into our hands.
II has been suggested that we cannot sus
i tain cavalry on the frontiers of Texas; that
horses could not be transported thither, and, if
they were, that they would perish for want of
their accustomed provender, while the Mex
ican horses are very easily kept; but the fact
; is, that Indian horses w It ue purchased of the
Cumanches, in any number, al $3 a bead—
and they are precisely ol the same nature
with the Mexican horses.
[From the Af.w York Hun.]
MEXICAN ROBBERS.
: In a well organized government, where
! laws are enforced, high-way robberies seldom
' occur, and when they'are carried on with im
punity there is something wrong in the men
appointed to preserve order, and insure pub
i Gru® to Wr^/!A''W-ft]io?irTi’ > i'iig riibbed, foil n<)
diplomatic agent ever can pass that road with
out encountering a special band of Ladrones
and being robbed generally of bis money bet
\ always of his papers; for the simple reason
that the Government itself does this kind of
: robbery by deputy to become acquainted with
the secret orders of their respective Govern
ments. Mr. Elliott, the British Charge des
I A/fairs, had al! his documen’s and somewhat
i of a heavy purse taken from him while on his
mission to the Capital, to aid Mexico in recov
ing Texas.
General Waddy Thompson, the American
Minister was robbed of money and papers. —
His money the Government offered to return,
but he never recovered his papers. Mr.
Shannon, the last American Minister, was
robbed; Mr. Cushing, our Minister io China, ;
aas robbed; Commodore Porter, was once
stopped by one of the band, but he shot him
and the rest took-to flight.
Cases have been known wherein men of
importance have been robbed, according to
order, and upon their arrival at Mexico, com- ’
plained of their large losses, and the-Govern- i
rnent, though well knowing that the loss was '
trifling, have restored the sum claimed. If
the Government wishes to gain a man, who I
has lost but twenty doubloons, they say. you i
must have lost sixteen hundred doubloons,
and if he assents, they pay him accordingly.
The Government inherit this system of
robbery and espionage, which prevails exten
sively in old Spain. If you wish to pass safe
ly from Gibralter to Madrid, and not be rob
bed on the way—the safest mode is to con
tract with the Captain of a band of smugglers
and he will deliver you safely for a stipula
ted sum. A Virginian once passing from
Cadiz to Seville, was stopped on the road by
a band of gentlemen robbers who borrowed
every thing he had, and then politely offered
to loan him sufficient of his own money to
carry him on his way I No Government can
be well or safely administered when the conn- j
try is infested by robbers, and all the energies
ol the honest people of Mexico, should be di
rected against this alarming system of plun
der.
[ From the Tusaaf.oosa Monitor.']
EATENT OF TEXAS.
The documents with Mr. Tyler’s treaty,
put down the area of Texas at 318,000 square I
miles. This divided into thirty-six counties, I
now existing, would average to each 8,944 i
square miles. The constitution of Alabama I
declares that no county shall be of less con-1
tents than 900 square miles. Estimate the I
area of Texas into comities of this size, the |
number would be 353. Reduce the average
size of Texas counties to Alabama county
limits, and one of the former would make ten
of the latter. At the presidential election in
September last, the counties in Texas cast |
5 votes to 1,083 votes—-averaging 354 to each i
county. In Alabama the total vote in No
vember for President, was 62,932, averaging
1258 votes to each county, and with 14 coun
ties more than Texas. In Alabama the popu
lation to thesquare mile is 11; in Texasthere
is one person to every two square miles. The
density of population in Alabama is therefore
twenty-two times greater than it is in Texas.
Texas would make about six States of the
size of Alabama. This statement will af
ford some idea of the scattering population of
oursister Republic, soon to become, we sup- '
pose, several sister States in the Union.
[From F'l-t (laines (Ga.) Whip of 7/4 inslf ;
THE WEATHER.
The drought still continues. With the ex- i
ception of a lew slight showers, scarcely suf- I
ticient to moisten the parched earth, no rain I
has fallen in this ueighborlwod since the mid- |
die of March'. We.are informed by planters
that the corn crop is much injured, and will I
fail entirely if the drought endures much lon- i
ger. In many places, it is but from knee to ;
breast high, and. already in tassel and silk, i
I The Chattahoochee is at this time lower
I than it has been known to be for many years.
I The steamboat Columbus, however, with
great difficulty, and much to our surprise,
reached here on Tuesday from below, stored
her freight, and returned to the bay.
There are some atmospheric indications
‘ which afford a hope that it may rain some of
these days. In the words of Phazma’s invo
cation, we say
Come! Ob, Come!”
~ MJlTim, GEO..
TUI RSDAY MORNING, JUNE 12, 1845.
TO I’IIE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE GEORGIA
CONSTITUTIONALIST.
With the last number ol this paper, the
arduous labors of that able and much respect
ed gentleman, P. C. GriiEir, Esq , as editor
i of “The Georgia Constitutionalist, " came to
j a close. He retires with a well-earned repu
tation, fertile ability and dignity which have
characterized his career in the conduct, for
thirteen years, of this valuable journal. It
I has now been in existence twenty-three
I years, and hasenjeyed, during that time, a dis
j tinguished position as a vehicle of correct
! commercial information, and of hish-toned
and patriotic sentiments. The urbanity and
dignity which have uniformly marked its
course have won golden opinions even from
i political opponents. What it has been, is
known to the public. What it will be in the
hands to which its destiny is now confided, it
I becomes not me to say. It is not without great
! diffidence, though at the urgent solicitations
I of numerous political friends, that I assume
I the editorial functions. lam not unconscious,
land I hope not unmindful, of the grave re-
I sponsibilities hereby imposed; of the obliga
tions this day entered into with an intelligent
| public—more especially with the readers ot
the Constitutionalist, comprising as they do,
probably as much intelligence, high charac
ter, and respectability as may be found among
any similar number of patrons. I bespeak of
them, in all humility, a charitable indulgence
I for defects, and respectfully hope that they
i will make due allowance, should they not
; realize their anticipations of the variety and
I quantity of editorial matter to appear in my
I columns.
For a short time, the practical details and
perplexities of my novel duties, so foreign to
previous habits and pursuits, must absorb
much of my time, and fetter my mental en
| ergies. A becoming diffidence must, also,
check the too ambitious flights of an untried
I pinion into the wide realms of political phi-
I 10.-ophy, where the choicest intellects of our
country soar in their grandeur and power. I
i shall, however, at once direct my efforts to
the maintenance of the character of this pa
-1 per as a reliable source of useful and correct
commercial information. I shall endeavor
j to make it, as heretofore, interesting to the
' general reader, by the good taste of the litera.-
I ry selections that will occasionally adorn its
columns. 'Die political character of the pa
per will remain unchanged. The opinions
put forth will be in behalf of the great cause
of Democracy, and of the Democratic Par
-1 ty of this State, and of this country, as ap
proaching nearest its practical exposition.—
It is a cause identified ,vilh rational liberty,
civil and religious, and containing the best
elements of social improvement and intellec
: lectual progress. Its aims are pure and
; lofty, and its tendencies ennobling to human
? <.*3-,anffT'mr mst.-
tutions are monuments of its achievements,
and pledges to oppressed humanity of the phi
lanthropy of its views, and the potency of its
energies. May its march continue onward
to yet nobler triumphs, till it shall reach the
) crowning glory of its destiny, in the realizit
i lion of the poet’s hope, when
“Prone to the dust oppression shall be hurled,
Iler name, her nature, withered from the world.”
I It will be my aim to form my" opinions
( carefully, and present them to the communi
ty as the result of reflection, and not the
ebullition of feeling. They will be entei
tained without prejudice, and expressed with
out bitterness. Opposing opinions will be
i treated with respect, and discussed with
fairness. Political allies in prominent posi
tions must expect no more than their due.
Political opponents shall receive no less.
Neither-sycophancy on the one hand, nor ti
midity upon the other, shall characterize my
columns. My sentiments will be expressed
with a firmness that may become a freeman,
and an earnestness that shall betoken sin
cerity——yet shall they always be tempered
with that courtesy that denotes the gentle
man. i his much is due in the spirit of re
ciprocal good will to the high-minded whigs
(though few in number) who subscribe to this
paper. Theirindqpendent and tolerant natures
will appreciate this tribute, and do justice to
the motive. Die opinions of such men must
always command respect, even where they do
not meet with acquicsr ence, since they are
the legitimate fruits of their own minds, and
not of prejudices grafted on them by others.
Their example, more generally imitated, of
subscribing for papers of opposite politics,
would have the happiest influence upon the
public intelligence, and produce a radical
change in the tone ot political controversies.
It would be promotive of the peace of com
munities, and the kindly charities of the heart.
It would check tjie dogmatism of the arro
gant, and temper the fierceness of the intole
rant. It would teach humility to upstart ig
norance, and moderation to intemperate zeal.
The Press would be elevated to its true po
sition, and editors thus amenable to a mixed
tribunal, would soon learn that sound argu
ment and fair discussion would better sub
serve the public taste than intemperate ap
peals to party prejudices, and malignant in
vective of political opponents.
JAMES GARDNER, Jr.
OAVe feel somewhat embarrassed in ma
king our appearance, after the too flattering
terms in which our advent is announced by
our predecessor. Though, perhaps, we stand
in no especial need of a famous prayer,
“Teach ns to have a good opinion of our
selves,” yet the partiality of our friend may
excite expectations that are not destined to.
be realized. It will require untiring exer
tions, and tall writing to come up to the mark.
We will, however, do all that any one could
be reasonably expected to promise,
“We’ll do our best, the best cando no more ”
For the handsome terms in which the edi
tor of the Chronicle & Sentinel welcomes us
to the fraternity, we make our acknowledg
ments. While disclaiming pretensions to
ability superior to that which has character
ized this press heretofore, we feel authorized
to say that the tone of our editorials will ap
proximate to the prediction. Never did neo-