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tliat liberty which in reasoning frequently substi tutes the words whit It mast ’in the process of the statement mean the same idea. Jn this statement "Moral certainty is an indefinitely.near approxi mation to infallibility ’ must mean, if it Isms any meaning, that it is an approximation to what is "known to be infallibly true;” that is to “Truth.” As we have supplied this, at his suggestion, we will claim that he shall allow us to supply'for our - elves, not to chan : ye, 'but to exhibit the process of <>ur act. It would indeed be a very blundering mode of imposition on our part, to print his ex pression in his letter, if we meant to evade its force. Now, respecting bis supply, we will suppose, against our conviction, that the omission was on the part of our compositor, ami overlooked by our correctors and by ourselves. It will l>e perfectly nmateria!, until the first argument shall have been admitted or answered: :tnd with this argu ment our correspondent now appears to have done. Hut 'suppose ti*' Church i re ii.de—we would -tv that cert.duty might be had from the teaching of a fallible .instructor given under the view arid by the -authority o,f an infallible wit nos.*’, who would be able and bound to correct the mistakes «-i the tendier, and yv.s would hew that Such is r ally the case in our Church. And thus, the in*' dividual.Catholic would have infallible certainty, when others would not. in taking our have, we reciprocate the good v.i.-hes of our comvoomlent. ]Frotn the Freeman's .Wm.uil.r The Optsire of .SeaFcsroa Davis, tVe look on the s; : zure of Jefferson Davis, in 1 nc present aspect of h{fairs, ns a great misfortune to the country. The icise policy was to have let hint escape to foreign parts. There are bloody and brutal blockheads who at- bis capture. 1 hese silly two-legged brutes think that he will-be Imaged, of course. There is a Vile rabble earnest o'r hanging him that, three years hence, under the lead of some demagogue, may he equally* ear :-t tor hanging 1 'resident A;.drew Johnson! I here is, wiihout question, a cowardly monkey, or *5 itnlice spirit abroad, that de.-iros a shedding of h rthcr blood, a farther taking of 1 ives—so that it be dJ xte saj' hj as to than ! Delusion I Delusion !! II 1 u.s non 11! We appeal, ojee t ore, to sane common sense. ! V appeal b. !Pro::idc.it Jciias ei not to damn his I . a i y .; I * v .-o'.^ alter ran ever wash out. Secretary Stanton, and j <k:ief Judge Advocate Holt, may sneer till they j die of apoplexy, that Jefferson Davis is implicated : ui the assassination of Lincoln, and fiabody will 1 believe them no.;-'the felon ass chitc-s of booth, tier ; any other body's testimony. The thing is prepos- • t rous and im r-c-liblo, and the. world will never; ■ believe it. 1 lie-'c political charlatans have simply I outwitted them- elves. j • Then, as to the charge of treason that thrfshoddy j and venal (l or'd newspaper wants to have Mr. ! Davis hanged on, it will be a stain on the hist or v i <■: this country that can never be washed out, were ; the-act to beonsumnrslyd. Before, that is done,! call in all llie writings of Thomas Jefferson, and ; have them burned: call it: the documents of i the era of our political liberty, and burn then: 1 j ’! hen only, without Ik > certain public reproba- ; tl->l7 in a near-future, could tb - Mood-thirsty id- a of liUing Mr. I avis, or any other of the disap pointed agents of the utihapp;. rebellion be capi tally putiishcl! What a pity that Jefferson Davis was not pci; miffed to escape! This Lit.* been some of the I amliwurk o's Stanton! Tiie-v have got the ele phant, now. What will they do with him? The mob call for bis blood. To yield to this will eter nally damn, while the world stands, everybody that consents to it. 'President Johnson must act, and act at once! If he permits the burt aucracy of the War Depart ment to act any longer in his name he consigns 1 nnsglf to infamy that can only be covered by oblivion. Here is a dispatch from W: sMugtcn, just come to the Express ; ‘tuksidknt joiinsox opposed' to secret trials. ‘ Misled into the Proclamation against Davis , Thompson, Tucker <T Cos. “Washington', May loth.—There is a good deal of Cheating going on here, and President Johnson is finding it on*. “Saturday morning President Johnson went to . Mr. Stanton and ordered to Ic opened the doors of the Inquisition , which were opened forthwith, not withstanding the article ir, the Chronicle of Sat urday to the contrary, which said the doors would not be opened, despite the bowlings of all the New York press. “The President now Sees that he has been other wise misled by Judge Advocate Holt, who got up the case, that Jeff. Davis, Tucker Si Cos., were TI LE PACIFICATOR A CATHOLIC JO 17 liX AC. in the assassin’s conspiracy. Holt saw he could not make Out the ease of conspiracy in open court, and hence resorted to the Inquisition. Johnson now sees that Holt had no foundation for the evi dence he alleged to exist, upon which the Presi dent offered the rewards of the Proclamation. lie listened to f'i fit, and has been misled. Iloit,how ever, is intent on sustaining himself. “And the Court has.beqn changed by Holt, too, since it was first created. Why ? Because the members, just appointed were not enough super serviceable 'tools 'to make out a case. The open ing of the doors of the Secret Tribunal is, how ever, a terrible blow to him. » “Bat Gi neral Hunter, the hero of nothing and nowhere, will do all the job work required. His little personal controversy with Roverdy Johnson shows wi. manner of a Judge he is.” [From the Toronto (Canada) Leader.] Tin SiavSkTKieni «f CHinei-ai lL.ee. Vi e are not at all surprised at the announce ment that General Lee is to be tried for treason. Hardly had the veteran soldier returned to Rich mond, when Northern papers in the interest of j the Government, commenced to discuss his status ias a citizen. At first correspondents were per i mi tied to broach the subject, aud then the euito j rial pens were brought to bear upon the ex-coin j mander-iii-ehief of the Southern armies. In some ; of the papers—the New York 'Times, Tribune and | livening Post —he was attacked with a bitterness I hardly equaled in the case of any other prominent J citizen of the Confederacy. Then the Govern- J meat took the question up, and Attorney Gem-hi Speed gave a written opinion, in which ho declared that the agreement made D-tween Generals Grant and Lee was purely of a military character, and that'the paroled officers possessed no civil rights in “loyal” States. From this opinion, very natu rally, follows an iiTdietment for treason. But if the Government may fortify themselves , with the < : mion of the Attorney General, in what position will they stand before the world, as pro- j voking a charge against General Lee ? A grosser j breach of faith it would be- difficult to conceive; | and it will be well to keep in remembrance the \ terms upon which General Lee surrendered his I army. General Grant, in his letter to the South- j era G-•mmandcr in-Chiei. ;* in Appomjftox Court House, on the 9th of April, after detailing the ! .si..n.u>q uiiii.t.iU:y terms of the surrender, said:! “Tibs fi .’:■*, each officer. Amt man \\ ' ' I * to return to their homes, not to be disturbs. uv k the Uni tod States authorities, so long as they ob serve their parole and the laws in force where they muv re-file.” 'These were the terms proposed by C.moral Grant, and General Lae immediately rg plied, accepting them. Cun anyone doubt the meaning, of the Lieutenant General? He no giving a full pardon to the whole Confederate army, oil; • ".'•> as well as men', on condition that they would surrender to him The terms were a x *■: ■ 1, aud the entire army returned to their homos. The Govertunent may not hold by the agree .meat of their chief military officer, if they choose • to break it. That is their business ; but, such a violation of faith cannot fail to arouse the inch*- i nati’.u ■>? the whole civilized world. W'e venter • j;> -a th General Grant himself could not have | coeei ,ved of such a thing as the trial of General i Leo, when ho gave him and his army their parole ;in April last; nor can he now.An justice, lie a ; party to the strange behavior of trie Government.; Apart from this view of the qe cion, we regard I the indictment of General Leo as a hopeful sign. If he ajid Mr. Davis are tried, there is no question wT.atev r that they will be found guilty. In the present condition of society in the United States, we take this to be a foregone conclusion. The sentence of death must follow, unless President Johnson chooses to exercise the pardoning power.' ! which is vested in him by the Constitution, j "The hanging of General Lee we can hardly c.fij I ceive to be within the pale of probability; and jf the death penalty be condoned in bis case, is it likely that Mr. iGivis will be executed? Wc are. disposed to think, from a recent article in the New York Times, that Pres.dent. Johnson is in no mood to carry out his declared policy of “making trea son jnfamous” to such an extent a s the execution |of Mr. Davis. Putting this and that together, we incline to the belief teat there will be no execu ! tions for treason, but that every possible indignity S will be heaped upon the loaders of the GonlCce ■ racy. But no one can ted what a day may bring forth. We must wait and see. The gunboat Tuseargra arrived in Boston har bor on the 25th, having on board the rebel Vice President and Postmaster General, Alexander H. Stephens and James H. Reagan, consigned to Fort Warren. Tiic Vendee and Southern Revolu tion. The Vendee rebellion of 17SO, in France, and its treatment and final settlement of the revolt, afford a happy illustration to our rulers of the ef fects of the different hues of policy toward the Southern States: “In the beginning of the revolution of 1 " S P, the inhabitants of Vendee, being attached to the royal cause, maintained a 'war against the republican government, which, had foreign powers employed the opportunity judiciously, would have endan gered the existence of the new republic. Devo tedly fond of the nobility of the province, easily influenced by the clergy, and fired by a semi-reli gious zeal, these peasants set the whole power of tl-e gov. rnment at defiance. Led at first by such unlettered men as Cathelean, the wagoner, or Gas ton, the wig maker, they would sal!}' out suddenly Jr.>ni their fastnesses upon small bands of repubii j can soldiery, until, in- this manner, they secured, [ in place of pikes and scythes, serviceable .fire- I arms, and in time equipped a formidable army. After being defeated by the government forces, j every manner of persecution was visited upon them. They were dragged in crowds to Nantes, j where the monster, Carrier, to whom the ordinary j modes of execution appeared too slow, caused them to be drowned in masses. j ".Such harsh punishment, however, instead of \ reducing them to submission, still more inflamed ! the insurgents, and the revolt raged with increased I fury. Stofflet succeeded in dying La Rochejaque j lin, and aided by Charette and other skilful chiefs, : maintained such a stout resistance among the tan gled thickets and everglades of Bocage, that the ; convention was at last compelled, says the liisto j riau, to confess that Vendee could not be quelled !by the force of arms or fear of punishment. For | every insurgent executed a dozen others would | rise to his place. Thereupon,'following the fall J of Robespierre, a net* policy was decided upon, and the disappointed Vendees were invited, at the j suggestion of Carnot, to return to their homes, j with promises of pardon and oblivion of the past. | No sooner was this conciliatory course adopted i and a general amnesty offered them, than the in- I -argents at once abandoned the warfare which they had waged for years against the government, i and, won over hv-the authorities, became as loyal jas they were before disloyal. They were iucorpo j rated into the national army, *nd ranked among . : - ' t ,iVi KoVU. i-:-..' 1 Ja!m Brown and S. Wilkes Moofls. The legitimate, although extreme result of po litical fanaticism is furnished in the cases gs John Wilkes Booth and John 'Brown, Each of these men is the natural effect of extreme views; each had his origin in radicalism; each was Gai ned onward by like causes ; each reached the cli- J max of his career under the same influences ; j and inspired by che same spirit, each committed rimes that will forever link their names with condemnation. John Brown was the natural development of abolitionism, precisely as John Wilkes Booth is the natural development of pro-slaveryism. The former honestly believed that, when he carried insurrection and murder into Virginia, lie was performing God’s service; the hitter, perhaps, just as sincerely believed that he was ridding the earth, of a tyrant when he placed his pistol to the head of Mr. Lincoln. One is an example of what will result when abolitionism is carried, to its greatest possible length ; and the other is an ex' ample of what will result when a devotion to slavery is carried to excess. - . Notwithstanding that these two men are each extreme representatives of antagonistic systems, they are precisely alike. Nothing can be more opposed to each other than heat and cold, and yet a piece of'iron of cold temperature will produce j the same effects as if cxtremdly hot. Extremes r meet, it is popularly said, which is only another form of expressing the fact that extremes are alike in their effects. Thus two men may start in their career as partisans of the exactly opposite svstems of religious belief and irreligion. Let them advance in their respective faiths, and at first thev will move in an opposite direction. Let them continue until they have reached extrema positions, and they will find themselves face to face: the one a murderer who is enforcing his re' ligiou with his sword, and the other a murderer who possesses no moral restrifints, and because a persistence in unbelief and wickedness has brought him to a point where the taking of life is the natural result of unrestrained passions. It is precisely the same in polii.es. In the be ginning John Brown and John W. Booth moved away from each other, the one going northward and the other southward; the one a pro-slavery disciple, the other an advocate of anti-slavfiry doctrines. Their pathways seemed to lead to points as directly opposite as are the antipode?. But they were like two vessels which should sail, the one east and the other west, and which thus sailing must eventually come together. They parted ; they moved away from each other ; but each held persistently on his course, and like the circumnavigators of the globe, they met at the same point, and for precisely the same purpose. 1 he one, in the interest of bis faith, was a mur' dorer in \ irginia, and the other, for the interests of his faith, became a murderer in Washington. These two murderers, then, are alike. Both reached extremes; both became permeated with the spirit of the faith which they adopted; each carried this belief into his whole life, and brooded over it and nursed it until it became the absorbing, controlling idea, and he a monomaniac aud a murderer. To us the crime of Booth seems the greater, because of the prominence of his victim. In tLe eyes of heaven no such distinction exists. Before the Tribunal of Omniscience, the palace and the hovel, the monarch and the beggar, are alike. If it was an atrocious crime to slay the President of this republic, it was no less an atrocious crime to kill the humble men who fell before the rifles of Brown at Harper's Ferry. Both are purely and simply murder, and as such must go before the court of Heaven. There are men-enough in the north who are base enough to laud tlio homicide Brown as a martyr; and there are men in the south who are base enough to laud the assassin Booth as a pa triot anu a hero. Thr fanatics of both sections apotlieoize assassination in the persons of Booth and Brown ; they justify murder, and do honor to two men whose memories deserve to be eternally execrated, and whose only palliation is that they were-monomaniacs, who had become this through the teachings of the extremists whose respective beliefs they represent.— Chicago Times. Poj>o ami Victor Emanuel. . The negotiations between the Pope and the Sub. alpine ruler have been suspended, though not broken off. Beyond the mere episcopal ques tion, there does not appear to have been any approach to a consideration of the various con flicting claims of the two Governments. In fact, there could not be, without Victor Emmanuel re- I linquishing his title of King of Italy as au iiulis \ yv'T!«»'W« wtliirfivt:; ry. The Pope, in the letter which he addressed to him prior to the arrival of Signor Vegezzi, said that the Count de Sartiges spoke to him last summed upon the settlement of the pending religious questions. His Holiness ad dresses himself to the heart'of the Iviifg in order to wipe away the tears of Italy, and requests him to send an envoy to treat upon the question of tlje Episcopate. The Pope styles the King, “ Victor Emmanuel, King of Sardinia,” and concludes liis letter without bestowing his apostolic benediction ‘Therefore, thoso who put forward statements that Pio Notio had at last been brought to accept “the logic of necessity,” were building solely on ,t, ( " basis of their own imaginations. The r t . a ] , ltt ; tude of the two powers remains lmcl jann . e( j p y anything that has taken place. Italy, as [j lc <p ur j [( ministerial organ says, recognises the Pope as chief of Catholicism, and will always treat with him. upon religious'matters, but does not acknow ledge his temporal sovereignty. The Pope, on the contrary, looks upon Victor Emmanuel as an usurper, proclaims him as such, and treats with him only in the spiritual interests of the Catholics who are unfortunate enough to be committed to his rule by the virtue of rifled cannon. The Emperor Napoleon has isSued the following dated May 3c], to the inhabitants of Algeria : “The Emperor to the inhabitants of Algeria—l come among you to learn in person your interests,* to second your efforts, to assure you that the pro tection of the mother country shall not fail you. You have for a long time past combated with en ergy the oYnacl& of a virgin soil and a warlike people,,but better days are at hand. On the one side, private companies are about to develop, by their industry and their capital, the fertility of the land. On the other hand, the Arabs restrained and enlightened with regard to our benevolent in stitutions, will no longer be able to disturb the tranquility of the country. Have faith in the fu ture, become attached to the land which you culti vate to anew fatherland, and treat the Arabs, in the midst of whom you must dwell, as fellow-coun trymen. We must be generous, because we are the stronger. Let us then justify increasingly the glorious act of one of my predecessors, who, in planting 35 years ago, on the soil of Africa, the banner of France and the Cross, unfurled at ODce the sign of civilization and the symbol of peace and charity.” 143