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(Chronicle *
MKDNRMIW MORNING, DE( EMBER *2fi.
Radical Malignity.
“ When felony, however chivalrous, or
however lusli/.eneil with a fine name, is
fashionable among die upper sort, what
wonder is it that the contagion of a bad
example spreads, and that the lower
<>r<!<-■ -s give us a sanguinary caricature of
the death-dealing exploits of their social
superiors?”
No ]>coplo on the face of the earth arc
more prr-i'tently and maliciously misrepre
sented than the white citizens of the South.
\Vo often wonder what the civilized na
tions of Hurope can think of a ]>cople who,
according to the information furnished by
the Northern journals, are so sunk in the
•ale of licentiousness and barbarism.
Such statements certainly do not tend to
increase respect for and admiration of Re
publican government on the part of Euro
peans. In this country the causes which
prompt this wholesale defamation of
Southern character are well understood.
We know that party feeling at the North
i« so strong and tyrannical that the press
there —or a large portion of it—is forced,
by the pressure of its friends, to degrade
it- column-, daily, with the publication of
slanders which the better informed among
them know to be false. In this country
these things are well understood. Hence,
when such utterances as head this article,
and which we take from the New York
Tribune, are given to the public, the intel
ligent readers, even at the North, merely
shrug their shoulders and say “how lead!
I,nt, then, it can hnr dig be true. ’
Rut it is quite different abroad. There,
the license, and consequent licentiousness, j
of the American Press is not so well under- i
stood. When, therefore, the charge is
■ i h “Pd
v . 'ii,.> • u towards o ..- whole
I'tJosi-rj And with what
foreigners who are inimicablc to Free Gov--
eminent, is proved by the avidity with which
all such paragraphs are copied and circu
lated by that portion of the European press
in the interests of Monarchies.
It is not, however, the bad effect which
uch publication- may have upon the Gov
ernment of the United States and upon the
theory of Republican Government in the
countries of the old world, which causes us
in complain. We feel and know that the in
fluence of these wholesale libels upon our
people arc used by the designing and bad
ineri of the North to intesify and strengthen
the feeling of hostility to the South which
the Abolition controversy previous to, and
the results of the late war have so largely
and fearfully developed at the North.
We have said that we did not believe
that the good sense of the North gave
mm h credit to these falsehood „ But there
is a large class of intelligent people there,
who, for sinister and base purposes, pro
tend to put faith in tlidse atrocious slanders,
and use them for the purpose of keeping
inflamed the Northern mind, already hot
ami hitter towards the South. 11 is in this
view that the publication and circulation of
sin'll articles are calculated to injure the
Southern States.
It is vain to suppose that there can ever
|„. a cordial reconciliation between the
two sections so long as the leading men
ami journals of one section continue this
wholesale and indiscriminate abuse of the
other. However much the people of the
South may desire to cultivate feelings of
respect and love for the Federal Govern
merit- and it is certainly their interests to
do so; however much we may desire that
the wounds made by the war upon our
feelings and our material prosperity, may
lx- speedily staunched and healed —and we
believe this to lie the general and true sen
timent of our whole people —we cannot
bring ourselves to that degretv of Christian
forbearance and charity which would re
.mire us to /ore our enemies and for
ho-, vho (lespitefully use and persecute
(f tin; Northern people really desire to
liav . .. and arid harmonious Union '’
' n »v on ' n •omrnu, i, id ,i . and
j, i- * i j ;i ■ , . -putiiHte i li.s
Government upon the solid foundations of
fraternal regard and respect which our
forefathers laid, if they would have us
friends in peace and allies in war, they
must cease to wound our feelings and in
sult our manhood hy the publication of in
famous falsehoods against our social sys
tems, and malicious slanders upon out
morals and Christianity.
Household Servants!
' The following article, which we clip
from the Atlanta Intelligently, contains
suggestions which will be of interest to our
city readers. Our house-keepers have
suffered quite as much as the good people
<il Atlanta, from the insecure and uncertain
tenure of their domestic servants, legis
lation, neither State or municipal, can afford
any relief. The matter is in the control of
t mployers, and if all who hire servants will
adopt and rigidly adhere to the plan sug
gested by the City Council of Atlanta the
evil of irresponsible and faithless servants
can lie remedied, at least, to a very great
extent.
“This class of persons have become in
aliout eight cases out of ten almost entire
ly worthless. Complaints, loud and long,
are heard in every direction, not only in
this city but elsewhere. Many families
in the past twelvemonth have employ
ed not a less number than twenty servants,
to lose each in turn after a few weeks'
service. Others have been more fortunate,
but all agree that the unreliability ot the
thriftless ereatures is becoming positively
intolerable. At this season, especially, is
the evil being felt, and many a devotee to
Epicurus is doomed to the loss of his
Christmas or New Year’s dinner from
that cause. The many mornings, how
ever, when ho went breakfastless
to business may have, to some extent,
prepared him for the sudden disap
pearance of that ebouized divinity whose
presence in the kitchen is by no’meaus an
unimportant matter. In former times, we
lielieve, it was not altogether easy tocon
trol that element of usefulness during the
holiday season, for I>iuah is a festive crea
ture, and has a penchant for balls, parties,
and big times generally, but there were re
straining influences that enabled her em
ployers, or owners, to keep her where she
belongs. Hut the memory only of that
golden period i- left us now, ami with the
new order of things come annoyances in
calculable to this people, and a state of
wretchedness to the oik c happy l>iuah. 4
She is free now—free to live in squalid
poverty—in want —in misery—and by a
base desertion of friend after friend a,**
discovers that she has no friends at all. !
Such is now the condition of that class of
persons upon whom we are dependent for
the performance of household duties.
There is not a matron in this city but would
be kind and indulgent to a faithful servant, j
It is a prom incut characteristic of our South- j
< rn ladies, liberal and warm hearted as they
are known to have been in the past to that
dependent and child like creature—the ue- j
cro. For the unhappy state of affairs to ;
which we refer there would seem to be no !
remedy. To some extent relief may be
had to suffering families by adopting the |
course recommended by the City Council,
which is as follows:
“WnKRKAs, a serious diffioultv is ox
permneed by citizens ,>n account of the
unreliability ot servants, who are t-H>
much in the babll of changing places from
insufficient causes, and who make these
changes the more readily on account of!
the facility with whieli they liud other i
places : and whereas, it is not expedient '
for the city administration to make ale.
•t, >lute enactments to correct the evil while
,t | - pne they are very desirous to over
■oiiv . therefore La- it
••Hr. That the Mayor and Council 1
lo ear.' ,e ®tly recommend to all citizens,
from thii day forth, to require a “charac
ter " or rev ’Oimneudatinn in all cases, from
the’ last euip lover of a servant applying for
■employment.
‘‘fteiolt eii, 7\ ' at ln tbe opinion of the
Mayor and'Cout. cil - » is the duty of all j
good citizens to act unitedly, in accordance
with this reconuneiK' a j' on , as their most
efficient protection aga,. nst l be evil alluded ]
to, w hich will otherwise continue and m
i-rease, and as an act of duty ’ and justice to I
the serving class, the worthy s. ,n °ug which,
will thereby be distinguishes lronl the
worthless.
“By adopting this plan the great tiffßoy- i
juice may, to some extent bejemoved g. r ;. 1
i
! there being no other remedy, wc would
! earnestly recommend that this one be gen
erally resorted to."
Militarj Commissions—in Important
Decision bj the Supreme Court.
. At the last term of the Supreme Court
of the United States it will be recollected
that an important case was tried involv
ing the right of a military commission to
try civilians for alleged offences against
the law- of the I 'nited States, and the decis
ion of the Court was then given against
the power claimed, hut the delivery of
the opinion was reserved until the present
term. On the 17th instant the Court
pronounced its d.vision, denying that such
commissions had jurisdiction over per
sons notin the army or navy of the United
States,
The ease before the Court was that of L.
P. Milligan, who was tried by a military
court in Indiana for alledged conspiracy
against the Federal Government. On
delivering tin Meisions of the Court the
other day Mr. Justice Davis read an elab
orate opinion, in which he urged with
great force the im[>orumce of observing and
preserving ail the Constitutional guaran
tees for the protection of the citizen in
person and property. He said :
“The experience of our pas., history
showed the wisdom of ttie framers of the
Constitution, in constructing it to be alike
efficient in war as in peace, as was shown
in the civil contest through which we have
just passed. The powers of the Constitu
tion should not he strained to suit emer
gencies, for on its maintenance in al! its
integrity depended our liberties and free
Government, not only in the present but
for ail time to come. The case being be
fore the United .States Supreme Court, on
certificate of division of opinion of thetwo
Judges of the United States Circuit Court
i for Indiana, the former maintains that the
matter was properly* before it. The fact
that the Bench were divided could not
operate to the prejudice of the complainant,
nor deprive him of his right of appeal to
Alt!
remain’' i- ' lie was a . iuaen fndiauj,
jm t had neve in the land ..
a onspiiar * * ted in Indiana,
vrie.ii he tlch udan .Used of par
ti' 'paling HI it. bill a. cording to me act
of March, 1 Stitt, provision was clearly made
for the trial of such classes of offences be
fore a Civil Court. The Circuit Court of
Indiana was open and unobstructed, and
business therein continuer! to 1«> transact
ed. The Court under the law could have
punished such crimes, and there was no
fear of an interruption of process. There
were troops in Indiana, hut the State was
not the scene of war. The troops wore
employed in the event of invasion, or sent
to operate where military necessity might
require. No matter how guilty Milligan
was, there existed no authority to try him
before a Military Commission," lie not be
ing in the military or naval service ; nor
did Congress attempt by its legislation to
confer such power. Therefore the Court
should order his release from military
custody, and remand him to the civil tri
bunal.'
“To this all the members of the Court
gave an affirmative answer, and also to the
second question, namely : Ought the
Court to issue a writ of habeas corpus , and
order his release ? And they say no to the
third question : Had the military com
mission the legal right to try him ? The
opinion reviews the subject of martial law,
and condemns its exercise in cases where
the civil Courts arc open, and process isun
obstrueted.
“Chief J nstice Chase, for himself and As
sociates Wayne, Swayne and Miller,
read a dissenting opinion relative to the
third point, namely, military tribunals,
taking the ground that they may be or
dered by Congressional authority'in eases
where the civil Courts are obstructed, and
in districts where military operations are
in progress. Fortunately, in Indiana the
the Jiidgcs were loyal, together with the
great mass of the people; but it might
happen that a disloyal Judiciary might im
pede the course of justice. lienee there
should bo the means of affording protec
tion by ;iio military power. The guilt of
the defendant had nothing to do with the
present decision, which has reference to
the legality of the military Commission
which tried the case of Milligan. The dis
senting J udges agreed with the majority of
the Court, that Congress did not confer in
this ease the power to try the accused by
siii'li a Commission, bill hint made provis
ion for the determination of the question
before the civil ('units.’’
What a strange and startling commen
tary does this decision furnish, upon the
practice and power of tlie military depart
| mentof the Federal Government, when
taken in connection with the recent de
cision of Gen. Schofield, in the case of Dr.
Watson, in Virginia. Even while this de
cimal! is being delivered by the highest
j tribunal known to the constitution and
the laws of the land, and nyitig the power
of a military court to try civilians —wc find
j at« oflio r i,.; the .rruy-C, Virginia, actually
’.enuring to. jurisdiction and action of the
court hi the .'tate, and dragging one ..fit-
I host and most esteemed citizens to trial
I before a forum, which is declared to boil-
I legal and revolutionary.
This Virginia case is even a stronger one
j than that from Indiana. There the de
( fondants. Bowles, Milligan and others, had
i not been arrested by the civil authorities,
nor had there been any efforts on the part
of the Courts to bring them to trial. But
Dr. Watson had been before the State
Courts aud upon full investigation of the
facts, and that, be it remembered, ex
parte as against the defendant, the Grand
J ury ignored the bill. With all the evi
dence against Dr. Watson before the Jury,
and none of that which might have been
adduced in his favor, the sworn officers of
the law could not tind sufficient proof
against him to warrant an ‘‘accusation.’"
In the face of those facts, and with a
! lull knowledge of the whole circumstances
of the case, the military commander in
! Virginia has had Dr. Watson arrested,
: and a “ commission" has been ordered to ;
! try his ease.
11 is useless to say to the North that so j
long as our people are oppressed and ;
outraged in this way there can he no good i
feeling between the two .sections. They :
know this already. Their object in con
tinually forcing upon us such acts of op
pression as this, is doubtless, with the
view to keeping alive and intensifying the
already bitter animosity towards the
Radical portion of the Northern and
Eastern States, They wish this in order
to justify themselves in further and more i
degrading measures towards the South. !
The Radicals in Congress must he kept at
the boiling point to secure the passage of
the violent measures now before Congress.
Our trust is still unshaken in the Presi
dent and the conservative men of the
North. Wo do not Ivlieve that President
Johnson will sanction the proceedings
which arc now about to be inaugurated in
Richmond. \\ c shall see very soon if he
does not.
Telegraphie xews.
The telegraphic news which the Intel
: Utjmeer continues to furnish its readers is
still transmitted to it by the “New York
Associated Press,'” of which most of the
daily papers of the South are members, in*
i eluding in Georgia, the Macon T>'.graph,
' iht" Augusta Chronicle (£• Sentinel*, and
. ( itiitinuthsi.ih, ’Savannah Htpubliatn.
j A tics if Ih raid. the Columbus Shh and
Knquin-r, and the Atlanta Intelligencer,
f Both in regard to quantity and quality, the
. dispatches of the “New York Associated
Press will bear favorable comparison
j with any others published, and we do not
hesitate to challenge comparison between
j thosc> published in the columns of the
j Bn, '.’odor Mr. Craig's management of
the new oeiatiem formed, and those
which have appeared in the Intelligencer,
under the management of tie old 'New
York Associated Press. At any r»u.yjie
1 Intelligent >, is perfectly willing that the
merchants of Atlanta, and our other city
readers, shall judge betwean the two. For
the polite tender to this office of the dis
patches of the new association, under the
direction of Mr. Craig, free of charge, we
are under obligations, bat we prefer to re
tain our membership with the old asso’ia
tion, inasmuch s» it is sustained by such
patronage as to make it permanent. A\ hen,
however, it fails to retain what we con
sider to be its superiority over any other
a-«<viatiou, we shall not hesitate to make
the effort to do better. In the meantime,
the comparison we indicate may be made
by the readers of the t%o city journals,
who will, doubtless, render a just verdict, j
—Atlanta lhtelligeitcer.
“The Georgia Legislature adjourned ves- >
relay. Li- said the memlx-rs expressed !
, a preference for a Territorial Government
rathe- than adopt the amendments. We 1
trust their wishes will be gratified atouee." 1
i —Chicago Post.
\\ e had net heard until informed by the j
i’,t*t that the members of our Legislature
j expressed a preference for a Territorial j
Government rather that adopt the amend
ments. nor do we believe now that any 1
; such declarations were made, but if they
were, they truly represented the fedh’aga :
and vita's of their constituents. If the j
/"sf desires » let him push along his Ter
ritorial OovcrKUiUsUe we have had to stand
many hard things in the iiqjt few years and
we will try and carry thy- also
Negro Suffrage in the District or Co
lumbia.
A special dispatch from Washington to
the New York Times say' :
“ The District Suffrage Bill was in
formally considered by the Cabinet on
Friday last. The members present unani
mously concurred with Mr. Johnson in his
disapproval of the measure. All the mem
bers were present except Mr. Stanton, who
is absent from the city, and whose views,
consequently, • ve-e not made known. The
Secretary of iVar is expected to return
to-morrow morning, and it is believed the
Suffrage Bill, if received, will he brought
up at the Cabinet meeting in the afternoon,
when Mr. Stanton will doubtless indicate
his approval or disapproval of the Presi
dent’s contemplated veto. Up to this
evening the President had not received
the bill. It was rumored at the Capitol
to-day, that a question had arisen as to
whether the bill would not fail if kept In
die President the full Constitutional limit
of ten days, which would expire during
the holiday recess; and that, therefore,
to dispense with all doubts on the subject,
its presentation to the President would be
delayed until the re-assembling of Con
gress.”
If. upon the return of Mr. Stanton, he
should array himself with the balance of
the President’s legal advisers on this
question, and thus present to Congress a
unanimous Cabinet against the measure,
it is probable that the friends of the bill
will fail to secure a two-thirds vote on its
final passage. In this view of the matter
the position of Mr. Stanton becomes an
important one, and will be watched with
much anxiety, both by the friends and
enemies of the hill.
Aside from the great injury which would
be inflicted upon the people of the Dis
act passed. 'J he practical operations of
;tie .aw ■ Washington City would, we art
inclined to think disgust ev n the most
rabid Radical with the idea of univ e.
iUiijro sutiragfc.
We are quite confident that a few years
of experience, such as the negro popula
tion of Washington would furnish in the
practical workings of negro suffrage, would
he the best argument which the South
could use in opposition to an extension of
the franchise in the Southern States.
Growing Aversion.
The New York Times, in common with a
number of other papers, laments the great
change in public sentiment in the South.
It agrees*with the Louisville] Journal in
conceding that the feeling was less hostile
to the North for months after the close of
the rebellion than it is to-day. It is in
deed a mortifying fact that we are grow
ing more apart; and that, under the teach
ings of partizans, whose consequence is
derived only from the, misunderstandings
of the people, the public mind daily be
comes more feverish and less kindly. The
South will not enact, the constitutional
amendment. They will not consent to
brand themselves hy branding those whom
they put forward in a great struggle,
honestly, though most mistakenly, made.
The North ought not to exact that. On
the other hand, the North is disposed to
insist that the South shall not he permit
ted to gain by the rebellion; and if the
negroes are enfranchised the representative
population of the South is thereby increased
two-fifths. Furthermore, even moderate
men say at the North : We do not wish
unduly to interfere with State institutions,
hut we ought to have some security that
the men who fought for the country shall
not, even though black, be left unprotected,
and we have a right to insist, if not to ex-
1 act, that the laws of the Southern States
shall not deprive them of their equal civil
rights. Had wise counsels prevailed, the
Southern legislatures would have wiped
out al! legislation that interfered with the
! civil rights of the black man, and the North
would have declared that in such indic-a
--f thei 1 faith, we will ]
i admit their representatives.
As it is, we fear that the Const", cioi
amendment was proposed, as Wendell
Phillip-'affirms, re- a mere pit i-. i trick
'to bridge over il.i election with v, :?
peetation of its adoption, hut, with the
i intent of using its rejection as a means ot
; exasperating the Northern people to
| greater lengths of interference with the
j people of the South ; and, if this policy is
I continued, we will have the two sections
again played off against one another, as in
) abolition times; with the 'certainty of ger
minating what does not now exist —
| a deadly hostility between the whites
j and the blacks of the South. We
have not agreed with the bulk of the
Northern people in wishing any guaran
ties. The South is impoverished to an
extent that will require all its energies for
years to come. Its interest is to make
the colored population cheerful laborers,
; and to avoid social and political agitations.
If let entirely alonef we believe that in
l tcrest and justice would secure to the
j colored population all that they could
reasonably ask, and that the relations of
j the two races would be harmonious, when
, one asked in a spirit of kindness, and the
: other concedes in the same spii it, than is
1 possible when concessions ave forced on
the whites hy a third party, which, at the
■ same time, is encouraging in the negroes
: suspicions of injustice and hostility. As
j we have so often insisted, the wise law- j
making is that which keeps abreast of pub- ■
lie sentiment, not that which encounters !
universal hostility.— National Intelligencer. \
Gen. Sickles’ Order Against Flogging.
The military commander of the depart
ment of North and South Carolina, lias is
sued an order nullifying the criminal laws
i of those States, to the extent that they
j prescribed corporeal punishment for the
| commission of crimes.
] For many years past, the laws of South .
j Carolina made whipping the penalty for
many offences committed within her limits,
and this impartially as between the white
j and black races. In neither of the Caro
j liua s is there a State prison or peniten
: nary, and hence the policy of the law
makers of those States, has been to inflict
capital punishment for the higher grades
of crime, and whipping, branding and the
pillory lor those of the lesser grades.
In our neighbor State, South Carolina,
horse stealing for the first offence is pun
ishment by whipping, and by hanging for
the second. In North Carolina, larceny,
perjury, bigamy and a number of other of
fences, are punished by public whipping,
and the laws of both these States are ap
plicable to both sexes and all colors.
The order of General Sickles is tanta- ;
mount to a declaration of indulgence for
all these offences, for if they cannot be
punished by flogging, they cannot be pun
ished at all. This order of the military
commander ha.« already produced bad re
sults. and if not revoked will greatly im
j pair the efficiency of the laws hi those
1 States in checking and preventing crime.
\Ve are at a loss to conceive upon what
ground this order is issued. It cannot be
that these laws violate any of the provisions
of the civil rights hill, because there is no dis
erimination for or against pof color. !
It cannot be for the reason of the emai.ti- j
pation of the slaves—because the opera- j
j tion of tin. laws before emancipation, was j
I equal and just towards both slave and j
free, black and white.
Why then, it may be asked, is this or
; dor promulgated, striking as it does, at
j the very soul of the civil power of those
j States ! It Gen. Sickles as the mere
j military commander of the department of
| North and South Carolina, has power to
j annul the laws of these States, which act
! equally aud to the same extent upon both
1 races ; why may not the military eornman
-1 der of the department, which embraces
the Eastern Statss, annul all the laws of
1 those States which affix the death penalty
for the commission of crimes. May not
! the military commander in the \Ve-tern
States, with equal right and propriety
set aside the laws of those States, which
prescribe “confinement and labor. as a
punishment for a violation of their penal
statutes. lues* juoiai.irions are clear and
incontrovertible.
The truth is. General Sieklcs oiOer is a
direct, open’, and flurry. 111 interference with
the municipal affairs of tlioso States un
warranted by (lie laws of the land and in j
i direct and palpable violation of the plain
est principles of the Constitution of the
United States. No government can'long
exist which tolerates or even excuses such
open attacks by the military upon the civil
power of the State. The people of the
North are quite as much interested in tLis ,
matter as we of the South. If the military
is permitted to override and destroy the 1
civil power here, what is to prevent the
same or like interference at the North.
While there are very many in .he North
ern Statc-s who will merely look upon this
act of Gen. S. as a just punishment of
those in the Carolina-, who aided and
abetted the Confederate States in their
late struggle with the United States Gov
ernment, yet the more temperate and
: far-seeing can hut see it in its true and
I naked deformity, as a direct blow upon the
Republican institutions of our common
country.
e arc glad to see • that the Governor
of North Carolina, lias sent a deputation
. of some of its wisest citizens to Washing
ton city to have a conference with the
; President upon this subject, and lay before
him this action of Gen. Sickles. We enter
tain no doubt but that the President will
• have this obnoxious order annulled at
once. They have already had an interview
with Mr. Johnson, and express themselves
| satisfied with the tone and temper of the
Executive, who gave them assurances that
the matter should be promptly acted upon.
The (hleago Times Hacks Down from
Negro fiu if rage.
Soon after the results of the late fall
elections in the Northern and Western
States were made public, the Chicago
Times taking counsel from its fears, re
pudiated its whole past history on the
negro question and went ■--- - ' -- 11
i gage to the lia oca;-. It ■■ >k strong and
cals upon it, that their organization was
destined to utter destruction. It thunder
ed long and loud in favor of enfranchising
the negroes of the South, and even deelar
l ed that the South would do well to con
: cede this measure or in default thereof
i something greatly worse lor Southern in
interests would he imposed upon us.
The efforts which it made to divide and
j discourage the Democratic party having
failed, the Times found itself without party
or friends. The Radicals had no use for
the new convert, although it labored with
so much zeal for their darling hobby of
negro suffrage. Its old party friends with
drew their support and left it to
the tender mercies of its new made
allies. For the last few weeks it has
, floundered about in all directions seemingly
: indifferent as to what line.it should pursue.
I The recent passage by Congress of the
| negro Franchise Bill for the District of
Co’umbia, lias given the Times much
concern. A few days since it took another
summersault and came out in violent op
position to the principles of that bill. It
thinks that the “giving all adult males in
the District of Columbia the privilege of
voting is little less than an outrage upon
the people of the District, and an insult
to the nation.” Tt says ;
“Washington swarms with idle and
vagabond negroes, and to give sui-li men
the privilege of voting, is practically to
assert that it is so cheap anil worthless a
tiling that the most degraded and igno
rant classes of men may enjoy it equally
with liie bestand most intelligent.”
This is not the only indication that we
] have seen of the hostility of the Northern
j people to the practical test of impartial
; negro suffrage which the present Congress
. has given in the law recently passed for
j the benefit of the negroes iu the District
of Columbia.
R. D. Harvey Candidate for %u(igeslnp
of the Tallapoosa Circuit.
NVe feel an honest pride in announc
ing the gentleman whose name heads this
article as n candidate for Judgeship of this
t Judicial Circuit—-composed of rim counties
of J- !oy*.t. Polk, Cat, nl. Campbell, Coweta, j
Hamtltqn, Heartland Paulding.
Since its organization in 18,id, the j
Judges have all been eWteri !'{<>») li-e *- i
tretne Southern counties of th. Circuit,
pi rition Cum i 1,, upper port! m .
It is just and'fair that the conveniences :
and advantages incidental to localities near
the residence of the presiding Judge,
should be shared in relation hy the upper
end of the Circuit. And as the lower
counties have had these advantages exelu
sively for more than ten years, wc feel as
sured that they will, in a spirit of justice
and fairness, concede to us this right at
the election in January next.
The candidate we present is a man of
acknowledged legal ability—-large experi
| yince, high moral character, sterling integ
| rity, great firmness, and above all, honor
ed and respected where known for his un
{ assuming, retiring modesty, exemplary
j piety, fine sense of justice and propriety,
| and the exercise of a rigid impartiality in ;
j all the relations of life.
He is not a creature of impulse—not on !
extremist —but conservative and charita- !
ble in all things—in religion, in politics j
and in his various social relations. As I
| Mayor of Rome, Justice of the Inferior |
j Court and delegate, to the late State Con- :
I vention, which adopted our present Con- I
stitution, all his official acts were marked j
by these characteristics.
In all addition to this, he is emphatically a j
self-made man—sprung from the humblest j
walks of society, surrounded by poverty, he j
had to bend all the energy and industry of j
his boyhood and early manhood, to the scan
ty support of himself and aged parents to
whom he has clung and supported with ;
filial devotion, through all the vicisitudes j
of adverse fortune. At the age of seventeen j
became to Rome, a poor, obscure, uneduca- j
ted and penniless boy, and failing to get j
better employment, he entered as a com- j
mon laborer in a brick yard at seven or j
eight dollars per month. He afterwards]
served an apprenticeship of 12 months, at )
type-setting, iu the office of the Coosa ;
River Journal.
His indomitable energy, quiet, unob
strusive manner, and close attention to
bu siness, bad commended him, by this
time, to one of our wealthy and influential
citizens—Colonel Shorter —who employed
him at a small salary, to attend to his toll
bridge across the Etowah river—a position
which he occupied for four or five years —
his salary being gradually increased, which
enabled him to buy a few books. It was
here in this obscure, humble position, he
constituted himself his own school-teacher i
and laid the foundation of an honorable
and useful manhood. Commencing with 1
the lowest elementary studies, lie mas- ;
tered, almost unaided, the various branches
of our English education, from the gram-
mar and arithmetic, to that of the Caculus
and various science- taught in ouruniversi
ties. He also devoted many of his spare
moments from his bridge duties, to the
studies ol tlie Greek and Latin languages.
Thus instead of spending his time in idle
ness and tampering with temptations to
vice, as many an inconsiderate one would
have done, he, by a rigid economy, sell
denial, close, hard application and in
domitable will, carved out for himself an
education, win w;, T though it lacked the
polish and finish of a cohocigte course,
was thorough and practical, and being
self-obtained, formed those traits and
elements of character essential to success
and airiness in life. To economy, in
dustry and close application to business,
he combined the habits of thorough inves
tigation, system and self-reliance.
After completing the course of study lie
had laid out 'for himself, he commenced
the study of law. which he prosecuted with
unabated iudu-try. in connection with hi
duties at the bridge. In this new field of
labor be was aided by the kind, gratuitous
instructions of John 11. Alexander, and
the late Judge Underwood, and at the ex
piration of two years, underwent his ex
amination and was admitted to the bar.
We do not know what year he was ad
mitted, but know that he has had an expe- j
rience of twelve or fifteen years practice,
and ranks among the ablest and most sue- i
ecssfui lawyers at this bar.
We Lcve said this much in regard to j
Judge Harvey, Loum..:- it is right and
proper that the vote.- at tins Circuit 1
should know something of the character .
and :i. who presents him- :
self i . qdidr. tor this important
office ;o which' the people of
the S-. ■ Stn -i their present con
dition •< to more than to any j
other, - r e • i.-tration of justice
amlth, -eG heir rights of person "
and pr iport ii Couru ■
hi lie Judit :il Circuit.
We-., ; tl Am: -ta papers that Hon. I
Wm. Gil- .Trie.: uond, has consent- ;
edto bee; moil , luhte for Judge of the J
Midi.. CM iii, V.'U ewe have no wish ]
toint- r„t ; ilf'in the . ection in that cir- ,
cuit, tv cm-rtot ret:- in from expressing!
the earnest.ri sire iA : the people will ele
vate J edge < tils, n u he Superior Bench j
Ist W.-Jd, ;.v •• January. Wc have
watched his coarse in the Legislature for j
several si !,<. ;> , ■ rtieularly as Presi- j
dent o'the & cat - ‘ ..'session juk closed,
andcai -v wit! r .7 that Georgia lias j
had 1 ■ tea men i r service who have 1
disch ■ . u their Juris with more fidelity, j
judgement : t. He also served ;
Georgia in me fi Col. of the 4Sth ]
Begin ;nt, .riser ou a distinction for:
court.... ami skill of which any]
man muht weii D .id.
In making t. - . arks we do not in
tend r reflect m- 1 , j present incumbent,
Judg , inent, of whom we
know Pm in !e. lot we think, other
thing being aqua, ong public service,
civil ,a Uihit.;fy. . uld he rewarded. —
A the R ..
W u 1:1: i universal amnesty
and : fulness of the late
fearl- - ... e sometimes remind
ed, £y>t( • Intelligencer, of the
strin .. : v, rich was indulged in
Bat n-a. m pViseb ihnt|loet»i
The men who guide:', this nation through
“the days that tried men’s souls” were
incapable of perpetuating the passions of
war with the return of peace. The con
cluding passage of one of the resolves
adopted hy Congress, in January, 1784,
was as follows ;
And it is also hereby earnestly recom
mended to the several .States to reconsider:!
and revise all their acts and laws regarding
the premises, so as to rentier tlio said laws or
acts perfectly consistent, not only- with jus
tice and equality, but with that spirit of con
ciliation which on the return of the bless
ings of peace, should universally prevail.
.—uttV
Meeting of Stoekholders of the Central
Railroad.
Savannah December 20, ! BGG.
The thirty-first Annual Convention of
the Stoeklioldeis cf the Central Railroad
and Banking Company of G eorgia, assem
bled at the Company's Banking House in
this city, at 11 o’click to-day.
The delegates woe called to order by i
Major Anthony Pirter, who nominated j
Hon. John P. King, of Augusta as Presi- j
dent. Judge Kingldeelinea, on account ]
of other engagements, hut his objections j
were overruled by the Convention and his j
nomination unanimously confirmed.
T. M. Cunningham, Esq., was appoint
ed Secretary, and Cajt. C. R. llanleiter
Assistant Secretary.
On motion of Major Porter, Dr. E. E.
Jones, of Morgan county, and Gen. A. R.
Lawton and John R. Wilder. Esq., of Sa
vannah, were appointed a Committee to
report on the validity jof proxies and the
number of shares represented at this meet
ing.
The Committee having reported that a
majority of the capital! stock of the Com
pany was represented, the President tlicre
i upon declared the Contention duly orgau
| ized for the transaction of business.
| Mr. Wm. Wadley, Esq., President of
: of the Company, submitted the annual re-
I port of the Board of Directors, with ac
] companying reports from; the various chiefs
] of subordinate departments, showing the
operations of the road and branches,
and of the bank, during the fiscal year end
ing on the 30th of November last.
On motion of Major Porter the report
was adopted, but its reading dispensed
with, as printed copies had been distribut
ed to all the stockholders present.
On. motion of Col ri. B. Knapp, the
kdiowiug acts of the General Assembly of
jGo rgia, amendaftry :1m Company's
I charter, \v ire read and jyerally accepted.
I AN ACT to amend u Act entitled an Act
to amend an V v vntifh.d “An Act .to
"s S ,7 oil ,i PhiUoad at.u
Canal Compa;- of Go. ..Ma, to alter and
"" ri:i ; of the said Company,
| and to give to . said Company banking
powers and privileges.
Section]. Be it enacted by the General
Assembly of the State of Georgia, That
the Act entitled “An Act to amend an
Act entitled an Act to incorporate the
Central llailroad and Canal Company of
Georgia, to alter and change the name of
the said Company, and to give to said
Company banking powers and privileges,”
assented to 14th December, 1835, is here
by so. altered and amended that the scale
of voting mall elections of Directors, and at
all meetings of Stockholders of said Com
pany shall be one vote for each share of
stock held by any Stockholder, person or
body politic, without any limit as to the
number of votes which any Shareholder may
east at such election nr such meeting of
Stockholders, except that fixed by the
actual number of shares Held by such
Shareholders, and that so much of Buie
one. Section twelve of said Act as limits
the number of votes which any person or
body politic may cast is hereby repealed.
Sec. 2. Be it further enacted , That al
laws and parts ot laws militating against
the provisions of this Act are hereby re
pealed.
Approved 20th November, 1866.
AN ACT to authorize the Central Rail
road and Banking Company of Georgia,
to change the line of its llailroad Track
on certain conditions.
Section 1. The General Assembly of the
State ofGeorgia do enact, That the Cen
tral Railroad and Banking Company of'
Georgia, is hereby authorized to change
the line of its railroad track, at such points
as the Board of Directors of said Company
may decide to. be proper, and such as' will
shorten the distance between the cities of
Savannah and Macon : Provided., That
no point on such new line of llailroad so
constructed, shall be at a greater distance
than five miles from some point on the
present line of railway.
Sec. 2. Be it farther enacted, That
where any dispute shall arise as to the
right of way for said now line of road, so
to be constructed, with any land holder,
the same shall be determined, and the
right of way acquired in the manner pro
vided in Act incorporating the -aid “Cen
tral Railroad and Banking Company of
Georgia, and the various Acts amendato
ry thereof.
Sec. Repeals conflicting nfws.
Assented to 13th December, 1860.
\Y hereupon, on motion of AVm. B.
Johnson, Esq., of Bibb county, it was.
Resolved, Thai the act entitled “an act
to amend an act entitled an act to amend
an act entitled “an act to incorporate the
Central Railroad and Canal Company of
Georgia, to alter and change the name of
said Company, and to give to said Compa
n.'. banking‘powers and privileges" a:>-
prnved2<;th November, IStSO, be and the
same is hereby accepted as a part of the
charter of this Company.*
Reserved, That the net entitled “An net
to authorize the Central Railroad and
1 bunking Cotnpanyof Georgia to change
the- line of its Railroad track on certain
; conditions,” assented to 13th of December
Imhj, is mso accepted as a part of the char
ter ot tins Company, and that the same be
, reterred to the President and Hoard of Di
rector.-, with full power to act.
Mrjor Porter referred in an appropriate
manner to the demise of the late Richard
1!. Cuyler, and moved tl'e following, which
was unanimously adopted, viz :
| Resolved, That the views of the Board of
j Directors, as expressed in the President's
l annual report, in reference to the removal
of the remain- of the late R. It. Cuvier
from Rose Hill Cemetery, Macon,- to Lau
' rel Grove Cemetery, Savannah, and the
. erection of a suitable monument over the
same, arc- approved, and tliat the Board of
Directors are rc-quested to take action on
, the same.
President AY in. M. AY adiey introduced
| to the Convention AA'ni. 11. Mitchell, E-q..
President of the Mobile and Girard llail
- road, who. on invitation, proceeded briefly
| and forcibly to address the Convention in
, Vhalf of the corporation represented by
him, a-king the endorsement of its bonds
l by the Central llailroad and Banking Com
i puny to_ the amount of $250,001. At the
; conclusion of his remarks, which was li.~-
; tenedto with evident interest by the dele
gates, it was. op motion of A irgil Powers.
! Esq., *
Remote, , 1, Tliat the application of the
Mobile and Girard Railroad Company, for
the guaraniv of tiieir bonds for the sum of
two hundred aud fiflv thousand dollars ba
the Central Railroad and Banking Com
pany of Georgia, be referred to its Board
of Directors, with full power to act and
pronounce upon said application.
On motion, the thanks of the Conven
tion were tendered to the President and
Secretaries, and on motion, the Convention
adjourned. JOHN P. KING, Pr’ t,
T. M.CINSIN'GHAII, ! 53.
C, R. Haxleiter. 1 ‘- C jretonc6 -
The Chief of Police in Toronto, Canada
has demanded an increase of force on ac
count, it is said, of apprehended riot
owing to the high price of provisions.
Bishop Lynch, of that city, refuses to ac
cept donations from Colonel Roberts for
i V ns*.- of the condemned Fenians.
The ((institutionally «l' Military Com-!
missions.
We take the following report of the de
cision of the Supreme Court o f the United j
States in relation to the constitutionality of:
military commissions, from the National,
Republican, of Tuesday, the 18th instant : :
In the Supreme Court yesterday the ;
opening of the court was delivered in the ;
ease of Milligan, Bowles and Horsey, j
famaliarly known as the Indiana conspiracy i
case, involving among other questions, the j
constitutionality of military commissions i
for the trial of citizens not in the military
or naval service.
The ease came up from Indiana on a
certificate of division of opinion, under the
act of 1862 —the two Judges sitting in the
ease being unable to agree. ' j
The certificate from the court below pre- j
sented three points, the first two having
reference to the power of the Circuit Court
to grant writs of habeas corpus in this par- :
ticular case. The third and important
i question was the jurisdiction of a military ’
commission to try and punish a citizen not
| in the military or naval service, for an of
i fence committed in the State of Indiana, j
| where the. ordinary courts of justice were
: open and in full exercise of their functions. '
i The Supreme Court unanimously af- ;
| firmed the jurisdiction of the Circuit ;
| Courts to issue the writs of lutbeas corpus ;
i iti these cases, and denied the jurisdiction j
' of a military commission to try a citizen
‘ under such circumstances.
In the argument of the case Mr. Gar
i field opened with a general and able ar
| gument coveting the whole ground, but
1 the great constitutional argument in the
i case was made l>v ex-Attorney General
! Black. Mr. David Pudly Field, of New
' York, also discussed the whole case in an
i able and lawyer-like manner, On the part
;of the Government, Attorney-General
Speed and General.B. F. Butler maintained
the ultra doctrine of the power of military
commissions over all such cases, “to save
the life of the nation.”
Hon. Henry Stanbery, special counsel
for the Government, confined himself
I chic’., to ti> per. : the omo Court
to revi-w a proceeding ; n j eir -nil < u?t,
j and maintained, upon i revit« of all the
corpus , was not within the purview of the
said act. This position of Mr. Stanbery
was also unanimously overruled by the
opinion delivered to-day.
The dessenting opinion delivered by
Chief Justice Chase for himself and Jus
tices Wayne, Swaync and Miller, was
devoted chiefly to denying and controvert
ing the opinion of. the majority of the
court upon the third question certified
from the court below, namely, thejuris
! diction of military, commissions, which
I jurisdiction the opinion of the majority
j denied under the provisions of the Con
stitution itself for the protection of the
! life, liberty and property of the citizen,
! while the Chief Justice and the brethren
| who concurred with, him, based their
j denial of such jurisdiction upon the ab-
I sence of any congressional legislation con
| ferring it; maintaining that the power to
j declare war and to govern the army and
j navy and the militia when in actual, ser-
J vice, involved the power to create military
; tribunals for the trial of citizens in such
| cases, even though the ordinary courts of
law were open.
The opinion of the court was delivered
j by 31 r. Justice Davis, in the presence of a
: crowded court room.
Military Law in Time of Peace.
We learn that the order of Gen. Sickles
for the suppression of corporeal punish
ment was served on the Solicitor of the
county yesterday morning. This seems to
be a premeditated and arranged programme
on the part of Government officials. We
would like to sec the matter brought to a
test, and know whether the civil laws of
the State arc to be set at defiance. 11 is
useless to treat a grave matter of this kind
i:i a milk and water manner. If our laws
are to be put at defiance by the edict of a
military satrap, the sooner we know our
fate the better for all concerned, and then
the people will know how to act in self
defence.
We publish below, from the Newborn
Commercial of yesterday, some fruits of
what we may expect to be the result of the
late order, if it has to be "submitted to by
our pecfjie:
First Fruits op Sickles’ Order—Ax
j TN.MPTED 31uRI>ER TO COMMIT ROBBERY.
—On Friday night last, a watchman, in
I charge of a lot of cotton on the plantation
I of Heath and Weatherbce, across the
j Trent river, was shot and severely wound
! ed. the bone of one of his thighs being
; badly fractured. It appeals that a gang
of negroes went to where the cotton was
stored, and finding a watchman there, do-‘
, liberate!;, attempted to murder him that
i they ti.igh. su-ai a lot of the cotton. So
; Y;> .-hail cave a ibr ‘he , The is'
terror , for thieves now. an the license
thus given will lx hnpri ed, tnd riolenot
and bloodshed no doubt result.-- Wilming
ton (Ah C.) Dispatch.
Atrocious Murder. —On Tuesday
evening last, a party of five negroes made
a murderous attack on 31 r. Joel Heath, a
most respectable citizen of Lenoir, near
Pugh’s Bridge, about six miles below
Kingston. In the conflict, Mr. Health
killed one of the negroes and so severely
wounded another tlfSit ho is not expected
to live, but, sad to relate, 3lr. Heath lost
his life. A horse belonging to the negro
party was also killed. An inquest was
held yesterday, but wo have no.t heard the
result. — Ncwbem Commercial.'
English Interests in the South.
English capital anil English commercial
interests have already, since the close of
the war, secured the larger part of the
carrying trade between our Souther States
and European ports. t The steamship lines
running _ between New Orleans and the
commercial centres of England and Erance,
are by no means the only evidences of this,
though they are _ the most noticeable.
Within a few weeks past, the cotton ex
ports (this year’s erop) have been moving
direct to Europe in unusual volume. The
signs of the times are that this English
activity in the South, after obtaining con
trol of the foreign commerce of that sec
tion will be turned toward the estab
lishment and control of manufactures
there. We have heard recently of
not a few ventures of English capital in
the direction of cotton and other manufac
tures. There arc some attractions toward
South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama are
also reported by the agents of English
houses to hold out specially inviting oppor
tunities. The cotton tax, which has proved
a heavy discouragement to cotton planting,
acts as an inducement to cotton manufac
turing in the South; for cotton escapes
the tax altogether when manufactured in
the collection district in which it is raised
and the difference of three cents a pound
constitutes a serious item, one way or the
other, in setting! the price of goods per
yard.
We are glad to hear of the investment of
English capital in Southern manufactures !
of this and other kinds. It will aid in de- i
yelopiug the South, improving its condi-j
tion and encouraging its people ; and if it ;
enriches the investors and managers, we
can certainly find no fault. We think,
moreover, if the enterprising people of the
I North would direct their attention some
| what to these practical enterprises in the
South, instead of occupying themselves
entirely with its small political affairs, they |
would do a wise thing, and a. thing benefi
cial to all parties, and of special importance |
to our future interests in our own country, j
—New York Times.
Affairs in Mexico.
We take the following from the corres
pondence of the Courn'cr des Etats L ms.
The statements made in the letter are of
more than ordinary importance, in view of
tho fiual determination of Maximilian not
to abdicate the throne, and ol tnc move
ments recently set on foot by the United
States in the interest of Juarez and the
Liberals:
“I am now convinced that the Emperor
3laximiiian will endeavor to preserve his
crown, and that he has dismissed all idea of ,
abdication. On the eve of the final disso- j
lution, the honest men of all parties have i
j rallied around him, while the Conserva- •
I tives have made him offers of material as- .
! sistance which were not to be despised. |
| The sudden change is the result of the pol
icy of Mr. Seward. If French interven- ;
tion was unpopular, American intervention j
jis still more so. Our policy has not been
! acceptable, perhaps, out we arc not per- j
1 sonally odious to the Mexicans, while they
{ hear to their Anglo-Saxon neighbors a hate
j which also attaches to those whom they ■
■ suspect of having co-operated with them ;
and consequently on Juarez.
“ I would deceive you if I told you that j
| the French authorities were satisfied
I with this change. They imagined tnat
; they could treat with Generals Sherman
j and Campbell I do not know on
I what grounds—and they hoped to estab
lish some kind of a government under tne
common protectorate of .France and tne
United States. From this has sprung a
tendency to favor indirectly the LmcraL,
who necessarily would be the only ones
patronized by the Government at \\ ash
ington. For myself, I have never been a
partisan of projects which I regarded as
pure illusions, thinking that the 1 mted
fctates would not treat with us on the sub
ject of Mexico. However this may be,
the disappointment is ail the greater in our
French official circles, where they had
cherished a very different hope, but this
disappointment. I am convinced, . would
have come all the same when the object of
the minsioo of the Amen- ;n Envoys was
[uiiy understood.''
General John G. Breckinridge is resid
ing at No. 05 Boulevard .Maie.-dierbe
Pans.
The Constitutional tin'iidment.
'V e publish below, as reported in the
33 ashington Globe , that portion of the de
bate in the Senate upon the Nebraska Bill,
which relates to the interpretation given
by Senators Sumner and Wade to the pur
pose of the majority tn Congress in propos
ing this amendment for acceptance by the
Southern States:
3lr. Made: I was in hopes that the
merits of the Bill would not be discussed
upon a mere motion to takeitupforconsid
eration. Ido not believe that course of
proceeding is strictly in order, because, if
that were allowed, we.might spend a whole
day on a motion to take up a Ip. Rut
when the Senator from Massachusetts un
dertakes in advance, and out of order, as I
think, to prejudice a measure of which I
aui the advocate, I must be allowed a mo
ment to answer him.
He says there is no merit in the Bill,
aid therefore it should not be taken up,
undertaking himself to prejudge it, and to
judge for the whole Senate. In his judg
ment, it is a Bill of no merit. Sir, if he
were the sole judge here, I should give it
up at once; I should come down very
quickly; but he is not the judge to decide
ultimately for this body ; and this way of
dealing with the subject is not altogether
satisfactory to me.
As the Senator has made allusion to
antiquity, he wtll permit me to remind
him that there was an ancient saying that
some men would strain at a gnat and swal
low a camel, and Ido not see but that the
remark is applicable to him on the present
occasion. Why, sir, on the very objection
which the Senator makes, lie is himself
committed upon the merits of this Rill to
vote for it. No Jesuit can draw the line
of distinction between his votes on former
measures and the vote I ask him to give
for this measure. How was it when the
constitutional amendment was up last ses
sion ? That Senator voted for it. Did
that compel a State, before coming into
the Union, to allow franchise to all citizens
which, niaiie discriminations wu* that the
class whom ii • Guded from the. iranehif.
should not be counted in thebe i- of ivp
v si-e a; i; So vA! be with-Nebraska
; .fwe pass (his ’ill. The onlv difference'
th( cast s isthi th< itor gave
his vote in favor of a rebel State that now
has. her representation on this floor, equally
I divided between rebellion and loyaltv. lie
I voted that she might come in. I allude
! to Tennessee.
3lr. Sumner: Did I vote for that '! j
j 31 r. Wade: I believe you did.
Jlr. Sumner: Oh, no.
V r. \\ ado : But the principle on which 1
you did vote would have brought it in, ;
nevertheless.. It is exactly the same ques- j
tion, with this difference : -this is a Terri
tory which has always been loyal, always
. patriotic, which sent into the field to tight
; the battles against rebellion more troops in
I proportion to her inhabitants than per
• haps any other State or Territory in the
j Union. Small though she was, she was
; extremely patriotic, and exerted herself to
I the utmost to perform all her duties to the
! General Government. And yet, sir, |turn
: ing to Mr. Sumner,] you now raise an ob
jection against her, though you voted lor a
j rebel Statt. That is all there is iu the
I case.
* * * * * *
Mr. Sumner : 3lr. President, I hope I j
; shall be pardoned if l make one word of
reply to the Senator from Ohio. He
| seemes to think that his argument was
! advanced by personal allusions to myself.
; If I understand him, lie sought to show an
j inconsistency on my part.
Mr. Wade: Yes, I think T did.
Mr. Sumner : The Senator says yes, he
j thinks lie aid. Very well, that will justi
j iy me, then, in one moment's reply. lam
at a loss to understand how the Senator
can find any inconsistency on my part if he
take the trou le to understand i lie facts.
I assumed that I voted for the admission
lof Tennessee. I have sent lor the journal
of the Senate.
3ir. Wade: No ; 1 did not say you did.
When you said you did not, i gave it up.
31 r. Sumner : Very well, l have sent
for the journal of the Senate, and my name
will be found recorded on all of the yeas
and nays —and they were very numerous
—that were taken, against the admission ;
of Tennessee ; and I at that time assigned !
the reason, because it contained the word i
“white” in its constitution.
31r. AVade : You voted for the consti
tutional amendment.
3lr. Sumner : The Senator says I voted
for the constitutional amendment.' I did
vote for the constitutional amendment;
but I should like to ask tlie Senator
! whether, lie considers himself hound , now
to admit ore f the--' robe) Se t If- if re- !
(uses the suffrage to lreeaim-i! T should ,
■ like to ask my friend to answer that.
] Mr. Wade ; No, Ido not.
Mr. Sumner : I knew he d’J not!
Mr. Wade : I do w knew that. I un- ;
i doJ t ,t::.eq,xLc Stiigi.-eLet ..ay that i.
honl' eo skier iiiy.jcll 'bound by Pie con- '
• stitutioua! amendment if m Southern:
j ates c
j ble time, and that reasonable time, in my
j judgment, is nearly elapsed. By a rea
j sonable, time I mean as soon as their Leg
j islatures can consider it. If they adopt
! the constitutional amendment, and com
! ply with the terms prescribed by the Rc
j construction Committees and adopted by
I Congress, I should feel bound to vote for j
; their admission. I voted for the constitu- I
tional amendment on that hypothesis. '
3lr. Sumner: Even with the word j
“white” in their constitutions?
Mr. Wade: Without regard to that.
3lr. Sumner: Without regard to the
rights of the freedmen ?
3lr. Wade: On complying with the re
quisitions of the constitutional amendment,
I should Vote for them.
3lr. Sumner: Ido not agree with the
Senator and I distinctly stated when that
proposition was under discussion that I did
not accept it as a finality: that I was not
in any respect bound by it; that so far as
I l'.ad a vote on this floor i would insist
that every one of these btates, before their
representatives were received in Congress,
should confer impartial suffrage, without
distinction ot color. I insisted upon that
at the time, and therefore I ask my friend
what inconsistency is there on my part
now, when I insist upon the same rule in
regard to Nebraska.
Mr. Wade: I cannot see how the Sena
tor could have misled the Southern States
with that. When they complied with all
we asked of them in the constitutional
amendment, I supposed we could not re
fuse to let them in on those terms. If the
Senator did not intend that they should
have the benefit of what wc had done by
compliance with the terms on their part,
it seems to me there was something wrong.
I intended to let them in on the terms we
prescribed. I did not ask more, and I
would not be satisfied with less; and if now
they should comply with them, it would
be bad faith in me to refuse to admit
them. Certainly, lam as much for color
ed suffrage as any man on this floor, but
when I make such an agreement as that I
stand by it always.
Mr. Sumner: Sir, the Senator says,
| “when I make an agreement I stand by
i it.” I accept the language of the Senator; !
i when I make an agreement J stand by it, j
! I made no such agreement as the Senator j
I attributes to me, and Ido not understand ,
that the Senate or that Congress made any i
such agreement. I know that certain j
politicians and editors have undertaken to
foist such an agreement into that proposi- [
tion of constitutional amendment. It was !
j never so declared. I believe that the |
I Committee on Reconstruction reported a j
J resolution to that effect, but they never j
j called it up, and 1 know very well that I
j offered a resolution in this Chamber ex
j pressly disavowing any such agreement.
| ’ Mr. Doolittle: The Senator from Mas-
I sachusetts will allow me.
! Mr. Sunnier: Certainly.
Mr. Doolittle: The Committe on Re.- !
j construction reported a resolution (but if
each State should adopt this amendment,
and the amendment should become a part
of the Constitution —be adopted by a .suffi
cient number of States, that then the
States might be accepted.
That was what they reported.
Mr. Johnson: It was a bill.
Mr. Wade: That was the utid-.-rstand
j iuj I alluded to.
Mr. Brown: That was not acted upon.
; Mr. Sumner: It was not acted on. It
! was never passed. 1 suppose that those
i who had it in charge did not venture to
j invite a vote upon it.
i .Mr. Doolittle: It was laid on the table
: by a vote in the House of Representatives
| upon the yeas and nays.
I Mr. Sumner: Very well ; that i- not
lin my memory now. I do not doubt,
1 however, that it was so laid on the table in
the other House. What is the natural
consequence of that ? It never became in
1 any respect a legislative act. Nobody en
| tered therefore legislatively into suchagrce
| me-nt as the Senator from Ohio attributes
|to me. How he could attribute it to me
in the fhee of my constant asseveration on
this floor that I would not he u party to
any such agreement surpasses my comprc
; hension.
Now, if I understood the Senator, I
have answeredhls two charges ofineonsist- '
eney against me, first with regard to the
admission of Tennessee, and secondly with
regard to the constitutional aim , intent.
That part of the Senator's spcce!. th f i v.-
forc, falls to the ground.
So far as the Senator enters upon the
merit- of the question, [ will not now j
maxe any repiy. I here lhay be a time for
that, ii tlic subject should be taken u»> i
and we should enter upon its consideration, j
although 1 should say now that I have no
desire to occupy the attention of the Senate j
on this subject, 1, however, must enter
my earnest protest against the measure, j
lo my mind, it is one of the most disas- i
trous measures that has been introduced j
into Congress. I use my words advisedly; .
1 say it is disastrous because it will impair •
tic moral efficiency of Cmigrc.-s. injure it
infiuenee, and be 'met Ling like a bar
against the adoption of just measures for
the rebel States. We arc now seeking to!
obliterate the word “white” from all insti
tutions and constitutions there ; and yet I
Senators here, with that great question ;
before them, rush swiftly forward to admit j
anew State with the word “white” in its I
constitution. In other days we all united, j
or many of us did—and the Senator from
Ohio was among the number—in saying j
“No more slave States !” I now insist I
upon another cry : “No more States with j
the word “white” in their constitutions !” j
On that question I part company with sty
friend from Ohio. lie is cow about to wel
come them.
Ui/omo-Li Biography.
Cromo-lithography is the art of picture
printing in colors, and, although not a very j
recent invention, it has been greatly modi- ]
tied and improved of late years; it might, i
with propriety, be called mechanical paint- !
ing, as the colors are laid on one after i
another, mingling the different tints and
shades until the picture is complete, in a
manner analogous to painting with a brush;
and, provided the men who undertake the
work are skilful artists, there is no reason
why a Chromo-lithograph should fall short,
in .point of 'expression or delicacy, of the
original painting which it is designed to
imitate.
A lew words on ordinary lithography I
will first be necessary in order to give the !
reader a clear idea of tiie Chromo process.
Briefly, then, a lithograph is a chemical
drawing, upon stone —the drawing being
; made with a greasy or oily ink upon the
peculiar quality of limestone found in the
: quarries of Solenhofer, Bavaria. All j
| other process of engraving are mechanical !
| rather than chemical, as in wood or type j
: work, where the impression is obtained !
' from a raised design, or in copper and steel .
I plates, where the design is made by deep j
j incisions, into which the" ink is rubbed. In j
i the lithographic process, however, there is I
neither relievo nor intaglio design ; the !
| operation is dependent simply upon the j
I chemical affitvf" -' •- 1 ’
: at • V -“tone, and the antagoism
v e...: lies matter has for water, with
which tlie stone is iu all eases dampened ,
, G bro pulling an : mpresrion.
1 Ip < hroßio-l’tlmgiaChv th* 'p* . j<<
: I ! . xcepl that a differ *son is
lvquin..* for every Cuiot employed, and the
I mk used is a species of oil color, similar
; to that adopted by artists for painting.
| The number of stones used depends upon,
i the number of colors required, usually
I varying between 10 and 30, and the time !
I necessary to prepare these stones for an |
j elaborate piece of work extends over !
! months, and sometimes years ; but the j
! number of colors in any given picture is
| not always an indication of the number of
j stones employed, as the colors and tints
j arc multiplied by combination in being
printed one over another; thus, in an
engraving in which 25 stones arc used,
there may lie upwards of 100 different
shades of color obtained by this means.
The amount of labor and detail involved in
drawing the different parts of the design
upon so many stones is almost ineoncciva-,
ble to one. who is uninitiated. The modus
opcraiuh ’ is as follows :
Upon the first stone a gc-ueral tint is laid
covering nearly the whole picture, and as
many sheets of paper as there are to be
copies of the picture are printed from it.
A second stone is then prepared, embrac
i ing all the shades of some other color ami
the sheets already printed with the first
color are worked over t his stone. A third,
fourth, fifth and sixth follow, each one re
peating the process and adding some new
color, advancing the picture a step further,
until the requisite number of colors have
been applied. The printing of so many
colors, and the time required for drying
each before the application of a succeeding
one, involves months of careful and anx
iously watched labor. Great care and skill
arc required to perfect what is technically
termed the “registering,” or that part of
tlie process which provides that
the paper fall upon every stone inexactly
tlie same position relatively to tlie outline.
To attain this.end, stout brass pins are
fixed in a frame surrounding each stone.
These pins penetrate the paper in making
the first impression, and, the holes thus
made being carefully placed over tlie pins
in all subsequent impressions, insureg the
j certainty.of the outline on every stone, al
j ways falling into tlie same position on every
j sheet. At last, however, it leaves the
press to be sized, embossed, varnished,
mounted and framed. The embossing is
that part of the operation necessary to
breiijk tlie glossy light and soften the hard
outlines, a broken structure being given to
the print by being passed through tlie
press in contact with a roughened stone. —
! JV. Y. Tribune.
i)r..iTit t.j Eminent CrlouE. 31.
Jules Yillore die® recetitly at his planta
tion In 'hr parish Plaquemines, fr uis
iana... He v. as the younger brother of Gen. »
S V iilere, who sed a few ytv.rr co, and I
wbfi achieved an honorable nor m tlie 1
piilitary atinals of Louisana '•> his heroic s
action in escaping from the Brill k ad- !
. mice gua. J, uhhli captured him u_ h,s ,
father’s plantation on the morning of the j
23d of December, 181-4, and hastening ;
through the swamps, and under hot pur-j
suit of the' British soldiers, to General
Jackson’s headquarters, to announce the |
arrival of the enemy before New Orleans.
It was this, timely announcement which
saved the city from capture, by enabling
Jackson to concentrate His troops and
make the uiglit attack of the 23d, which
arrested the advance of the British. Jules
Villere was on service at the same time
with .Jackson’s army, as wore all the other
members of his family, includiding their
father, who commanded the militia of
New Orleans, and who was one of the
wisest,, safest, and firmest of Gen. Jack-,
son's ’counselors. His ancestor, Joseph
Villere, was one of the six who protested
against the transfer of the province to the
Spanish crown, and, in consequence, lost
their lives. Jacques P. Villere succeeded
Claiborne as Governor of tlie State.—-
Charles J. Villere, a descendant of 31. :
Jules, represented his district in the Con- j
federate Congress.
The funeral was largely attended.— j
Among those present were General Beau- i
regard, a son-in-law of 31. Jules, 3lr. j
Pierre Soule, and representatives from the j
related families of Laverque, Olivier, and, j
Urquhart.— N. O. Picayune 6th.
New Counterfeit G reenbacks. —Two
new counterfeit notes of the greenback
denomination have been circulated inmany
of our large cities. Wc give the descrip
tion of them compared with tho genuine,
.in order to put business men on their
guard:
-Os. imitation. Rend on top Act of
March 0, 1 The female in the center,
with left hand resting on a shield and right
hand on a sword, has the hand turned to
the left and the eyes looking in the same
direction. In the genuine the head is turn
ed the Mime, but the eyesarc looking front.
The foot in the counterfeit is distinctly
seen and counts four toes; in the genuine
it is not visible. Outlie reverse side, in
the words “United States of America,”
the shading runs all through the letters;
in the genuine the letters are shaded on
the edge only, showing white between.
5s of the issue of March 10, 1862. The i
words “United States,” when compared
with those of a genuine bill, have a
scratchy appearance. In general appear
ance. paper and printing, they are well
calculated to deceive. _
Raymond on the Crisis. —“We can
tell the South something more. Unless
the ponding amendment he accepted
by the Southern Legislatures the
fate of existing governmental organiza
tions at the South may be considered fix
ed. We indulge in no menace. We affect
no prophetic vision. We essay noabstract
argument, and lay claim to no exclusive
information. But there :-a fact which
the South cannot too quickly comprehend,
and that is, that in the absence of a set
tlement based upon the proprosed Amend
ment, Congress will affirm tho territorial
existence of the South, legislate out of
official being its present functionaries and
machinery of government, and provide 'for
the organization of Territories on a pier
-’fted to the emergency. Ar ■ the hz* h
evn people prepared for this alternatW*'.'—
A'. Y. Times.
If the Southern people are, the North
ern people are not prepared for it, or they
ought not to he. When they consent that
Congress may so grossly usurp power as to
legislate a State into a Territory, they will
have abandoned Republican government,
and like a subdued and abject people, ae
cejn, the destruction of their government
and the establishment of a despotism over
them.
The Lutheran Convention.
i Reading, Pa., December 15. —The
special Convention of delegates from the
various Orthodox Lutheran Synods of the
I rated States and Canada, which met
hereon \\ edric.-day last, for the purpose of
considering propositions fora basis of vjnion
between the Synods attached to this
branch of the denominatoin, adjourned
last night, having provided for the organi
zation of anew ecclesiastical union, to
meet annually hereafter, and to he called
the General Council of the Lutheran
Church of North America.
The representation of this body is to he j
based upon tiie number of communicant ;
membership represented.
The Convention adopted the unaltered j
Augusbury Confession as its doctrinal ha- ,
sis, atrl in the course of its session author- j
ized the preparation and publication of new j
English and German hymn books for the j
of the denomination. The utmost j
unanimity characterized the proceedings j
of the Convention throughout.
The New Fork mail to St. Albans of i
December I, was found recently eut lo
pieces, and she contents stolen..
' anr * l ' l * Plot to Destroy Congress.
The Cincinnati r„ : ,.r ,], c 11 th
install t, gives the following circular ad
dressed to each nf 1> ii i /■
« coca oi tue Radical members of
u-''"i 1 - 1>I ‘ or t 0 eav * n g their hqmes for
a. pigton, by a person in Chicago,
named L 31. Smith. It is one of the
vagaries of the times, that is worthy of
ol record only as an exhibition of
°dy and extravagance, „io.st a pt to be
indulged m by persons laboring under a
sense oi guilt:
. Gentlemen: I have recently come
into possession of information to the effect
that a plot has been formed to destroy the
hves of a sufficien t number of Republicans
to reduce them to a minority in Congress.
Railroad accidents, poisonings, &e., will be
resorted to as the means to accomplish this
result, and unless you are very careful
they will succeed. My advice to each of
you would be to start for Washington two
oi three before the tune announced
and go unobserved, and keep a sharp look
out after you get there, tor still deeper
plots are in store for your destruction, and
the overthrow of our Republican Govern
nient- I have the whole secret of their
plottings, from the very commencement,
and will reveal it all when the time
arrives. Andrew Johnson is acting
true to his constituents, and has
been playing the role of a modern
Judas, from 1861* all the way down
; I here are more traitors, however,
i besides him, engaged in tlie present
conspiracy, The business of Gen. 31 e
(Jlellan in Europe, for the last two years,
has been with the Pope and other high
dignatanes of the Catholic. Church, to form
a coalition between the Catholics and
Democrats, to re-instate the Democratic
party in power. You will recollect that a
council of Catholic Bishops was held in
Baltimore a few weeks ago, with closed
doors, and their deliberations conducted in
Latin : and you will also recollect, that a
vo-.v distinguish 'd American citizen (being
no less a personage than the President of
the ! nited States) made a flying visit to
Ba ! more the last day this council .at, and
y - > secret sc-s-ion with th i. Tins was
1- mentioned by the paper witffi u
s.v? .• i *n(, as nothing wrong wa» suspect ed
• it as [ Rad then re.rived a part oi i
information, 1 well knew what “was in the
wind’” If Andrew the First (?) did not
then and there put his signature to a dm
incut guaranteeing the spiritual reign of
the Rope upon this continent as a consid
eration for their assistance in establishing
and perpetuating his temporal power,
then my information is of no account.
; l know whereof I sneak, and know that
lam not deceived. I nave Attached tliitf
certificate, that you may know who and
what I am. Please don’t let this fall into
improper hands.
Chicago, 111, Nov. IT, 1866
A Territorial Condition.
j Some of tlie gentlemen in Congress
j seem to be acting under the delusion that
I by remanding the late rebel States to a
| territorial condition, the Southern people
i will lie made to feel more sensibly their
I impotence contrasted with the power of the
j General Government. The testimony
j from the South, gathered alike from uews
j papers and individuals, is well calculated
1t o dispel this false idea. The state of pul>-
j lie sentiment in that part of the country
seems to justify the telegram from Mil
lcdgeville, printed in New York papers oF
Saturday, which said, “the sentiment in
the Legislature seems decided in favor of a
Territorial government rather than the
acceptance ot the Constitutional amend
ment, or similar terms.” The truth is,
the people at large are indifferent as to
the course of action which Congress may
adopt. The (juestion as to whether they
shall have a Territorial or some other form
of’government, is most remote from their
thoughts. The subject now pressing with
terrible significance is, “How shall'we get
something to eat?” Everything else is
subordinate. They conceive tlieir condi
tion to be as bad as possible,—a Territorial
government could make it no worse. First
of all, they want to know how labor can be
made available.
About Mobile there are 15,000 negroes
living in indolence, while many of the best,
plantations arc overgrown with grass and
cotton-wood, and on the levees above New
Orleans scarcely any produce is seen ex
cept that landed from Northern steamers.
There aresome signs of improvement, from
the discovery on the part of the negroes
that their dependence on the Freedinen’s
Bureau is precarious, in consequence of
which some arc making overtures to their
former masters for employment. The more
intelligent, especially, scorn to approach
i” r .
licit .suited to paupers. It is believed that
oonsiiiejablc numbers will be compelled to
wort: the coming winter, from slice, ic os
sify, A strong desire is felt on all - oc-.
that i.hc local uuthori*' " shall rcgieuu: tin
employ nient of labor, far as relates ’
the enforcement of laws, and all interest
favor an equal protection. regttVilL*; J
color or condition.
These subjects, relating to the means of
obtaining a subsistanee, are tlie ones that
command earnest attention, and cannot be
evaded. About politics people care little
and say less. So Congress need fear no
remonstrance, whatever action it may see
tit to take. — N. Y. Journal of Commerce.
Another Fire in Atlanta.—A fire
broke out last night about 10J o’clock, in
the clothing anil shoe establishment of
Crawford & DeWitt, a few doors from the
“Dodd Corner,” on Whitehall street. The
entire stock ol goods ol’ that firm was de
stroyed, and considerable damage was done
to the building, a now one, and the proper
ty _of Henderson & Chisolm. Tim up
stairs was, we believe, unoccupied. Tlie
storehouse immediately to the left of Craw
ford & DeWitt, and occupied by Hender
son & Chisolm, as a grocery store, was
also damaged up-stairs, and the goods of
that firm were, perhaps, injured to some
extent in being flooded by water. Th*
storehouse on the right was occupied by
Phillips & Flanders, dealers in dry goods,
groceries, &e., who sustained no damage,
being protected by a (ire-wall. This build
ing is owned by Mr. Ed. Holland, Sr. We
are not apprised as to w bother or not
Crawford & DeWitt was insured. The
tire originated in the rear of t his store, and
is believed to have been accidental.
I As usual, our gallant firemen were
i promptly on the spot, and soon subdued
; the flames. All did good service, but to
No. I belongs the eridit of throwing the
first water. — Jutellie/encer J S III.
Senator Doolittle Hopeful.—-Sena
tor Doolittle, of Wisconsin, was at New
Orleans last week on a professional engage
ment, and was invited to speak. In a note
declining, on account of the brevity of his
i visit, lie says :
I have seen nothing to change, but much
i to confirm the views expressed by mein
the Senate last winter, in the National
j Union Convention at Philadelphia, and at
j other places during the is • canvass in the
: Northern States.
While the time of their full recognition
may be postponed by the result of the re
: esnt elections longer than I could have
wished, my faith is still unshaken that, at
■no distant day, the people of the Northern
States will recognize, as the President and
the Supreme Court have already recogniz
ed, these States of the South as States in
the Union, under the Constitution, with
“all their rights, dignity and equality un
' impaired.”
It is just as certain, in iny judgment, as
; that the people of the Northern States are
| capable of maintaining republican govern-
inent for themselves.
| COMMUNICATED, j
Mr. Editor : The friends of Colonel
j Gibson rejoice that he has at last an
| non need his candidacy for Judge of the
, Middle Judicial District of Georgia.
The soldier Gibson is loved and revered
!by his old associates in arms. 1 have
known him in civil and in military life—in
public and in private. Asa lawyer lie is
able, astute, comprehensive; as a soldier
brave, generous, magnanimous ; in pri
vaf". and as a eompanian, he Ia - gentle
as a woman; in all things a mail to be
loved. 1 shared with him a long and
tedious imprisonment; hut his equanimity,
his genial disposition, never forsook him.
Asa persona] friend I look upon his career
with satisfaction mingled with pride. I
have seen him on the bench and in the
storm of battle, and in both he has won
my admiration. I appeal to his old com
panions in arms—the old ."d, the22d, the
old 4 -th—to gather around him now, us
be stood with them, in the day that “fried
men s souls”—intrepid, fearless—upholding
the hands of the great chieftian, Lee !
3d Georgia.
j Grf.kley on Seward.— Mr. Seward's
; opinion of Horace Greeley, tersely ex
pressed, was published in the papers a few
days ago. 1 pen being brought to < < reeley ’ s
notice, he riled up, and said:
“ Seward has brains enough to govern
the country. No man has a clearer or
better head; but the trouble with Seward
; is that he is an infernal scoundrel.”
A New Flan of Reconstruction. —
The Richmond Examiner publishes the
; following ietter, which speaks for itself:
Nelson County, Va., Dec. 9, 1860.
I Editor Examiner : 1 was horn and
j bred a Yankee, therefore Iguess I know a
Vankee and his trick when l see ’uni.
i Don't you know that all you have to do
i to resuscitate a drowned Yankee is to run
your hand in his pocket, eh ?
Now, jest let your people say, no more
taxes will be paid until we are represented,
eh Your members, white, black, red
and gray, will, be admitted to seats in fif
teen minutes. Jest try it, and see if iny
head aint lh< right shape.
Y ours trooiy. A. Y. Key,