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(fiuemuk & £*cntuidL
__ ~ j
\V MO KM NO, JAXUAKV 23.
Spr r; :i of Hon. Rorerdy Johnson.
We publish t o-ilay the substantial parts
of tli. .-..aclnsiv-- speech of the distinguish
cl . , uir fr m Maryland, on the thir
•' -j of the act of July 17,1861, i
ill M>ii ■>: which repeal was t<S effect the i
]> iw rof tic President to make a general j
uiiiu lie shows that the only power j
of f’ icre-s over the remission of offences 1
is to roped tie statute creating them, not
to i ".I lon offenders. That is vested in the ;
Executive alone by the Constitution. It is
v. iff in his province to pardon a single of- •
fen ler, either before or after conviction, or
t■ n. he a v n ral proclamation. Os the
last'the court* are bound to take notice, ,
while of the first they may require the cer !
tfficute of the State Department. The
■etcm repeal. 1, therefore, neither quali*l
!h -n ir 'limits the power belonging to the 1
i'rc . ’cut by th very terms of the Const!- .
tutkin and its repeal.
lie qu u s from Hamilton to show that i
there is a marked difference bqtweca tlm j
•Jthori'y \ -te lin Congress and in the
, ,; *. Os the v restitution 1
s .Vi. i -d-l it! ,e powers herein gran- .
t.-d rleiil h : vested in a Congress of the I
( ,it- !S’ Hut of the latter it says: j
“The i dive power ball lie vested in a
. ti, i . i Stat a.’* The i
!i t has no powers not ex pres-ly conferred i
or ini: , 1 i The second has all executive
a ithority not qualified or limited by the j
iiistriin. , . He cites the authority of
Judo Neis m, aim, that the executive au
thority pr vail' 1 in the seceding but con
quer i Eta'' - uitil uch time as the State
•gov. rnnivin iw. re reorganized. Martial
law mi, I.' exi-.t jl-igmnte. hello, when the
war :.c: n iiv raved but it is limited in Its
theatre of ac lal operations,
lie flivor.- a trial of some parties, while
strongly advocating a general amnesty in
order to to : two questions : First, the
rigid of ■ ion, and secondly, whether
in a war of. i.'h dim' usi> ns as ours offend
p] to id in the position
of alien enemies.
lie censures strongly the injustice ofj
till yirr; ti... trial of Mr. Jefferson Davis, j
and mot : a powerful appeal against the j
p ii’.ey of treating the .-'outh as a conquered
p. ojile. con'-'u-ivoly showing that our true j
cour ■ is one of amnesty and oonciUation. I
'i'hi i. pe - 'll cannot fail to add to the high I
p put.iii .nos its author, not only as a 1
great institutional lawyer, hat as a liberal- ;
mind' i a, 1 ivi'j.nu statesman. —Na j
/fin"/ Int Wgt t cer.
Tin- Ci,i ament brheme.
The impeachment ••home of the Ohio
t Ashley, is doming to grief It
i. ‘truck down in the house of its friends,” !
and there seems now to he a general scam- |
0 iii: an. .. ' the leading Radicals to sec j
vv],<• ,-l.a!! first p t from under the mighty
load of infamy and disgrace, which this
violent me- uro i. likely to bring upon all
who shall become conducted with it.
,- .far as we have seen, there is not a
single leading paper of the Radical party (
North, which Ha yet attempted the ad- j
vocacy of Ashley's project On the other j
hand we find in the last few numbers of ]
the New York ’limes, several columns of
that jmper filled with extracts from the
different Republican Journals, all of wlmm
deprecate the ill-advised action of the
• :.h up• Radicals in bringing this matter
before Congress.
It is true that while many of those jour- j
mil: thus disavow the action of Ashley as ,
in any way binding upon their party, many I
if not the "most of them, declare their •
I -lit-rthat the c■•nduct of the President
has I,ecu . uch as to -justify mpcachmdnt. j
]', t J'to.n, prudential tritiums they oppose 1 ,
talcing any action just yet. In other words
thi v ft ar that such proof cdings,progtrating I
a.-; th y will inevitably do, the material
interests of every section of the country, ,
will cause a reaction in public sentimout I
met lm .ten the period so confidently looked
iln Mr. tiew&rd, when the second, ’ i
'Luo, at of the Aruqkuu j>‘ •■•pie .
I’eil ap{" > ■ f»Sfc» <»■•! *i. 'WO
■I i ioi,* r tho.ii l who have now the control
in- i'-nlli.- id ..... KadieaL doubtless
do .i • the overthrow and disgrace of the
IV,. i.jo'iit. They hate him even more bit
terly if that bo po-iblo, than they do the
white rae ' at the South, and nothing would
ive them more sincere pleasure than to
a Tomplisii his downfall, provided, they do
not thereby entail ruin upon their party.
\ cry lilile do thusi time-serving patriots
care for Lhe institution of free government
which would most certainly go down in
blood and dishonor upon the success of their
scheme. Free government to them is
nothing now but an empty name. Party
.ue i- aiql party power is all that they
work for, and incidently of course, the
punishment of the Southern people.
But this impeachment matter is about
to dev elope at the North and West a bitter
feud in their own ranks, and rather than
hazard such a calamity, they wil 1 , as we
think, almost unanimously abandon Ash
lev and bis lew adherents in Congress.
Even Forney, the most bitter and unscru
pulous of the Radical tribe,begins to doubt
ilie propriety of any further action, now
that the question has been submitted to
the consideration ot the .) udiciary Com
mittee.
Forney declare • that there is nothing in
ihe a ii which was taken by the House
in referring the matter which pledges
Congress to the impeachment oftho Presi
dent. Indeed this imp of iniquity goes so
for as to declare that "impeachment it noi
a ;itvt start/ ivusaptence of the most‘success
ful iu;uiry!” Why not? Because “a
new panic will be a sure result of impeaeh
niont,” and "theair filled with the groans
of the weak for the express purpose of
enoounn ing the wicked.” Even the course
ol “foreign journals, who are hastening to
i well the chorus of indignant warring,” is
viewed with distrust, somewhat akin to
The pe >p!o of the South have only to at
tend to their own business, eschewing, as
much as | , -iblo, national polities, and let
the Ik 1:.;. the Supreme Court, and the
N.inherit Conservatives fight the battles
ibr Constitutional Liberty with the corrupt
ami unscrupulous majority which now have
control of the Legislative Department of j
the government. At least we think that '
there is no cause to fear anything worse j
than we are now suffering.
ti me or lilacK ? Black Preferred.
:i a tier ti. • pas-age by Congress of
the District N\ ;ro Suffrage Bill, it will
It it a num nudy s'gned
at to that body by the
;o:,'.;nb'mwhiteinhabitantsoftheDistrict
; "t!.::: all whites of the Caueassion
ra who are either citizens or have declar
i 1 their intention to become citizens of the
United States, be put on the same footing
with the : and have extended to
tht m the same rights ud privileges eujoy
riu-P A:, m was duly presented in both
lion aud re ft rr -1 to their Committees on
th.- i>l -tri : of Columbia. The matter
thus reel Luntil theldthiast, when Mr.
K.-.i )'..5 I’h.f.rir.an of the House Commit- j
tee. re; or. ml ay u\.st this memorial of the !
we. .e : ;1 * a.-kiae simply that they shall j
“1 7 pat on an equal footing with the ,
negroes. Ti: Senate Committee will
Here we have the direct and palpable :
Vs .1 i- ti l’a ii. Com:cess to extend •
to the “whites ol the District the priv
i'.i .v which th yl.av y a two thirds vote
conferred upon the negroes.
Comment upon such legislation is uw- !
neves.-:'.'.".'. Gar foreign population will
doubtless “make a note of it.”
Tin' beuau-rsliip In Kentucky.
The Kentucky Legislature have not as
vet been a: • to effect an election for
S.'uator to fill the place of Mr. Davis,
vein, e t- ;.i. expire* With the present Con
gress.
{several baliotings have been held, the
leading candidates b mg the present incum
bent Mr. Davis, Gov. I’owell and Mr.
PralL 4 .
The i.. t.svi ( \n.fi*r. (Democrat. |
<lcpivu;U:s ii. ■ih . ... any quest ton should
be made as to pa-t party affiliations, be
tween the Conservatives au 1 Demo, rat.-,
contening that the election should lie con
ducted with a view simply to the defeat of
the Radicals. The "Journal," (old line
Whig and Onion paper) concurs in the
views of the Courier. There is some and in
ger that the failure of the Democrats and
Conservatives to agree may deftat the
election this session, in which ca e Ken
tucky will have but one Senator in the
next session of Congrcs-, which meets on
the sth Os March next, ari l the Pro ; lent
and the Constitution one friend less in the
i councils of the nation.
A Yankee Fortran of Daniel Webster.
A late number of the North American
' Review, contains an article on Daniel
: Webster from the pen of Mr. barton the j
biographer of Aaron Burr, a portion of
j which we present ’to our readers. It will'
| be seen that the puritanical constitution j
' breakers of New England Lave d.scovered
■ that Daniel Webber .“'had no practical i
j wisdom,” that “he bad no religion—not
| the least tincture of it. ” And ‘ '
j dealings with individuals he I
| science.” “He was always - I
fluencc of others” and “never v - -i|
evidence of a superior nndemanu a ■ 1.
| from the year 1 -52 to the close of a. iii J |
he wa- suffering the process cml anl ;
j mental deterioration.”
| All that the Kecyswer can say in his favor
! is that he was a very large man, with a
i large brain and majestic appearance. He
who held the Senate spell bound Hy the
grandeur and power of his eloquence, who
threw terror into the ranks of European
diplomatists by the boldness, vigor and un
: answerable argument of the celebrated
Hulseinan letter, an l whose exposition sos
the Constitution of the United States and
the theory of free government, have car
ried conviction to the minds of the greatest
thinkers in America, is discovered to be at
i last l.itt an idle \ i.-ionary with a big brain
I btu o intellect.
How the abilities of such a man pale
before the bright constellation of New
England's intellectual luminaries of the
present age —Sumn r, Wilson, Boutwell
and Butler. Corapar 1 to these mighty
statesmen and profound lawyers —Webster
becomes but a whimpering pettifogger arid
weak-kneed partisan:
Webster’s leading trait, Mr. Parton as
sert.-:, was bis enormous physical magnet
ism. lii. j resen ■ overwhelmed'criticism.
His intimacy fascinated it. Fidgety men
were quieted by bis majestic calm. \V omen
were spell-bound by it. It gave the public
a sense of repose. When he passed up or
down State street, with an arm behind his
back, bu iness was brought to a stand still.
Webster was never a student. He absorb
ed knowledge, but did not work for it. In
Latin, he was excelled by some of his own
class. Greek lie never enjoyed. For
mathematics, he had not the slightest
taste. At college, he was only an omnivo
rous reader, lie barei}’ passed muster in
the r, citation room as a student. If a
whole college life shows that' he was form
ed to use the product of other men's toil,
not to add to the common fund. At the
same time, he was an innocent young mao.
Ilia wild oats were not sown in the days.of
his youth, lie was always underthein
i fluoneo of others. Nature made him not
to lead, but to follow. In the early flush
anil vigor of his life, lie gave a thousand
evidences of a good heart and ot virtuous
habits, but not one of a supi rior under
standing. The ti>tal absence of the skepti
cal spirit betrayed Jiis want of boldness and
originality. In a period of transition, no
young man of a truly eminent intellect ac
cept- his father’s creeds without first calling
them in question. But no new light ever
illumine 1 the mind ot Daniel \\ ebster. As
soon as he came of ago he joined the Congre
gational Church. The candor of his judg
ment was impaired by religious _ prejudice.
| In this respect, lie never lost his narrow
j ness and ignorance. In the time his of cele-
I brity lie preferred the Episcopal, as the
I most genteel religion. His political preju
: dices were equally strong. He was of
j slow growth. His powers did not 'reach
their lull development till lie was nearly
j fifty years of age. lie had no practical
| wisdom. From the year 1832 to the end
of his life, he was suffering the process of
I moral and mental deterioration. His ma
| torial part gained upon his spiritual, lie
I had an enormous capacity for physical cn
j joyment, and he came a great hunter, fisli
-1 erman, and farmer, a lover of good wine
and good dinners, and a uiostjovin mi
punion But his mind was fed chiefly up
. o uas* v t'.mdtior.-. There i» nothing in
) lt( r »1 .. i- ■ : , shoWS I.l'C ’C (,’Jjl.‘C'-
. 5 otv 1 '
-i). I.: i or fed jW-AVes
new for the last ten years of his life,
though hr. spent many thousand dollars on
his library, lie had ihnost e< as-.' to 1 an
intellectual being. His pecuniary habits
demoralized him. “He was not one of
those who find in the happiness and pros
perity of their country, and in the esteem
of their fellow-citizens, their own sufficient
and abundant reward for serving
or. He pined for something lower,
smaller—something personal and vulgar.
Ho had rio religion—not the least, tincture
of it; and ho seemed at last, in his deal
ings with individuals, to have no con
science. \Vhat he called his religion had
no effect whatever upon the conduct of
liis life; it made him go to church, talk
piously, puff the clergy, and “patronize
I ’rovidence —no more.” Ho was one of
those who fell before the seductions of his
place. “Ho would accept retaining fees,
and never look into the bundles of papers
which accompanied them, in which were
inclosed the hopes and the fortune _of
anxious households, 11c would receive
gifts of money, and toss into his waste
pai • 1 isk it the list of the givers, without
having glanced at its contents thus de
frauding them of the only ‘recompense in
his power to grant, and the only one they
wished. ’
In surveying the life and works of this
eminent and gifted man, we are continual
ly struck with the evidences of bis magni
tude. He was, as we Lave said, a very
large verson, liis brain was within a lit
tle of being one-third larger than the
average, and it was one of the largest
three on record. His bodily frame, in all
its parts, was on a majestic scale,
and bis presence was immense, lie
liked large things—mountains, elms,
great oaks, mighty bulls and oxen,
wide fields, the ocean, the Un
ion. and all tilings of magnitude. He
liked great Rome far better than refined
Greece, and reveled in the immense things
of literature, such as Paradise Lost and
the Book of Job Burke, Dr. Johnson, and
the Sixth Book of JBneid. Homer he
never eared mue" ibr—nor, indeed, any
thing Greek. He hated, he loathed the
act of writing. Billiards, ten pins, elk .- ',
draughts, whist, he never relished, though
fond to excess of out-door pleasures, like
hunting. tAM'.'. yachting. He liked to
bo alone with great Nature-—alone in the
giant woods or on tho shores of the sur
rounding sea —alone all day with his gun,
liis dog, and bis thoughts—alone in the
morning before any ouc was astir but him
self. looking out upon the sea and the
glorious sunrise. What a delicious picture
of this largo, healthy Son of Earth. Mr.
Lanman gives us, where he describes liis
coming into his bedroom at sunrise,
ami starting him out of a deep sleep by
shouting, "Awake, sluggard ! and look
upon this glorious scene, for the sky and the
ocean are enveloped inflames!” He was
akin i.y II large, slow things in nature. A
hi ri of fins cattle gave him a keen, an in- ;
exhaustable enjoyment; but he never
“tasted” a horse; he had no horse enthu
siasm. Jn Knginikl he chiefly enjoyed
these five things, the Tower of London,
Westminster Abbey. Smithfield, Cattle
Market. English farming, and Sir Robert
Peel. Sir Robert Peel ho thought was
“heal and shoulders above any other
man” he had ever met. He greatly ex
eeile-.1. too. in describing things. In speak
ing oftho Pyramids, once he asked, “Who
can inform us by what now unknown ma
chines mass was aggregated to mass, and
quarry piled oil quarry, till solid granite ,
scenic 1 to cover tne earth and reach the
skies?” His peculiar love of the Union
of these States was partly due, perhaps,
to this habit of liis mud of dwelling with .
complacency on vastnesss. He felt that
he wanted and required a continent to live
in : his mind would have gasped for breath
in Hew
Earlj’s lasi Tear of the War for Inde
pendence.
We have received by mail from the
author, a copy of the above very snterest
ing and valuable work. This is'a timely
contribution to the history of the last
hours of the Confederacy, and will do much
towards correcting the false impressions
made b* ;!>e reports of Generals Grant and
Sheridan.
The style is strong, e»u.e:se and vigorous,
and the matter well arranged, both as to
| ehronoigy and the various movements -?f
; our army du-iing the valley campaign.
M e hope to be aiae to lay before our
readers in a few days copious eati-jcts from
this all. and deeply interesting iittle
i volume.
M e are sorry di«.i limited a number
of copie s have been issued as we feel sure
that ti i more acceptable work could have
been ofk-rei just now to the Southern
! public.
Almost every decade in our country's
hi.- .ading with the figure 7 has umk
■ ed the beginning cf a financial cra.-h or
j severe depression.
THE PARDOHXG I’OWER.
sipeccli ot !*on. Rcverdy -Julinsoa, of
Maryland.
V\’e regret, says the National InteVigen- ;
cer, that we have not space for the master
ly speech iu full of the distinguished Sena- j
tor, but we give copious extracts. He
discusses the question of pard ns and
universal amnesty in two aspects as a ,
constitutional measure and one of expe- j
dieney. It is conceded that the thirteenth
section, authorizing a general proclamation
of amnesty, in the act of July IT, 15"2.
which it was proposed to repeal, could not
limit or qualify the power of pardon con
ferred on the Executive by the Constitu
tion. This power was one of grave discus- (
sion in the convention which framed the
Constitution, and it was unanimou-!y
agreed that it should be vested in the
President alone.
The following are extracts from Mr.
Johnson's speech :
The power of pardon cannot be, under
the same government, well given to any
two departments of such government It
must be given to one to the exclusion of ail
oth> "s, and if given to one to the exclusion
oi’a'l others the dicision of one, whether to
grant the pardon or to refuse the pardon,
must be conclusive. In our Government
the only pos.-.ioifi control that Congress can
have over offence created by statute is
after the offences have been committed, if
they shall be committed, and they desire
that they shall not be prosecuted, or after
they have been prosecuted aud prior to
final judgment, to repeal the statute. The
,-tatute beirnr repealed, no prosecution can
be instituted if none has been instituted,
and every prosecution that has been insti
tuted necessarily falls. _ That has been de- |
cided over and over again. But that is not j
the exercise of the pardoning power —it is I
the mere .exercise of the legislative, power |
of Congress. Ijleing alone authorized to j
pa-- the law winch creates the offence and
I imposes the penalty, they are alone the
! judge to determine whether that law should
: continue er not, and if' they resolve that it
shall not continue, and repeal under that
opinion the law antecedently passed, no
prosecution can he made under it in the
future, an ! all pending prosecutions at once
fa!!. The power, then, of the President to
pardon is not only comprehensive of every
variety of offences which may be subject
to prosecution unless pardoned, but. is
granted to him in terms as comprehensive
as the English language permits. How lie
is to execute the power is not stated,
Whether ho is to execute it at all is
necessarily not stated. When he is to
execute it is also not stated. Now, in the
absence of any particular specification of
the mode in which the power is to be ex
erted it would se en to follow that it may
be exerted in any mode by which the
President can make known to the public or
to the Government what his opinion is m
relation to the offences which he proposes
to pardon. T . ,
I understood my friend from Illinois the
other day as stating that he supposed,
when Congress passed the section which we
are now asked to repeal, some doubt was
entertained whether, in the absence of any
Congressional authority, the President
could pardon by proclamation, or whetlicr
he could grant an amnesty by proclamation.
I answered that the other day by suggest
ing that in the • absence of any particular
specification of the mode in which tne
power to pardon was granted, .it might be
exercised in any mode by wbicn the Presi
dent could make known liis will, the
usual mode m which it is oxeicised
is by granting to each individual offender
a pardon that is is.-ued under the great
seal, and unless the party pardoned tliimcs
proper to accept it, and' after accepting it,
in the event of prosecution, thinks proper
to plead it, lie stands, as far as the prose
cution is concerned, as an unpardoned
offender ; but that isonly because a pardon
of that description is in the nature ol a
conveyance, a deed of wnich the courts can
have no notice. The courts cannot take
notice wliat pardons there are, if any, in .the
State Department. Like every other fact,
therefore, existing in pais it must be
brought to the attention of the tribunal
before whom the question may bo raised
bv evidence in pais. _ r lhat evidence in
cases of this description is, as 1 nave
stated, the pleading and the production in
support of the pica of a pardon under seal.
That is not applicable to a proclama
tion of the President. All proclama
ations which the President is au
thorized to make, no matter what may bo
the subject of the proclamations, operate
as laws, and the courts are bound to take
notice of then). It was upon that princi
pie that the Supreme Court in the prke
i eases and all the circuit courts before
! whom cases of that kind arose noticed the
proclamations which, from time to time,
ware‘a.iiucj.'jb.Y the Pn .Aleut in rekticn to
ivlt.' iHiAH-h,. . TAo Hi. m - M V't... ved.
iff' Presidin', by procian.i -on, to pro
claim certain ports of tie State-: isu’--
rection in a State of blockade. Th- couvts
aid i ,! that pro< tarnation w
of which the courts were bound to take
notice whithout any pleading, just as they
would be bound to take notice of a law
passed by Congress on a subject .over
which Congress has jurisdiction When,
therefore, a pardein or an amnesty is
granted by proclamation, every court of the
land and every department, of the Govern
ment is bound to know of its existence and
to give the party the benefit of it, provid
ed the President is authorized to grant
pardon by proclamation.
Now, wliat doubt can there be about
that? In the case of Wells, to which my
friend from Illinois referred, reported in
18 Howard, (where the immediate ques
tion before the court was whether the
President under the power to pardon,
had a right to pardon conditionally, and
the court came to the conclusion that he
had that right,) they came to it in part
upon the ground that the extent of the
power was to be ascertained by recurring
to the power and the manner in which it
was executed in England at the time the
Constitution was adopted ; and as in Eng
land it appeared that from time to time
the King had granted a pardon upon con
dition, and as the Constitution in no man
ner restrained the exercise of the power by
the President, but contented itself with
vesting in him the entire power, he could,
as the King coukl, exert that power con
ditionally.
The same reason evidently applies to the
case before us, because, as the Senate must
be apprised—l am sure nobody knows it
better than my friend from Illinois—the
English monarch from time to time has
granted pardon and granted amnesty by
proclamation; and the passage which I
read from the seventy-fourth number of
the Federalist the other day shows that one
of the reasons for vesting the power in the
President was that it might be important
at certain stages of an insurrection in order
to the quelling of the insurrection to pro
claim pardon to all the parties who might
be engaged in it; and that could only .be
done, not. by granting a pardon to each in
dividual insurrectionist, tor they could not
be found out, but by a general statement
on the part ot the President in the form of
a proclamation, that all who should turn
out to have been involved in the insurrec
tion were to be considered as pardoned.
i am at a loss, therefore, to imagine, as
i far as the legal question is concerned, upon
what plausihlo ground the necessity for
passing the section which it is proposed to
repeal was then placed, and of course l am
at a loss to imagine upon what possible
ground the repeal of that section can be
placed consistent with the doctrine that
independent of that section, the whole
power which the section proposes to give is
already in the Executive.
I do not know, for he did not use it in
connection with this particular question,
whether my friend from Illinois is under
the impression that what he supposes to be
an absence of implied power in the Execu
tive has any bearing on the question be
fore us. In presenting some days since a
memorial from certain persons claiming to
be almost tlie exclusive loyalists of some '
of the Southern States, 1 understood the
honorable chairman of the Committee on
the Judiciary, in contesting the authority
of the IV.-id- nt to organize governments ;
in the States that had been in insurrection, 1
to do it upon the ground that there was an
absence of any implied power in the Pres
ident, and th.r the only department of the 1
Government vhieh is clothed with a power
of that kind is the legislative department,
and that department possesses it by virtue j
of the general clause which gives to Con
gress the power to pass all laws which ■
may be necessary and proper to carry into
effect the powers specifically delegated.
In this, as I think, the honorable chair
man is clearly in error. The clause to
which he relers has no operation whatever.
It was so considered by the authors ot the
}'■ l ,--ilis! in one of die numbers by which
they endeavored to satisfy the people of
the country that the Constitution should
be accepted. It has been held to give no
additional power to Congress by every
commentator upon the Constitution who
has written upon the subject since, and by
the unanimous opinion of the supreme
Court in the ease of McCulloch vs. the
State of Maryland, reported in 4 Wheaton.
Mr. Justice Story, in his Commentaries,
third volume, section twelve hundred and
thirto two. in dealing with the meaning of
this clause, si,in so many words, that
the authority of Coowithout this
provision would have been the s»up-' as it
is with it. lie tells us—and we can all .
sec- the force of the proposition—that the
power to dc anything vested in a’ny body
us men. whether governmental or other
wise, is the faculty to do the particular
thing, the right to choose any means pro
per to accomplish the end not expressly
inhibited. A mere power without the
m an- to vxc-eute the power would be an
-urdity : and consequently, as die pow
er to pardon, or any ether- power conferred
i-n the President, or any power conferred
m m Congress to do anything without the
authority in each to carry out the particu
lar 'sajeccfor which the power was created,
would be a gross absurdity.
But my friend from Illinois is mistaken,
as I think, on another ground, in suppos
ing, If he does suppose, that with refer
ence to this question there is a difference';
betwc-aCongr.. -s and the Executive. The
powers conferred upon Congress in the
very first section of' the first article are
stated to £>e only such as are therein dele
gated.
The power conferred upon the President
is stated in the very first sec:; m of the
third article to be “the executive power;”
and if lam not mistaken, upon every
occasion when the power of the Executive
| was called in question because trenching
upon that of Congress, or when Congress
claimed for itself a power which was sup
posed to trench upon that conferred on tire
Executive, the difference in the terms in
which the powers conferred upon the
Legislature were conferred, and those in
which the powers conferred on the PreA-
I dent were conferred has been relied upon as
conclusive for the purpose of showing, first,
that in the one case no power can be exerted
j except such as is delegated expressly or
! by fair implication, aud in the other that
; ail power executive in its nature, neces-
I sary to carry out the objects of the Go ern
j ment as far as they are to be curried out
through the instrumentality of the Execu
i tive, is vested in the Executive. .That is
j stated with Lis usual felicity of language
! (and not contradicted by Mr. Madison in
bis reply) by Mr. Hamilton in the first
number of his celebrated Pacificus letter*
I wiil read a sentence or two from that
j letter. The question which he wa.=. dist
i cussing was the authority of the Presiden
by proclamation to announce to the world
i as well as to ourselves, the determination
I of the United States to remain neutral |.n
the war then being waged abroad. The
authority of the President to issue that
proclamation was at that time assailed with
'as much violence —I will not.say scurrility,
| for that is never used anywhere in these
I days—as has been the action ol the Presi-
I dent of the United States or the Supreme
■ Court of the United States; and Mr.
Hamilton, in meeting the objection.that
the power was not one which the President
had the authority to use, said:
“The difficulty of a complete enumera- {
tion of all the cases of Executive authority !
would naturally dictate the use of general j
terms, and would render it impossible that ;
a specification of certain particulars was
designed as a substitute for those terms,
when antecedently used. The different
mode of expression employed in the Con- j
stitution in regard to the two powers—the
legislative and executive—serves to con- |
firm this inference. In the article which '
gives the legislative powers of the Govern- j
ment the expressions are, “All legislative j
powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States.” In that j
which grants the executive power the ex
pressions are, ‘The executive power shall j
be vested in a President of the United
States.”
“The enumeration ought therefore to be
considered as intended merely to specify
the principal articles implied in the defini
tion of the executive power, leaving the
rest to flow from the general grant of that
power, interpreted in conformity with other
parts of the Constitution and w’ith the
principles of free government.
“The general doctrine of our Constitu
tion, then, is that the executive power of
the nation is vested in the President, sub
ject only to the exceptions and qualifica
tions which are expressed in the instru
ment.”
In the very able letters published by
Mr. Madison in reply to the 1 etters of
Pacificus, be not only does not question the
correctness of that doctrine, but almost in
words admits it. And to refer to a judicial
decision, not because any name could add
to the name of Hamilton upon a subject of
this discription, in a judical decision pro
nounced by Mr. Justice Nelson, since the
war closed, in a case which was tried in
the southern district ot New York, the
learned Judge said that the. authority
which the President had exercised in the
organization of governments in the South
ern States by means of provisional gov
ernors, with authority to call legislatures
around them, was justified by virtue of the
executive power with which lie was cloth
ed, and that continued until the war ter
minated ; that occurring—that is to say,
on the termination of the war—-the Con
stitution was replaced in all its integrity,
and the States where insurrection had
prevailed before, and which had been un
der the supervision of those governments,
were thereafter to be governed exclusively
by the people under State constitutions
framed by themselves. And in substance
such is the result to which, logically con
sidered, the recent decision of the Supreme
Court in the case of Milligan leads us.
In tlio opinion of the majority of the
court —not to be surpassed in my judg
; ment, by any opinion pronounced jy any
judge in any form', r case in that tri uria: —
: it is stated that the Constitution was made
I as well for war as peace.; that there was
J poM'QWvr:.evcsi .o!>wn-! .upon thg
Executive or upui> Confrcs during a state
of war which would authorize th- :r. to
I transcend any of the specific guaranties
ii'iinvl in that instrument of the rights
of the citizen or the rights of the States.
Flagrante, bdlu it might be in the power
cf the military 7 commander, whoever he
might be leading the armies, or of the Presi
dent of the United States to declare mar
tial law ; but it must be confined to the tie
cessity existing at the time, and limited to
the area covered by that necessity. That
learned tribunal, speaking through Mr.
J ustice Davis, gets rid of the doctrine, as
i far as judicial opinion can do so, which has
been so much in vo.ue during the exis
j tence of the war, that Congress and the
Executive obtain power during a war from
necessity, independent of constitutional
obligation. As well might it be contended,
I think, that the judiciary of the United
States could claim upon the ground of ne
cessity a jurisdiction which the Constitu
tion of the United States does not confer
; upon them.
I That being the case, the President of
! the United States having the power to par
i dou, and that power from its . very nature
| being exclusive of any authority over the
I same subject by 7 Congress, or if the power
to pardon is not supposed to be in words
given so as to authorize its exercise by
means of a proclamation or so as to author
ize the President to grant by proclamation
what is called an amnesty 7, he possesses
(at least as implied under the power con
ferred upon him to pardon) the pow T er to do.
it by 7 proclamation or to do it in the form ot
an amnesty. That there is any impropriety
in granting a pardon or an amnesty in that
form will Hardly be pretended by Congress.
' The very 7 section which you propose to re
peal professes to give to the President that
! very power. Congress, therefore, at that
time, assuming as they did assume that it
was with them to give, the power, suppose
that the exigency of the country at the
j moment required that the power should
) be exerted in the way in which they, in
terms, authorized the President to exert it
I —by 7 proclamation or by amnesty.
I 1 would, therefore, as I said in the be
ginning, not for a moment question the
propriety of repealing this section, it the
friends of the measure suppi rted it up u
: the ground that it conferred no power,
; because the whole power was already in
, the President. I have no doubt that the
power is in the President, and if the At
torney General or his predecessor had lis- !
I tent'd to my 7 opinion or advice, or if the
, present incumbent of the executive chair j
had done so, he would have exerted tne ‘
power long ago. My 7 opinion then was—
and I communicated it to the President,
but with no avail, although lie apparently
I agreed to its propriety—that the true
interests of the country demanded that he
should declare a general amnesty, of course,
by proclamation, excepting, however, one
or more cases, as he might think proper,
in order to have the two questions tried
which a trial of any parties who were en- ;
gaged in the rebellion will necessarily pre
sent, namely: First, whether there exists
in a State a right to secede ; and, second,
if there does not, whether in the case of
the particular rebellion which culminated
into a gigantic war—a war of such dimen
sions that the United States were obliged
to consider the insurrectionists as public
enemies, to deal with them a< such, to
treat with them as such, to exchange
prisoners with them as such —persons en
gaged in it did not after such recognition in
ail respects with reference to the offence
of treason stand in the same situation in
which parties would be placed if charged
with that offence who were warring ;
against the United States when they had
done so as the subjects of another nation
in an international war.
I thought then, and I think now, for that j
was my own individual opinion, that. upon
the first of these questions the opinion of
the Supreme Court would be unanimous.
1 have seen no reason to change that im- .
pvession. Upon the second I thought it
quite doubtful what the. opinion of the
court might be. Some ot the be.-t jurists
in the country, many ot them members of
the Republican party —some of the ablest ;
jurists iu England, having no particular
hostility to the L uited States ot which I
am —have tho opim_.a tliat
the moment belligerent rights were ac
knowledged to belong to the Confederacy
the commission of treason became impossi
ble. Some of the public men who Delong
to the Republican party, and wno perhaps
have been very instrumental in handing it
up. have so expressed themselves: among
others. Mr. Garritt Smith, whosei honesty
of purpose nobody who has considered his
conduct and examined what iron time to
time he has giwn to the pupae, can count,
•
more than one well ana _
written letter. lam no:, therefore, j,re
mred to say what the opinion ot the
Lprornc Court upon that mu h
if it shall ever be presented to them, bat
upon the first question, which I deem it
verv desirable should be settled by ehe
judicial determination ot thj nigaCst coart
in the land, I entertain no hJi nm-eiiat
: judgment will lie against tne n?h,s to
secede as not only not reserved to the j
, States, but as necessarily 7 fatal to any union
of States iu which the right of a State to,
ec :c front it may be reserved. And the’
history cf this bygone confederation illus
trates that that mu.-i lie the result of such
a provision.
From’some cause, of which I know
I nothing whatever 1 may su.-pect, that
advice of mine was not taken. A general j
! amnesty Las not been proclaimed, and no- i
l’odyhas been tried. 'The failure,!') pro- j
cairn the an.ii: ty, if it be censurable at
i all, is to be visited upon the President. |
| The fail-, ire to obtain a trial of any ol these j
: offenders is not to bo attributed to him.
:He has no power to enforce a trial. The
party must be indicted : that depends up- |
|on the grand jury. After indictment he I
I must be tried ; ’that depends upon the j
I court before whom the indictment is pend- |
ing. If from any cause the court cannot i
I be. held, the fault is not with the President i
| it is either with the legislative department
1 of the Government, or with the judicial
department. But I cannot help saying
here —for it has wounded my sensibility as
an American citizen—that I think it is a
reproach (o American justice that there
should have been incarcerated now for j
nearly two years* whatever may liave been
bis offence, a man of a delicate frame, I
j selected by six or seven millions of people !
to take charge of this rebellion, upon a I
charge.of treason. That he should be indict
ed for it, invoke a trial, not only challegne
; but pay for a trial, and still be immured, j
I is a reproach to American justice that, if I
existing in any nation of Europe, would j
: call down condign punishment upon the j
■ parties concerned in it.
In reply to the suggestion of Mr. How
| ard, that Mr. Davis was a prisoner of war,
j and could not, therefore, be tried by a
! district court without the consent of the
President and the active co-operation of
: the prosecuting officer of that court, he
asked ; Whoever heard of a prisoner of
I wrr being held in prison after the war was
: over ? and stated that it was well known
! that the President was anxious to hand
: over Mr. Davis to the United States mar
: shah hut the offer was declined, because he
could be more pleasantly and safely kept
in Fortress Moiqpe than elsewhere, and
now the trial is delayed on the ground of
the change of circuits ; but whatever the
cause, it was, “a reproach to American
justice.” lie cited the’trial of Hardy and
others, and the execution of the Due D
Enghien, and thus discussed the expe
diency es a general amnesty :
Mr. President,. the apparent purpose,
and the one to which the country and the
world will attribute the pending measure
is, that in the future, hard, inexorable jus
tice is to be meted cut to our Southern
brethren; that generosity, forgiveness,
mercy, jjardon are no longer to be our
policy. These, the greatest virtues which
adorn humanity, it will be said, a nation
claiming to be magnanimous, and known
to be all-powerful, is resolved hereafter to
disregard in respect to subdued enemies
notoriously in no condition to resist its
authority, and universally disavowing any
such design, present or prospective. That
this latter is true, an incident of a recent
date strikingly illustrates. At a dinner in
a neighboring Southern city, at which Col.
Lee, a son of the commander-in chief of
j the late Confederate forces, was present,
I someone proposed to toast “the fallen
i flag. ’ ’ Promply placing his hand upon tlie
j glass, lie rose, and is stated to have said:
"Gentlemen, this will never do; we are
paroled prisoners; we now have but one
flag, aud that is the flag of our whole coun
try, the glorious old stars and stripes. I
can recognize no other, fight for no other,
and will drink to no other.” These pa
triotic words touched the hearts of ail who
were present, even the one who had pro
posed the sentiment; and with the univer
sal approval the toast went unpledged ?
Are not such men to be trusted? If not,
who are? If not, may we not well even
distrust ourselves ? They are enemies no
longer, but soliciting to be received as
friends, not iu a debasing, cringing spirit
which would dishonor our common de
scent, but as brave and honorable men—
men whose gallantry is attested by hun
dreds ot hard-fought battles, and whose
ability and willingness to serve the country
were exhibited in times past on the land
and the sea, greatly contributing to our
military and naval renown, winning for
themselves the gratitude of the whole
country, and challenging for themselves
and their equally brave and skilful North
ern brethren, the admiration of the
world.
Toward such citizens is the mere power
of a conqueror to be used ! Are their past
services to be wholly forgotten, their will
ing obedience to be contumeliously over
s" l.'-d. i > deried
thou,, mi long as their mqnerois
please arc limy to be the mere serfs and
slaves of brethren whose equals they are
!-•; dcseeniv ..unnoed, and intelligence ?
It pea*- ndjjj-KKq-.ritj ' of tluv 'and
who. can doui't it ?) this is not the t> ule to
attain them. If it is. all hi
ri verse ; Hit is. m n noi
they, have been from the first of their
political associations. The dullness brought
about by despotism its authors have at
times fancied to be peace ; but in the end
they discovered the fatal mistake. Ulan
chained is a man still. The moment the
opportunity offers (and Providence sooner
or later is sure to offer it) he will cast off
Lis fetters and assert the rights which
nature gives him and be free.
And such a policy is at variance with
our own history. In the civil commotions
which have heretofore the oppo
site policy has been pursued, and with the
happiest result. In the unprovoked re
bellion in Massachusetts in 1786, after its
actual suppression by force, clemency to
ward the offenders was shown, and all soon
became peace, and the' Government, be
cause of its clemency, was placed upon a
firmer foundation than it had before. At
the termination of our Revolutionary war,
while the land was tilled with many dis
satisfied spirits, and State laws of a strin
gent character had been passed by most
of the States, laws of confiscation, &c.,
Congress, in January, 1784, passed a
resolve “earnestly recommending to the
several States to reconsider and revise all
their acts and laws,” so as to render them
“perfectly consistent not only with justice
and equality, but with that spirit of con
ciliation which, on the return of the bless
ings of peace, should universally prevail.”
The same policy was pursued by Washing
ton in the instance of the whiskey insur
rection with the like happy consequence.
Not an offender was executed ; a few only
were tried and none seriously punished.
The history of the European world
furnishes even still more striking examples
of the impolicy of mere force or power,
and of !he policy of kindness and concilia
tion. The Netherlands, in the sixteenth
century, were lost to Phillip 11. by the
ferocious conduct of Alva ; and in that
land, under him, the historian tells us
that “the axe, the stake, the rack, the
dungeon knew no rest” Ilis boast was
that he had executed eighteen thousand
six hundred persons. But these executions,
his council of blood, his devastation of the
land, ended, as in the judgment of God
such _ conduct has ever ended, in defeat.
The invader was driven off, and the coun
try lost to the inhuman Phillip.
Poland, because of a policy nearly as in
human, is now but an expense to Russia.
She dreads insurrections; she has vainly
endeavored to prevent er guard against
them by force. Kindness, conciliation,
mercy, would long since have achieved
there what they have never failed to
achieve everywhere.
Austria because of a like stern policy,
has lost her German possessions, and is
soon, unless her treatment of Hungary is j
changed, to lose that country, which might
be made the source of wealth and power.
All these examples should lead us to a j
policy of kindness, to a proclamation of
peace and amnesty, to a cheerful reception !
into our political homestead ofthe brethren ■
who, having strayed from it. are anxious
to return. This done —and the sooner it ’
is done the better —the desolations the war
lias caused will be removed, and the power j
of the country be greatly enhanced, its !
prosperity enlarged, and its ability _ to i
meet the expenses the war has entailed j
upon as placed beyond all doubt; its credit j
will, consequently, be put upon as high if ,
not a higher footing than that of any other !
nation in the world and we be again what !
God, I trust, designs us to be, brethren I
forever, having but one flag, “the glorious
old stars and stripes,” to fight for.
The Girabd Estate.—A Philadelphia
paper gives a summary of ike _ last report
or. the Girard estate. The estimated cross
revenues for 1866*1 $330,000, an in
crease from last year of over fifty per cent.
The great wisdom of Mr. Girard in leaving
a bequest of real estate is now clearly seen.
Its value is constantly increasing. As the
real estate cannot be sold, or leased for a
longer period than five years, it must al
ways furnish a large and steady revenue.
The trust owns nearly two hundred proper
ties in Philadelphia, consisting of stores,
dwellings, wharfs, loti, and farms, besides
valuable coal and timber lands in Schuyl
kill and Columbia counties. Some of the
rents have beea doubled, others trebled.
The dwellings on C'hesnut street, between
Eleventh and Twelfth streets, are soon to
be converted into stores, when they will
yield five times the rents of ISGS. It is
hoped that the fund will soon be able to
support twelve hundred orphans.—Ex
change.
A Ni-w Be Iford lady recently wrote to a
B"-tcn publishing bouse for a copy of
Gcilert, or Trust in God,” and received
for reply, 77 There is no “Trust in God” to
oe ,ound in Boston.”
In a country graveyard, in New Jersey,
tiicre is a plain stone erected over the
gray e of a young lady, with only this in
scription upon it: ‘'Julia Adams, died
ot mm shoes, April 17. IS3o, aged eigh
teen.
OHIO.
Democratic State Convention--Speech of
George H. Pendleton.
At the Democratic State Convention at
Columbus, Ohio, January 8, the following
resolutions were unanimously adopted : j
RESOLUTIONS.
J. Resolved, That the Democracy of Ohio
steadfastly adhere to the principles of the '
party as expounded by the fathers, and ,
approved by -experience; that in accord-}
once with these principles we declare that i
the Federal Government is a Government
of limited p avers, and that it possesses no i
powers but such as are expressly, or . by
necessary implication, delegated to it iii -
tho Federal Constitution ; that all other i
powers are reserved to the States or the
people : that a strict construction" of the I
Constitution is indispensable to the pre
servation of tho reserved rights of the j
States and the people; that' in all grants ;
of power to governments, whether
State or Federal, should be strictly con
strued, because all such grants abridge
the natural rights of men : that the pre
servation of the equality and rights of the
•State and the rights of the people* is neces
sary to the preservation of the Union; that
the Federal Oovernmeut is unfitted to
legislate for, or administer the local con
cerns of the States ; that it would be
monstrous if the ‘ local affairs of Ohio
should be regulated by a Federal Congress
in which she ha- but two Senators, and
the Xew England States, with but a little
! greater population, have twelve; that the
| tendency of the Federal Government is to
usurp the reserved rights of the States and
| of the people ; and that, therefore, a cen
; Iralization of power in its hands is an
j ever-ponding danger; that such an ab
■ sorption of power would, while it lasted,
: be destructive of th liberties and interests
of the people, and would end either in
| despotism or a destruction of tiio Union ;
| that,a national debt, besides impoverishing
the people, fosters an undue increase of tho
powers of the federal Government; that high
protective tariffs have a like effect, sacrific
ing the interests of the many for the emolu
ments of the few, and plainly violating the
equity and spirit of the Constitution; that
i the collection an 1 disbursement of the
| enormous revenues by the Federal Govern
| meat have the same tendency, besides cor
j rupting the Government, and tiiat, there*
j fore, economy is essential not only to the
prosperity, but also to the liberties of tho
people; that unequal taxation is a plain
violation of justice, of which no govern- 1
meat can safely be guilty; that to each i
State belongs the right to' determine,the
qualification of its electors, and all' at
tempts to impair this right, either by Con
gressional legislation or constitutional
amendment, are unwise ancldespotic; that
tho tendency of power is to steal from the
many for the few, and that, therefore,
‘■eternal vigilance is tho price of liberty;”
that the tendency of the government is to
enlist its authority by usurpation, and
therefore tho government needs to bo
watched ; that another of its tendencies is
to govern too much—unnecessarily and
vexatiously interfering with the business
and habits of the people; that the freedom !
of speech and of the press is essential to
the existence of liberty; that no person not
in tlie military or naval service or where
the civil courts are prevented by war or in
surrection from exercising the.r functions,
can lawfully be deprived of life, liberty or
property without due process of civil law;
"hat the courts should always be open for
the redress of grievances; that no ex post
facto l aw should ever be made; that, in
the language of the Supreme Court, “tho
Constitution ol‘ the United States is a law
for the rulers and the people, equally in
war and in peace, and covers with the
shield of its protection all classes of men at
al! times and under all circumstances. No
! doctrine involving more pernicious con
| sequences was ever Invented by the wit of
man than that any of its provisions can be
suspended during any of the great exigen
cies of government. Such a doctrine leads
directly to anarchy or despotism;” that
the right of tho people to peaceably assem
ble and consult upon public affairs is in
violable; that tho military should be held
in due subjection to the civil power, that
while the majority, as prescribed by the
Constitution, have tho right to govern, tho
minority have indefeasible rights; and
that a frequent recurrence to first princi
ples is essential to tho welfare of the State
and the people.)
2. Resolved, That tho States lately in re
bellion are States in the Union, and have
been recognized as such by every depart
ment of the govennent, and by President
Lincoln, who, in the midst of the wav, in
vited them to elect members of Congress ;
by President Johnson in various proclama
tions and official acts ;jjby Congress, which
permitted Andrew Johnson to sit in the
Senate as a Senator from Tennessee, and
members from Virginia, Tennesse, and
Louisiana, to sit in the House of Repre
sentatives after those States had seceded,
and while the war was being carried on,
and which further recognized them as
[ States in the Union by the Congressional
apportionment act providing for their due
representation in Congress ; by various
tax laws, and especially by the direct tax ;
and tho resolutions submitting amend
ments to the Constitution for. their ap
proval, and by various other acts and
resolutions imparting the same recognition,
all of which were passed since the at
tempted secession of those States ; by tho
judiciary of the United States, which holds
federal courts in ail those Slates, and es
pecially by the Supreme Court which en
i.-fains jurisdiction of cases coming from
them, which it could not do were they not
An the Union. That, being thus "in the
Union, ihCy stand on an equal footing
v. ith their sister Slat..., -{States with uu
: equal rights being n thi-vr n» '.n0,,,,, - , q,r.
1 Constitution ; that, by the express terms
of the Constitution, -ach Stats‘U entitled
to have two Sana’, is and a due
| Congress, and to vote in all elections of
| President and Vico President; that though
these rights are subject to interrup
tion by a state of civil war, they cannot, in
time of peace, be suspended, much less de
stroyed, without a plain violation of the
Constitution; that the assent of three
fourths of all the States, whether repre
sented in Congress or not is essential to the
validity of constitutional amendments;
that Congress has no power to deprive a
State "of its reserved rights, and reduce it
to a territorial condition; that, therefore,
tho exclusion, by tho so-called Congress, of
all representation from ten States, the pro
posed exclusion of those States from all
voice in the next Presidential election, the
threatened overthrow of their State gov
ernments and the reduction of their States
to the condition af Territories are each and
every one ol" them unconstitutional, revo
lutionary, and despotic measures, destruc
tive not merely of the rights of those
States, but also of the rights of every other
State in tho Union. That those measures
are parts of a plan to nullify the Constitu
tion ; to virtually overthrow the State gov
ernments; to erect a consolidated despotism
on their ruins, and to establish and per
petuate a tyrannical rule of a minority
| over a majority of the American people,
j That the people cannot, without a loss of
their liberties, prosperity, and honor, sub
mit to such a result; and, therefore, in the
hope that the warning will be heeded, and
tlie danger to our institutions be peaceably
averted, do solemnly warn the advocates
of the plan that it will not be submitted to.
3. Resolved, That Congress is not an om
nipotent law-making power; that the Con
stitution provides that no bill shall become
a law without the approval of the Presi
| dent, unless it lie passed by two-thirds of
| each house of Congress; that one of tlie
S objects of the present so-called Congress,
j in excluding ten .States from representa
| tion, is to pass bills by a two-thirds vote,
| which, were all the States represented,
! could not so pass, and thus to abolish tho
j constitutional provision aforesaid ; that if
the precedent he acquiesced in, there will
be nothing to prevent a bare majority of
[ Congress, at any time in the future, from
j nullifying the Constitutional veto of the
President, and usurping uncontrolled j
j legislative power by an exclusion of tiie :
j minority from their seats; that the exelu- !
: sion of even a single State might give this j
control, anti a pretext for such an ex- I
j elusion would never bo wanting to an un- i
| scrupulous and revolutionary party. )
I 4. Resolved, That the people, and espe-
I cially those of the agricultural States, have j
suffered too long the exactions of high pro- I
I tective tariffs, and as the representatives
: of an agricultural and laboring population, j
I we demand that their substance shall no .
i longer be extorted from them in order to >
I fill tho pockets of Eastern monopolists. |
; and. Resolved, That unequal taxation is I
j contrary to the first principles of justice j
j and sound policy, and we call upon our
government, federal and State, to use nil
j necessary constitutional means to remedy
! this evil.
0. Resolved, That tho Radical majority
in toe so-called Congress have proved
themselves to be in favor of negro suffrage
by forcing it upon the people of tiie Dis
trict of Columbia against their almost
unanimous wish, solemnly expressed at
the polls, by forcing it upon the people of
ail the Territories, and by their various
devices to coerce tiro people of the South
to adopt it; that we are opposed to negro
suffrage, believing it would be productive
of evil to both whites and blacks; and tend
to produce a disastrous conflict of races.
7. Resolved, That for all their efforts to
uphold tho Constitution we tender to the
President and to the majority of tlie
J udges .of the Supreme Court of the United
UStates our hearty thanks.
8. Resolved, That we are in favor of a
Democratic Convention of delegates from
all the States, to be held at such time and
place as may be agreed upon, and that tlie
State Central Committee be authorized to
concur with other proper committees in
fixing the time and place, and that we pre
fer L ruisville, Kentucky, as the place.
9. Resolved, That the Democratic news
papers of Ohio deserve our earnest and
liberal support, and that an early and
thorough organization of the party'is in
dispensable.
SPEECH OP IION. GEO. H. PENDLETON.
Gentlemen : I thauic you for the honor
of presiding over your deliberations. A
convention of the Democratic party which
expounds its creed, administers its discip
h:..‘, a Q d sits in judgment upon the claims
of aspirants for its confidence and support
is indeed an august body, I congratulate
you ’Jiat we have again met together on
this day. It is sacred, by all its associ
ations. to patriotism and democracy. It is
the omen of a coming glory. I trust our
work will prove worthy of both. Our
party maintains sound doctrines, we stead
fastly believe. Sound doctrine in adminis
tration is essential to all good government.
Thus the cause of our party and the cause
of our country are identical: and every ear
nest effort to purify the tenets and invigo
rate the counsels, and secure the success of
the one fulfils the demands of patriotic duty
to the other. It is .a this spirit, and iwt
ine on this belief, that we have chosen for
the performance of our highest party duty
that’Jay whose recurrence more than any
other since the adoption- of the Federal
Constitution excites the patriotic enthusi
asm of our Western men. Let us catch
from its memories an inspiration of that
patience and determination and courage
and patriotism whose, glorious illustration i
has made this day immortal. The exi j
geneies of our country demand these
qualities. The possession of the mouth
of the Mississippi—the control of all the
trade of the northwest, was the prize of the
contest. Gen. Jackson was shut up in New
Orleans—he had his undisciplined troop- ,
his new levies, and his unarmed recruits.
t The right bank of the river commanded hi'
His batteries there were small
and feebly manned ; lie had open enemies
i and secret spies in the city. The enen j
advanced to attack him. They had sc- j
| cured a foothold in Florida. They had i
! met with success on the coast. They were :
the veterans on the Peninsula. They had
i been trained under the eye of Wellington, j
They had constructed the lines of Torres 1
I Vedras. They had stormed Cindad, j
1 Rodrigo and Bauajoz. They had won the !
1 splendid triumph of Vittoria. The batte- j
, nes ou the river were taken—tho right of
! the army was giving way. It was not the
j canal on which the line was formed—it was
not the rampart of cotton bales—but it was
the patience -and courage and patriotic
! ardor, inspired by the dauntless spirit of
: their matchless chief, which retrieved the
i day and secured the victory. Do we not
need the same spirit now? For seventy
I years our government lias secured the
; object of its formation. The -States have
performed their allotted functions. They
! existed as self-governing colonies almost
j from the settlement of the continent.
; They became sovereign States at the deela
j ration of independence. The States formed
! the confederation. The States carried ontoe
revolutionary war. The States formed
the Constitution. The States ratified it.
! The States created the Union. Tlie
; States upheld the mighty arm of Wash
ington. The. States saved the Govern
! ment in 1800. The States fought the war
|of 1812. The States rescued the govern
-1 ment from the dangers of ilardtord Con
! ventionism. The States sent volunteers to
Mexico. Aye, in this great civil war the
States enabled the Federal government to
overcome the armies of the Confederates,
and to maiutain its supremacy over every
foot of its territory. The States have
been at once the main strength of the Fed
eral government and the guardians and
guarantee of personal liberty. If their
organizations have given them power to
harm, so also have they given them power
for good ; ana at every period of our histo
ry Ipis this power vindicated the rightful -
ness of its existence and the wisdom of
those who left it to the States untouched.
But now ahold, persistent, audacious at
tempt is made to wrest it from the States,
and to change the spirit and form of the
government. The pretext is that the or
dinances of secession destroyed the Union,
and that.it must be reconstructed. Tho
method is the constitutional amendment.
The appliances are the denial of represen
tation to the Southern States, and, if ne
cessary, their reduction to the condition of
Territories. The real purpose is the con
solidation of the government and the sub
stitution of an irresponsible, unbridled
majority, which the Radicals expect to
hold forever because they happen to hold
it now.
Constitutional Amendment! I will not
detain you with an analysis of its provis
ions. You know them well. It wrests
from the States tlie power to define and
protect the rights of its own people. It
perverts the rule of representation. It
decrees and enforces punishments enacted
after the deed has been committed. It
sacrifices great and paramount interests to
the desires of revenge and to temporary
party ascendency. It subverts institutions
which are beneficent auditable that it may
enforce a rule of suffrage not yet adopted
j at tho North, whose chief recommendation
is that it is utterly abhorrent to the people
of the South. 'The demands of twenty-six
States, the surrender of powers which are
dear to them, in order that it may deprive
ten other States of the same powers. Why?
Constitutional guarrantees against another
rebellion! What guarantees do these pro
visions afford ? Will any man protend it?
llow does it prevent a recurrence of seces
sion by the States that the rule of repre
sentation in Congress is changed, or that
Congress defines and protects the people ?
Tho Democratic party has always main
tained the rights of the States as essential
to the maintenance of the Union. The
great founder of our organization, and
apostle of our creed, Thomas Jefferson,
proclaimed it in his first inaugural address.
The supremacy of the Constitution, and
all laws made in pursuance thereof; tlie
reservation of ail powers not granted to
Congress—these are the essential elements
of our faith, and to these we have adhered
with unfaltering fidelity. Shall we adhere
to them still, or shall we now abandon
them for the proffered experiment of con
solidation?
Wo arc in the midst of revolution.
Radical ideas carried into execution by
lawless means—the anchorage of public
opinion everywhere given away—our op
ponents in power in the States and in
1 Congress, and everywhere using that
power to subvert the Constitution, to ex
; elude States from their representation, to
• break up their social system, to foment
i discord -and dw.-fo > in >’i i- comm ninth
and to impair their materia! i anty,‘
and now they gracious!; pro; o- to cease
‘ this, abuse of power if the States both
i j. sorti* ttiivx boutii ooi.. o*.iL to their
I own degradation. lam a citizen and na
j live of Ohio. I speak to Ohio men,
j whose first duty is to care for the interests
! of their State and her people. And speak-
I ing thus, considering only the influence on
our own State and its institutions, I say
it is our duty, even if the kingdoms of the
earth were offered at that price, to say as
was said to the tempter of old, “G et thee
behind me, Satan.” Let us stand fast to
our integrity at every hazard—let us hold
on to the sound doctrine as delivered to us
by.the fathers. It is the ank of our safety—
it is the only hope of Republican govern
ment. Ido not conceal from myself that
we have been, defeated, and that we may
be defeated often again ; yet 1 look with
hope to the future. The Fresh unit is firm
in his position, and decided in his action.
The Supreme Court of the United States,
true at last to its ancient fame—true to
the purposes of its creation—rising above
the dictates of passion—above tho behests
of party, lias vindicated, in noble terms,
the integrity of the Constitution. It lias
announced the doom of military commis
sions for the trial of citizens, and set the
seal of reprobation upon the pre
texts of military necessity. At the
election last Fall the Democratic party
polled 1,800,000 votes out of 4,000,000. A
change of fifty votes in a thousand—of
50,000 in a million, less than six per cent,
would have given us a majority. In Penn
sylvania,. New York, and Indiana, casting
72 votes in the electoral college, and 1,(500,-
000 votes by the people, we were defeated
j less than 44,000. A change of less than
! one and one-lmlf per cent., or less than
| fifteen in a thousand, would have given
us a majority. In eleven States of the
Union, excluding entirely the Southern
States, a change of 30,000 votes on the re
i suit of the last fall will in 1868 electa Fres
| ident and a majority of Congress. Is there
! cause for despondency here ? Is there not,
j on the contrary, every reason to hone ?
; Was ever a great battle fought with loss
! disparity of numbers? Let him that is
! timid remember how the cavalry of Chas.
| Martel, “fighting with hearts firm as ram
j parts and with iron arras,” received and
j conquered the hosts of tho Saracens. Let
| him remember that Crcssy and Agincourt
| are glorious because valor and constancy
I made up for numbers. Let him remember
| that John Sobieski, with 50,000 soldiers, !
[ rescued Christendom under the walls of j
l Vienna from the grasp of 300,000 Turks. }
Let him remember the pride and pomp of i
the Spanish Armada and its speedy and :
unglorious end. Let him remember there- i
treatsand defeats, and disasters which befell ;
Washington, and the crowning glories of!
'York town. And if he needs further encour
agement, let him remember against what
odds of number Jackson saved New Orleans.
And what shall the Southern States do in
their extremity ? I have said that 1 am
speaking as an Ohio man to Ohio men of
their duty to their own State and people.
I would not dictate, nor urge, nor even
advise others. They must follow the die- |
tates of their judgments and consciences. !
But if I might he permitted to say that }
which lies near to my breast, it would he j
this : Let the Southern States he passive |
and patient. They took up arms—they
were defeated—they surrendered. That :
surrender involves the necessity of faithful j
obedience to the Constitution and the iaw.-; ;
that faithful obedience entitles them to I
the rights and liberties guaranteed by the
Constitution and the laws. They may be j
powerless to secure these rights and liber- j
ties. They may be subjected by the strong j
arm to oppression and wrong ; but they j
can decline to advise a change of the Con- j
stitution. They can refuse to consent to j
the creation ol a despoti.un. They can
refuse to do voluntarily that which their
judgment and their feelings detests. They
can maintain their honor and self-respect—
| they can at least decline to be tho facile
instrument of their own degradation, and
they can hear the consequences or their
i course. They may be deprived of repre
sentation—they may be even reduce ! to a
territorial condition. This is no easy task j
—it will not he lightly undertaken—it will ;
not be easily executed : difficulties will i
arise at every step. It is so bold a |
usurpation of power —involving so |
many both of the people j
and the .States of the North —so.
revolutionary and. disorganizing —so fla
grantly at war with every provision and
theory of the Constitution that it will
scarcely be possible to execute it fully 7.
But ii the attempt should be made success
fully, this too, being imposed by superior
force, they can bear. Let them oppose it
oy the passive resistance of masterly in
activity. Let them repair their shattered j
fortunes ; let them reconstruct their in- I
du.-.trial system ; let them woo prosperity j
and wealth : let their fields whiten with j
cotton, and their plantations yield their in- |
crease of corn and sugar and rice : let
them, moved by their own just impulses, j
and not by dictation from others, revise, if'
necessary, their legislation iii regard to the j
freedmen, and secure to them all their
civil rights by the same processes of law, j
expressed by the same courts, and the
same penalties ns am used in tho case of!
the white man. Let them, if to
secure this ample protection, revise and |
change tlie public opinion of their eon.- }
munities. Let them be zealous in securing 1
to them every opportunity of fitting them- 1
selves for their changed condition, and
every advantage for a good development j
which a healthy and social government
system will permit. The necessity of both
sections will coerce social and commercial
intercourse ; and this, in time, will soften
asperities, and assuage bitterness and pro- !
mote good will, and restoration, if it ever
comes at all, it will be upon a sound basis, j
Nor, in .this connection, is the fact to be
i overlooked, that very few of the Northern
! States have ratified the amendment; and
; that, if all those ten excluded States should
ratify it seventeen others would be needed.
They have shown no alacrity to come
forward. Nor is it to be forgotten that the
bill authorizing the admission of Senators
and Representatives, upon its complete
ratification has never yet passed either
House of Congress. By a law of its being,
falsehood possesses an.inherent weakness.
! Sometimes its supporters quarrel and
! divide; sometimes its parts antagonize;
, sometimes force touches it, and a bubble
i only has burst; sometimes sober second
j thought assails it. Time, with its Ithuriel
I spear, inevitably pierces it, and conies to
I naught. This frenzy of passion cannot
j last forever. Reason must sooner or later
! resume its sway. Those who think other
! wise, it has been beautifully said, forget
| that the angry rapids of Niagara lead to
! the placid expanse of Ontario. It was au
; Eastern sage who urged his master to have
engraven on his signet-ring, that it might
| be ever before his eyes, in every vicissitude
lof prosperity aud adversity. “And this,
j too, shall pass away.” This year, or next
| year, or in a few years, or in ten years,
I reason will be heard, and our principles
; and our party will triumph. But if
| it should not come In our time, and if
] we of this generation must die with our
} harness ou, in the midst of the struggle,
| we shall at. least have the testimony of a
} good conscience; we shall at least have
! kept the faith; wo shall at least have the
| assurance of a good hope; for we know
i that great parties, struggling for great
! principles, like good men, leave behind
| them "‘footsteps in the sands of time.”
: “Footsteps which, perhaps, another,
Sailing o'er lile’s barren main,
| Some forlorn and shipwrecked brother,
| Seeing, may take heart again.”
In the meantime we are strong as a mi
; nority adhering to our principles. We
! would be weak in cilice at tho expense of
ith mi. The power of an honest opposition
for good is large indeed. The rudder may
so direct its course that the vessel will ad
vance almost in the face of the wind. We
are strong as we cast aside all temporizing
expedients—as we reject all sacrifices of
principle to policy—as we bravely and
opeuly avow our"faith and invoke a patriotic
people to its thoughtful consideration. Let
us make that appeal to-day.
The speech closed amid thunders of ap
plause.
Ireland.
The London Times of the 28th ult.,* in
a long leader upon nationalities, thus dis
cusses the claim of Ireland to be recog
nized as a distinct nation :
To the Irish claim to legal nationality
and a preferential national treatment we
simply reply that nationality is a question
of fact, and there is no such Irish national
ity in the Greek, Italian, or German sense.
Foreigners, willfully or ignorantly, choose
to believe that there is, but there is not.
The fusion of races has beep very much
greater than is generally supposed ; for,
besides those, whose religion indicates a i
mixed blood, it has very long been observed }
that a vast number of names held by the
Roman Catholics show English extraction, i
As to half the population of the island, it j
may now he pronounced impossible to say
they are of pure Irish blood. That diffi- j
culty increases the higher we ascend in tho j
social scale, and even when we come to
the smallest Irish “squireen” we find
English intermarriages. An attempt to !
make the native Irish the governing class j
of the island could only be compared to an !
attempt to reverse our own Norman Con- i
quest, after eight centuries, by a general !
rising of all who might choose to call ;
themselves Britons, Saxons, or Danes.
Such an attempt here is not only impos
sible, it is inconceivable, for it is almost
impossible to put one’s finger on a pure
Briton, The French Revolution of
the last centurv has been described
as a rising of the Gaul against the
Frank element.. It might have some
thing of that in it, but it takes a quick eye
and a fine touch to deteetthese ingredients, j
and tlie French themselves were not con
sciously fighting a war of race when they
asserted the rights of the people. Tiiere
was too great a variety and mixture of I
. aces among them to allow of Frank and
Gaul being fnorc than matters of history a 1
century ago. In like manner Cel* and
Saxon have been p * -sing for centuries from I
out of Ihr World Os foots Olio ifolt II hi: i
tory and ideas and for (he past genera- i
tiou this ■ if".e ha . is ■ greatly
necolorate.il • Menevhi' • .j i hi,.", n
or races in tins island uus latterly ueeu j
quickened in even a greater ratio. In this !
metropolis, especially, and in the other '
first class ports and cities.of the island, ;
English, Welsh, Scotch, Irish, and even
Germans and French, have been continual
ly intermarrying. Many, indeed, are
the households in every class of life
among us, in which there is not an individ
ual -who can claim pure English blood.
Our towns are the hospitable refuge of
wandering poverty, wandering enterprise,
wandering misfortune, and wandering
duty from every place, far and near. These
: people arc not English in such a sense as
that they can be held answerable for any
old misgovornment of Ireland, or made
objects of political antipathy.
If the facts of the case were more fully
known, they would dispel, both at home
and abroad, a good deal of the misappre
hension fostered by Irish talkers and
writers, and the still less scrupulous
Englishmen who, in spite of better know
ledge, choose to take that side. Tho fact
of a common refuge for all emigrants from
j these islands in our immense colonies ai!
j over the world and in the United States
speaks for itself, and grows too fast for
description. But there are two ether
classes of facts which we could wish to see
rescued from speculation and conjecture by
careful observers. The first is the propor
tion of the races and the extent of inter
mixture in Ireland.; and the second is the
respective proportions, the intermixture,
j and the local predominance of all the races
in this island. Before railways and our in
} ternal migrations and currents have en
! tirely obliterated all local peculiarities of
} race, whether in physical appearance or
j in language,- their full and exact description
by competent persons would be one of tlie
most important public documents we could
bequeath to our posterity. Even in the
internal districts of England there is a very
great variety. The differences, of course, j
are not modern ; and if they have been
modified by time, they have only shared }
the general change. They are an
cient landmarks, which it would be
as well to survey and record before they j
are finally lost and buried. They testify to j
the former existence of races that have j
allowed themselves to be quietly absorbed j
in the general unity, to their own great |
advantage. And which is the more ini- ;
portant —which the larger stake, which [
the better investment—the private and 1
peculiar, or the public and common?
Surely there is both more safety and larger
gain in joining the common fortune and
sharing the common advantage. A little
proof of the iii success attending the other
course must have presented itself to many
observers. In most of our villages there
are families of tho laboring class whose
names may be found on the oldest register,
and who have a probable descent from
landowners, and even well known person
ages.. They are too often just the families
most incapable of self-control, good habits,
regular industry, and proper subordina
tion. They have fallen from a higher
place, and not settled in another. They
can neither remain with credit where they
are nor seek their fortune elsewhere with
much hope of success. They are the very
type of the weaker race that seek to stand
out against the great law of change and !
the constant process of fusion, yet has not
whereupon to stand or support itself.
They cannot lead others ; they cannot be
independent, so their best course is to
make a common cause.
The Origin of Friction Matches—
In 1832, a man by the name of Fhiflips,
living in Oakland, Manchester, Connecti
cut. invented and patented a match that
would ignite by friction. He made them
upon a small scale, as his means were
limited ; put them in tin boxes of one hun
dred each, and sold them to the inhabi
tants about,}: carrying them in a pocket
handkerchief. Many persons still recollect
the fear and consternation in the minds of
the people at that time, lest their houses
ami barns would be burned by the hands
of the incendiary ; aud many thought that
he should be restrained from scattering his
firebrands in the community.
Phillips afterward removed to Spring
field, Jlassachusetts, where he formed
a copartnership with a man by the name of
Chapin, under the title of “Chapin
Phillips,” when they largely increased the
production of matches. The first matches
were made and dipped singly by hand ;
afterward Phillips invented the card
matches. Such, in brief, is the early his
tory of this little article, that is now con j
sidered an indispensable luxury. There j
must be many persons now living in Hart- ,
ford who will recollect the red _ wagon,
painted in large letters upon the side, ;
“Friction Matches,” as it passed through j
the streets, drawn by one horse.
The United States Surveyor in Ltmisiana
pronounces the Mississippi levees utterly
insufficient to withstand a flood, and with
the next rise of'the river the best lands m
the State will be overflowed unless further
precautions are taken.
-•
1 bat man is rich who owes nothin,;.
An oil convention U in v,
thing 1 - -i ■ •- -
A Boston Sunday p a; ~r V ,j v , 0 f nj;
| vine JNovels.
; An itcnTof domestic income not vet
taxed: Incompatibility. J
| The cattle plague has extended to Lower
! Austria.-ana 31 oravin.
i a hero arc ten thousand cabmen and five
| thousand omnibus drivers in Loudon.
! . r* r - , L - 9- park'd has resigned the plc
sidentiaf etiair m the University of Ala
bama.
! Walk in whatever direction you will
j your steps are always tending towards the
grave.
The oil in a lull barrel of petroleum is
now worth less than the barrel containing
it Cause—over supply.
There were 19 weddings in Concord, N
11., on Christmas day.
General McClellan is expected back from
Europe early in the spring.
The New York organ grinders talk about
a protective union.
. There is many an Eve tempted b* Satin
m dry goods windows.
1 hey tell of a SIOO,OOO bet won on the «
llennota.
• Brown colored children are called “frac
tions ot Congressional currency.”
A. Radical may be true to his principles
—but they are awful ones.
>\ e like hams, but we are not particu
larly partial to the sons of Ham.
Spirits are believed to write with a
medium pen.
Star-shaped snow flakes fell in Nash
ville the other day.
The sluggard’s guise—last to go to bed
and last to rise.
Hie speaker who took the floor has been
arrested tor stealing lumber.
Captain Samuel Samuels gets $5,000 for
bringing in the Henrietta first in the yacht
race.
• ‘V"; 'J°hn L. Owens, tlie commedian, is
nightly delighting large audiences at tlie
Broadway Theatre, New York.
Ivcw York rejoices in seven citizens
whose collective wealth is estimated at
$150,000,000.
It requires in New Jersey five years’
desertion of a wife, on the part of the hus
band, to entitle the lady to a divorce.
A daily newspaper man who has just got
out of tho business, says he is becoming
quite well acquainted with his family.
The Japanese Embassy lie ; arrived at
Faris, and will shortly leave for America.
On the 16th of January, the Pennsylva
nia Fruit G rowers’ Association will be held
in Harrisburg.
. Anew magazine is announced at Louis
ville, under the title of “Twelve Times a
Year.”
Calico balls for the pocr have been given
this season in Charleston, Atlanta, New
Orleans and Mobile.
A basement office, near the Astor House,
New York, rents for SIO,OOO a year.
In Lebanon, Tennessee, beef- sold last
week at from 4 to 0 cents per pound.
_ Isaiah Rynders, the New York politi
cian, is writing his autobiography.
It is stated that Bistort has already
reaped SIOO,OOO from her American en
gagements.
The oil springs of West Virginia are
boiling over at the low rate of seven cents
per gallon for crude oil.
Hon. Samuel Chilton, who was a mem
ber of Congress from Virginia in 1813,
died at Warrenton on Monday:
i Tho Canadian people ougbc to be happy,
i “ Money is pi inttful, with silver at 4J per
j cent, discount.”
| Robert Evans, a prominent citizen of
i Cecil county, Md., and formerly ot Hart
| ford, died last week.
J Robert Rives, a brother of the lion,
jW. C. Rives, of Va., died 23d ult.
j Mr. John W. Morgan, an old citizen of
Richmond, died suddenly on Tuesday,
j Forty-four policy dealers were held to
( bail in SSOO in New Y'ork on Wednesday.
There were nearly 4,000,000 pounds of
wool gathered in V ermout last year.
A warehouse containing 3,000 halos of
cotton was destroyed by lire at Columbus
yesterday.
At the election in Covington, Ky., on
Saturday, the democrats elected their en
tire city ticket bv about 500 majority.
’I he Boston Journal says many farmers
i in Massachusetts having ponds, find the
| propagating of fish a paying business.
I Thirty thousand marriages took place in
j Ohio during the past year—six thousand
j more than during any previous year.
1 If a woman could talk out of the two
ecrimrs, of hei n, i.ali ai the same time
tiiere would be good deal said on both
■' r Ifiedrewa j >-a
giu eonctri in Covuurton, Kv They
a V
zx contemporary suggests that ,ion
putting on her corsets is like a man who
drinks to drown his grief, because in so
lacing herself she is getting tight!
Mazzini has issued a proclamation to the
Roman Republicans, advising them against
joining the Italian Kingdom, but to strike
for a republic on their own account.
The talk about locating the New York
post office at the lower end of the City
Hall Fark has already caused a rise in
rents in that vicinity.
A statistical genius calculates that the
cost of washing linen that might just as
well be worn two days longer amounts to
enough in this country to more than defray
the expenses of the American Board of
Foreign Missions.
During the last year there were two hun
dred and sixty-five b. -.rs killed in theStatc
of .Maine. In Fenofoeyt county alone
there were one hundred and nine killed.
_ The steamer (Jnld-n. Cjt;/ sailed from
San Francisco on the 30th hist, for Pana
ma, with treasure and passengers for New
York. She took $1,072,175 for New
York.
The Mayor of Burlington, Yt., has
vetoed a project to supply tho city with
water from Lake Champlain, ou the ground
that the city cannot afford the expense.
The tobacco factories in Petersburg, Va.,
are to resume operations next week.
A microscope, with double the power of
any previously o nstruet
completed in England, magnaying 15,000
diameters.
Hon. J. Francisco Chovcs, Relegate from
the Territory of New Mi xico, lias pre
sented a Washington ■ : the hind
quarter of a fine buffalo he'for diet by that
gentleman with his own rifi while on his
way across the plans 11 ake his seat in
Congress.
A St Louis papo V- pto kiecbusi
ness of tin. i. : it At!: g
into consideration, wa a- as the
most sanguine could : ve a • ; .tied. An
exposition of its operations wiii show that
the State and country arc recov: ring rap
idly from the disorganization of labor.
A letter in the Savannah A Ties, from
an agent of the Havana.telegraph line who
is now in South Florida, says that part of
the country is destined before many years
to teem with the richest West India pro
ducts—tobacco and sugar of the finest
qualities, and tropica! fruits of every de
scription.
Os nine daily newspapers published in
Boston in ’■ 43, only three are now in ex
istence, and of twenty-eight magazines
there remains the jfiskoiiary Herald,
Christian Examiner, North American
llexuMj. Ol the weekly press, which num
bered thirty-five, twelve only are now
printed.
The European Governments are still
arming. France expects to have 450,000
needle guns ready for use by May next,
and Russia has ordered one hundred cas:
steel cannon from the celebrate.; works of
the Messrs. Krupp, at Even. Th-y are to
be paid fourteen thonsand doll r
Bavaria, too, is arming, 1.. fog <,:• !, • ?
ninety-six rifled cannon from a ifo ... n
foundry.
Referring to the recent remarkable yacht
race across the Atlantic, the London l J ost
says: “It is probable that with all our
boasted knowledge of naval architecture
and seamanship, we shall again, as we did
when the America first came over and took
the conceit out of us, nave to recognize our
inferiority in these matters to our acute
Transatlantic Cousins, and to set about
making such improvements as may be sug
gested by what they have done.”
Mrs. Cunningham, the Regent of the
Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, has
published a report, from which it _ appears
that the receipts of tlie Association since
its organization have been $20,000, of
which over $68,000 was contributed as: the
proceeds of the lectures and essays of Hon.
E lward Everett. Out of this amount the
entire purchase money, together with the
interest money that had accumulated on the
deferred installments, has been paid, and
$23,000 has been expended in necessary
repairs to the mansion and out-buildings.
An English book of reminiscences of the
famous member of Farhainent in the last
centurv gives the following story of the
elder Fitt—“When the inquiry came on,
! he got up from his gouty chair and came
j down to the House to act—that always
I favorite part of his—the sick man, racked
| with pain, coming at the call of his un
! fortunate country. It was a broiling dav,
1 but he was wrapped up in an old beaver
coat and waistcoast and a scarlet roquelaure
lined with fur, with his gouty arm out of
the sleeve and hung in a crape slip. Over
his legs were drawn huge stocking. But
it was noticed that in his excitement of
speaking he forgot the ostentatious
debility of his helpless arm, and at glowiin
passages it was withdrawn from the slin
and nourished with all the ease of th,
sound one,”