Newspaper Page Text
ff | -A / ■ Jf '~’ " g*
■4>Jv i' tlJI> vj'f'j
OLD SERIES 1 , VOL. LXXVI.
ffhvoniclc & *fntinrt.
MOOliKi
A. il. AVniGHT.
Tl.lt 'l*. 11l »! BMTtIPTI»>.
iia ins or aiu 1:1:11*1 m;
(’IIKONK'LK & SM.YII.nKL*
fi Din I fhruary 1, lSfii.
1 (K> $5 0 ) .>0 OOjllS 00 sl7 CX» S-iO (V) s£> AO §25 00
- • * I l ** 8 IK' 11 Oil; 13 00! 113 00 2S iK) 33 . 37 ():) 4 j 00
3 0 Sol 11 00 11 00; 17 On! 38 00 ‘ 80 50 12 00 AS 00 53 50
4 S 00 it IK' 17 00 f 20 OOj ;>3 00 1:1 00 50 O' 57 ooj 03 50
0 11 00 1 IS 00 23 00j 20 Ollj 15 tX) 5 i 00 «$ 00 71 00* S3 (K)
8 111 -- «** 3S tK» 32 00, 53 «»•» 00 OO S' 00 yj o? Mo 00
V 15 1 21 Oi' 50 o*' 35 ooj 5,3 00 75 00 87 00 9S I*MB 00
r ;;‘i « r < JJ £ * « JJ * £ »* ™ w oo
mi" “-pare. * ..t ♦•rtion, 75 « ; ear*!j
iuMiligmi! 1 . rt.on, under J 50 <*entM,
'£ <• ut. additional for twi vcrtiaemenU
kept, on the Inside.
'J~> ['<•» rent, additional in Special UVhmin.
i • uni. additional for 1 > aibleColumn.
Mama;:** and I' linural Noti(*i*s,§l.
( )bitiiarieM f 20 (rents per line.
( orninunicattoim, 20 trtnts per line.
Daily f. o. and. lor one month or loager,
Iv/o-tiiirds above rates.
In Weekly for one month or linger,
one-!bird the rates for Daily.
in Dady and Weekly, one thi <1 the
daily rales, additional.
. \d vertisenioiitH <*ontiimeil for one year
will la* (diarged two-thirds the above rates
for the* ht.-t\six months.
It will he perceived by the foregoing
that we have rod lined the rates of acl
vi rtising liffoeii to twenty per cent., to
tilve effect on this day.
•‘ ingle CopioH, 5 routs; to (’arriers, 2-1
TliitMs - ('ash.
Al <d SI’A, <- A :
\VKII \KKIM V UIIKM.Mi, APRIL 21.
A»k You a Mason?” -The beautiful
pi* rent poetry on our fourth page will lx»
r* id with j*ro ii t and pleasure by every
member of tho craft. It is a titling answer
l<* such a question from an outsider, and
those who have travelled the “rough and
rugged road’’ no pathetically described
will readily recognize the picture tho
ell id ic hand basso handsomely drawn.
*1:. AnNIVKKSAKY OF TIIK A k OUST A
Miimn Sociktv.—-This time-honored in
stitution e<‘l(*brated its titty-first Aniiiver
s try at llieSt. John’s Methoritat Church, in
this city, on .Sunday eveningtlu* 14th in
stant.
The services oomiueneod with an anthem j
by thi* choir. The Itov. A. Wright read a
passage of Scripture,and the Jlev. J. S. La
mar offered a very impressive prayer. Af
ter the singing of a liynm, tho annual re
port was submitted by the Secretary.
hr. W. il. Doughty was then introduced,
and made a solemn and beautiful tribute to
the value of the Ilible, and urged upon t he
audience-the importance of disseminating
it throughout tin* length and breadth of
ear land, lie was followed by tho lion,
li. W. Milliard, in his usual happy and
forcible manner.
The closing address was made by the
venerable Hev. \Y\ »S. IMumer, h. I)., who
captivated alt hearts by his venerable up- I
pearanre and impressible and eloquent ad
.dresy.
A Larue Wheat Citoi*.—Tho accounts
received !>•' our exchanges from almost
every section of .Maryland, Virginia and
North Carolina, speak of the prospect of a
la rye cron of wheat. A Louisville paper
says not only in Ohio aud Kentucky, hut
io Tennessee also, tho wheat crop is more
extensive than is usually seen, and promises
an abundant yield. The Illinois State
Journal learns that the wheat in Sanga
mon an l adjoining counties looks finely,
belter than during the corresponding
oi cii for several years past. Wheat and
other cereal crops in Texas, of which an
it nu it ally large breadth has been planted,
are and the lame Star
planters anticipate the biggest harvest they
ever had.
National I'iunkinu Tim Revenue
(’omnii -ioiUTN e.-rimato that there are an
nually consuiiie.l in this country 42,000,000
gallons of distilled spirits, 180,000,000 i
gallons of fermented liquors. and 10,0tK),t)O0
gallons of imported liquors, the estimated
east of which is ?>">t>0,000,000, on which .
the Government, derives an income of
*l7, 727, 27ii. This of course does not j
include the liquor smuggled into the coun
try, nor the immense amount secretly and i
illicitly manufactured, which would vastly
increase this estimate.
Booth's Diary. -A Washington letter
of the 12th, says:
“ The publication of the contents of the
Wilkes Booth diary, about which so much
has been said, will not take place until the
testimony of the witness who took it from
his body can be obtained and printed with
it. This witness is now in Ohio, and the
Judiciary Committee o! the House will
shortly secure bis deposition, which will
prove beyond dispute that the diary is now
in precisely the condition in which it was
when taken from Booth's body."
lit ft. Kit AMI SI'OONS IN NhtvThU.KANS.
A letter from Now Orleans says :
“On Mardi Gras, ono of the masque
raders wore a military dross, the epaulettes
of which were made of 'spoons.’ As he
passed by, the people seeing the spoons,
rvou the negroes, too, shouted 'Butler! 1
‘Butler!’
An Outrage.
An ele. tion was held oil the Sprague A
Burnside Farm on the ml instant, for State
officers and Congressmen. This, says the
Clearfield (l'a.) is a patch of
land on the Codfish cons', between Massa
chusetts and Connecticut, principally in
habited by loyalists ever since before the
Revolution, and has lately been known on
the map as Rhode Island, hut now owned
in fee simple by Senator Sprague (who is
trying to expatriate his wife, the late cele
brated Columbus, Ohio, K ile, MissCliase),
and that fearless negro commander and
l'redeiieksburg butcher, Gen. Burnside,
who now run the machine ostensibly in the
interest of loyaldom, but chiefly for their
own private ends. But to the outrage :
While the people of this Congressional
district are compelled to poll 25,00 t) votes
t 0 entitle them to a Congressman, the
subjects of Sprague ,k Burnside’s domin
ions polled, on the 3d instant, but 11,000
votes, and elected thereby two loyal -Con
gressmen. What charming music the
notes of “all men arc created free and
equal” must make to the-refilled ears of
these who so often repeat this Phillipic !
In this view of the ease, one Oodfish
aristocrat is just equal to five white men in
this Congressional District, litis kind of
aristocracy is an hundred fold worse than
'he “barbarism and slavery of the fcouth.
about which we have heard so much from
the wealth and intelligence oftheCodfish
coast. Ip “ a n u j en ara created free and
equal. ' why docs it take 28,000 white men
in Pennsylvania to elect one Congressman
when 11,i.ii iti Rhode Islanders can elect
two ! \\ ill some loyalist answer for the
Sprague & Burnside farm ?
We are glad to notice, however, that
the votes for the white ticket at the late
election increased considerably. The
Democrats doubled the number of their
members in the House, and reduced the
aggregate majority nearly one-fourth.
The U. S. Circuit Cr»rt convened at
Savannah on the 15th. Hon. Judge Wavne
was expected, but did not arrive. J
Tiie Colored Mass Meeting.
1 he following are the speeches delivered
at the colored mass meeting on Saturday :
J. r. KnjJr'TON' s (COLORED: SPEECH. '
| J. 'J'. Nhefton (colored) Umjh addressed
f th 6 meeting as follows :
honor of meeting you here to-dav he'-ause
j •(' s ’>ot merely to s]*-ak of the imaginary
! Kl f, ry of lilierty and lii-cdoiji asv.eliavo
; lieard to often, hulas brothers to consult
j together.
j it is true we have entered into a strange
I and new lire, so to speak, wjth all the
j road- and way fares to political honor and
j distinction. We are here to discuss
; broad principles to-day—principles that
are to guide and regulate our futureaefions
as anew political element in the .State,
j lherc i- I,m <,n<- cmir'C to pursue il
iwe can lind and that is the right course,
j We know the principles of the party
j which haoe liberated you, and made you
i citizens. Those principles* have bo m clear
j iv defined £o as lo leave no mistake be
hind them, i ain riot here to teach you
the course that you are to pursue, for i
I know that yon are men, and like men are
capable of acting. As for myself, X fuel
I in duty bound to support dial party whose
j principles make no distinction on account
rif race or color in the enjoyment of civil
; and political rights. These rights which
we enjoy to-day, must lie kfpt sacred as
| precious jewels around our neck. They
j came to us through fire and sword pthey
were consecrated in the blood of fallen
heroes, and must be handed down to our
children. No one desires more than X do,
the restored >n of this distracted country.
The country needs peace and good will
among its people, in order to open anew
avenue through which the nation shall
glide. Hut how are these desirable cuds j
to lx; accomplished? is it lo bo (lone
for the price of our liberties, and at tlie 1
sacrifice of our rights ? it is simply for j
the white man to take the black nuin by
the hand? if we are to live here together
it is better, far better to live as friends than !
enemies. Our interest are one and in- j
separable, our destinies the same.
Vour poverty is my poverty—your
prosperty is my prosperity. Whv, then,
cannot your rights also bo my rights. We
have bad enough of war. An examination
of the fields of past conflicts, and the
bleached hones on the hills aud plains, to
gether with the widows’ tears, and or
phans' cries ask for a return of peace and
friendly union among men, and, for tins
cause lot us reason together as men and
fellow-citizens, havitig the interests of our
country at heart. You will excuse me for
not entertaining yon longer, but 1 have
been sick.
XX-GOY£RXOK JOHNKON’S SPEECH.
lion. Jl. V. Johnson then addressed the
meeting as follows:
My Friends: The reluctance which I
feel in speaking to you on this occasion
docs not arise from any want
to converse with you in a spirit of frank
ness, candor and justice, but rather from
the unexpected turn which the delibera
tions of this meeting have taken. A pub
lication in the newspapers announced that
there would be a general gathering, without
respect to color, on this day, specifying
that the object of such meeting was to
consider generally the condition of the
country and the new relations which have
been, recently established between the two
races that compose our population, and
the duties springing from that new rela
tion.
j Squares,
i 1 Week,
j 2 We* ks.
j 3 Weeks.
| I Month.
j 2 Months.
I
j 3 Months.
I
1 Mouths.
S Months.
8 Months.
I, therefore, did not anticipate that the
meeting was called for the purpose of adopt
ing resolutions looking to the organization
of a political party; and viewing it in that
light, my heart did respond most cheerfully
to the call of the meeting and the objects
which :t proposed. Still, although disap
pointed to some extent in the turn which
lias been given to the meeting, I do not
led at liberty, after having been politely
invited to be present, to remain silent, or
withhold from you such views as seem to
me appropriate for your consideration. I
confess I have no Fault to lind; on the con
trary, 1 am rather pleased with the spirit
which was manifested by the speaker who
has just addressed you. He said many
things in which Icordially agree, and he said
some things which, of course, I cannot
approve. lam not here for the purpose
oi' controversy nor thwarting your objects,
which seem to ho desires, but to talk to
you very briefly and frankly on matters
suggested by the occasion.
In the beginning of my remarks I. ad
dressed you as friends. Am 1 right in so
characteVizing you? f feel that lam your
friend; 1 know that. I wish you well; 1
desire your prosperity ; your advancement
in the social scale; i desire you to suc
ceed in all virtuous aims that you may
wish to accomplish ; I am willing for you
freely and fully to enjoy the rights which
the laws have conferred upon you so long
as those laws exist; whether 1 approve of
those laws or not, is not the ijue tion. If
we were to enter into such discussion, it
might engender unpleasant feelings. But
in all sincerity, whilst they exist, l am for
obedience to them.
• So far as 1 am personally concerned, no
word or act of mine shall ever be exerted
for the purpose of restraining you in the
enjoyment of the freedom which has been
recently enforced upon you. lam your
friend. 1 have reason to be your friend.
When this war began, in the providence of
God, under the laws of the land, as they
then existed, 1 owned a large number of
slaves, [luring all of our intercourse,
while they stood in that relation to tne, 1
can say that I never perpetrated, inten
tionally, towards them an act of injustice or
suppression. Nearly all of them are in my
service to clay. They are my friends.
They are contented —they are happy.
They expect to share equally with me
the fruits of their labor. 1 have employ'd
them the present year in the business of
agriculture. The written contract between
us is, that they are to receive one-half of
all that id made upon the plantation, and,
if they are faithful, and Providence sends
sunshine ami rain, they will realize a hand
some remuneration for their toil, and 1
shall see to it that they receive every dol
lar to which they may be entitled. The
relations between me and them, before
they were emancipated, was that of mutual
confidence, kindness and friendship.
Since their emancipation, that relation
has undergone very little change.
I do not speak of this, my friends, in a
spirit of egotism, but ibr the purpose of
presenting to you an example which I
believe to lie a type of a great majority of
the State of Georgia.
It is a very great error if you suppose
that those who were recently slaveholders
cherish feelings of unkindness toward you
as a race. It is not so. The tone and
temper of all the better and more sensible
people, so far as 1 have Wen enabled to
ascertain, are kind, niagmuiiiuous.alid just.
1 am aware, my friends, that in various
forms efforts have been made to induce
you to believe that the white race are your
enemies.
There are had people everywhere, both
white and black, but it is very unjust and
very unkind to characterize a whole people
as being cruel and oppressive because there
may be a few who are. You would con
sider it exceedingly hard and unkind if one
of your color should violate the laws of the
land, by committing murder or house
breaking or ilicit, for it to be said that the
whole colored population of the country
were a race of thieves, robbers or murder
ers. Lot the golden rule operate. If you
would not be patient under that charge,
then give to the other race the same meas
ure of justice which you demand for your
selves. Do not believe that because here
and there are instances of maltreatment to
some of your color, therefore the whole
white population are your enemies. Such
a conclusion would prove fatal to the har
mony, happiness and welfare of both
My friends, you and I, and all of us, are
Georgians : we wore born upon her soil;
our kindred who Lave gone before us sleep
in the dust of our beloved State: we have
been raised together ; our children have
played together ; together we have passed
through many scenes of sorrow and afflie
tion, as well as enjoyed many scenes
of happiness and of hope. Are all
these memories of the past to go for
naught, and will you. in the hurry of
the lnomept. at the suggestion of those
who, perhaps, do not understand us. take
it for granted that we must be enemeis to
each other, and array ourselves in hostile
attitude at the ballot box. and in all that
concerns our political welfare? IV ill you
take it for granted that we are antagonistic,
I and cannot live in peace and harmony ?
i My friends, let no such feelings as these
find a permanent lodgment in yoftr hearts.
At all events, give to the race, against whom
it is sought to array you. a fair trial. Put
them to the test, and if they refuse you
your rights of freedom —it they persistently
i persuc a course of injustice, then withdraw
your confidence : but. as sensible men, do
not till tlien.
I I have said that we are all Georgians, I
i wiii add now that we are all Southern peo
ple, and as such it is our destiny to live
’ together, and if we must live together it is
! our highest interest, our most sacred duty,
!to live together in friendship. Yourin
; terests are our interests. IV hen you pros
per we prosper. When we suffer adver
i sity you will suffer adversity. Whatever
brintrs ruin upon the people of Georgia
will fall on you as well as us. When you
consider the question in this aspect, a thou
sand considerations of interest admonish
you to be calm, considerate and cautious,
before you commit yourselves to a hue of
the white population.
Let there be no. strife, eo hostile political
organizations; let there lx- mutual confi
dence, until experience shall have demon
strated that its maintenance is impractic
able. Asa portion of tre people of the
State of Georgia," you have an abiding in
terest in the character of the laws which
shall be adopted, and. therefore, in the
virtue and intelligence of those who shall
he selected as law makers. See to it that
you select those who understand our true
interests, and are identified with you in
the memories of tho past and in the hopes
of the future. Turn away from those who
approach you as demagogues to obtain
your vote.
We are in tl;e midst of a wondeful crisis,
much, very much of your future x-rosperity
and happiness will depend upon the line
i of policy which, as a people, you shall de
j termine to pursue, in your relations with
the white race. Vou may have bad ad
■visirs, th is who think they are doing
j good service when they abuse and en
courage ye to abuse the whitte race ; be
‘ ware, bevur- of them. Ido not say that
any -id oi -•: or spirit characterizes this
i meeting. 1 h:. . e reason to believe other
| w: • . in view of the good temper which
seemed to animate the speaker who ail
! dressed you first, and. especially of that
j heartfelt and ardent prayer which was of
j sered by your minister at the opening of
! this meeting.
j If yon were on board a ship in the midst
! of a storm at sea, when the billows were
raging and the" vessel creaking and leaking,
you would want an experienced pilot who
I understood the dangers to be apprehended
j arid the best inode of rescuing the vessel
| from perils. We are in such a storm now
j —we are all on board the same ship, white
and black. The hurricane howls and the
waves roll mountain high, and the vessel
rocks and creaks. The question is whom
| will call you to the helm? Whom will you
j trust? Will you take the ignorant, the
vicious, the corrupt and selfish demagogue,
or will you look to those amongst you who
have been horn and raised with you—have
associated with you—who understand your
condition anu the welfare and resources of
the States. Are not these the men to
whom you will look lo guide the ship of
State? That is your duty—understand
your rights, go. to "the ballot box and cast
your vote, but look well to your true in
terest and act ujion the best light you can
gain. _ I have said that we are not only
Georgians but that we areal! Southern
people and having at heart the common
welfare of the South. W r e must share a
common destiny.
The Congress of the United States is the j
common Legislature for all the States. Hut ;
you live tinder a Government whioh pro
fesses to be governed by a writtn Constitu
tion, under which we have flourished in j
the past. Departures front it have brought .
upon us our troubles. We cannot be !
prosperous and happy without a return to j
an observance of its provisions. Now, it
so happens that the-Southern States arq_
not represented in the Congress. Laws
are passed of the most important char
acter effecting our material, socjjtl and
political interests without our being repre- i
sented or having a voice in the passage of j
these laws. You are interested in
those laws. Your new relation renders!
you deeply so. And hence you should !
seek to understand their operations so that j
you may know how they effect your wel- i
fare and interests. Eschew any party
organization which does not iook to the I
common good.
I will .give you one or two illustrations j
of how these laws operate. I will take the !
subject of the taxing power of Congress. |
Congress has the power of levying taxes
to raise money to support the Government
and pay of tho. public debt. The Consti
tution declares that the laws must be
uniform, and yet you find that Congress
has levied a tax of two-and-half cents per j
pound upon all the cotton that is made in j
the Southern States; and a bag that :
w ghs four hundred pounds has to pay
to the Government ten dollars. If one of j
your color is employed by an agriculturist
and his share of the crop comes to one i
bag, weighing 500 pounds, he has to pay j
|S]2 50 to the Government. Is such a
tax uniform ? Does it touch the people |
of the States that do not make cotton ? ;
Not at all. It is really a local tax, a special
tax, levied, contrary to the Constitution, |
which requires uniformity of taxation, and
upon a given article of produetfotV'fll Wtlioh
you, as inhering*people, are most deeply
interested. But this article is riot only ;
taxed once, but it is taxed three times.
You first pay your sl2 50 per bale upon
the raw material, and then you have to
pay an income tax out of the money you
sell the cotton for, and when the manufac
turers make it into cloth you have to pay a \
high tax on every yard you consume.
Similar heavy taxation is imposed upon j
ripe, tobacco, spirituous liquors, &c.—a
tax of 40 cents per pound on chewing and ;
30 cents per pounu on smoking tobacco, ;
and §2 per gallon on whiskey.
Now, 1 allude to these things to show '
you how deep an interest you have in the ;
great question of taxation. Who lias laid
those taxes on you ? it has been done by
tiie dominant party-in Congress, who claim
to he especially your friends, aud believe,
i suppose, honestly, that the white nice in
the Southern States are your vindictive
enemies. I. counsel you to feci every inch
of ground upon which you tread; be sure j
that you do not walk upon quick sands.—
well before you leap. Exercise your
rights, but exercise them in obedience to i
no man or party. My friends, you are free,
and that is a great boon , it is. a most in
valuable blessing which has been conferred
upon you. provided you will use that free
dom intelligently aud.virtuously.
Avery large portion of the people,, of j
both colors, entertain very loose and in- ;
• correct ideas in reference to this thing you
call liberty.
There arc many people who think that
liberty consists in a man's having a right
to do just as he pleases. That is not lib
erty. You cannot take the law in your j
own hands. No man can go into the house I
of his neighbor and take away his goods, t
or money, or provisions, or property of I
any kind. He is free, why can he not do ;
it? Simply because it would destroy so- |
eiety and government It would be lieen- :
ttousness, and lead to anarchy. Every one I
may do what is not forbidden by law. But
the true idea oi liberty consists in that j
freedom which is regulated by law. There- !
lore, you should understand your liberty
and what it means—unless you do, you
cannot preserve it. , Liberty cannot be
preserved without wise laws, and wise
laws cannot be adopted without wise legis
lators. Good government is the essence
of freedom,'and without it there can be no
liberty. You are, therefore, interested iu
maintaining a good government, and a
good government is that which results .
from the Constitution. Therefore try to
understand the laws and Constitution of !
your country. -Study your position. Cul-
toolings ot confidence with all classes 1
and ail colors, and co-operate with each
other in promoting our common welfare.
These are the views which occur to me ]
on this occasion. I have presented them
to you in all candor, actuated by no other
feeling but that of good will and an honest
purp >s«, so far as I may be able, to pro
mote your prosperity and happiness.
LEWIS CARTER S (COLORED) SPEECH.
The next speaker was Ben. Carter
colored.' whose remarks are presented as '
delivered, with the exception of gram
matical corrections by the reporter.
}
ir.m: the fact that I might address you as
friends and I might be deceived. - The
laws of Congress have made us fellow-citi
zens. whether we are friends or not. (Loud
cheers. 1 address you. as our last speaker
remarked, with great reluctance, from the
fact that lam unprepared, to a'great extent,
to express myself in the behalves of un
people as 1 would desire to do, and for
reason of my illiterate condition. I was
born and raised in the South. All present
know that laws were enacted to prevent
me from King educated ; therefore, what
ever mistakes may be made, I hope my
language will be excused. I rejoice in the
behalves of my people; and when I say my
people in this respect. I speak now in the
behalves of my color. Though my color is
somewhat mixed. I don't suppose this
mixture came from the other side of the
ocean. When I say those of my color. I
mean those who have woolly hair. (Loud
applause and laughter l . Accepting our
relationship, as we do. we had it with joy
and gratitude to God: and, as a peofile, we
give honor to those who were instrumen
tal, in the hand of God, in giving us our
freedom. (Cheers.) But while we aec-ept
our freedom, we do not accept it with a
view of living at variant*; with those who
were our former masters. We hoped that
those who had our sweat and labor and
great toil, would have reached out their
hands iu friendship toward us. Applause.
Sorry aui l—and 1 speak in the behalves of
free, good thinking men of my race—we
were all sorry that things were not dif
ferent. When the proclamation of
emancipation was proclaimed, those_ who
had the advantage of reading a portion of
them. I must agree with Governor John
son, those who had education being moved
by a spirit of compassion, would not allow
the power of education to control them,
while the poor man was murdered and i
AUGUSTA, GA.. WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 24, 1867.
cheated, and, driving our race from their
Homes, there was not pne who came up
and ?i)pkein ourJbehalves. (Cheers.)
Yet,' 1 might not, for a moment, begin
to remember a?i the iil treatment; and
yet, 1 must agree on the oihev hand, on
my part, on the part of my race, there was
a great many things done which ought
not to have been done. I have’ expressed
my thoughts aud iny reasons to some of
the. first white citizens.
There are hundreds of my race that have
been taught tosteal and to do wrong, and it
eouid not be expected that an ignorant - race
could so-soon turn to he good men. One
of the committee toid me I must be iu a
hurry. I can’t think good in a hurry. I
• stammer anyhow. The more l hurry tiie
more I stammer, and lean t do justice to
toy thoughts. I agree with the remarks
of our last speiker, when lie said of us as
being Southerners. I claim it as a fact
that we are Southerners, T claim it as a
fact that we are friends. If the colored
man lias not proved himself to be a friend
to the white man, 1 ask those who are
educated .to search history anu lind out
what friendship is. During the time of
the war, when the South was almost
drained of its men, aad your property,
wives and children were left at our
disposal, we knew our power.— j
Tell me of an instance where ,
. there was a.wrong done (a voice, “notone’’ ,
—"" lie not one. ') (Cheers.) 1 say, whilst
tLey were in the war, your wives and chil
dren wese at our disposal, but, thank God, -
we protected them, and our lives were at
- stake in the behalf of our young masters j
and mistresses. Again—l bring this to
show you that in my limited judgment I j
! believe we have acted just toward our j
white friends. As the Governor lastly j
lias spoken to us, the relationship which !
i we now hold hae raised us above what we j
used to be—perhaps three months ago. I j
said we were citizens, and that we had no •
I part in the choice or making of the laws j
under which we must be controlled. Our [
interests, are all the same, but it must be ,
remembered that the laws and taxations ]
I that now come upon the citizens in general,
and property holders do not ass ect us much I
at present, because there are few of us who j
hat e got over fifty cents or a dollar, j
And I dare say, if every one paid his honest I
debts he would not have that. There are !
many people who claim citizenship and
freedom, and are slaves to-day. This is
one _ of the great reasons why I was so
deceived in the (secession or cesation) ot
the war. Knowing that our old masters
had so long "enjoyed freedom, and knew so
well what it was, and so many of us were
made uncomfortable. I do. not mention
these wrongs that have been done the"
race in tho spirit of antagonism, but with
a desire to lead to peace and happiness.
Why cannot we take hand in hand and
go together ?
I will bring up an illustration of a ship,
too. It is true that I have not seen a
great many. We were sailing upon a ship
whose sails were set to be filled up with
air ; she boasted of her?capacity, but when
tiie breeze came, and the great sea waves
came too and dashed against it, her sails
filled, and the. ship filled, too, and
went down. (Much laughter and cheers.)
That old ship—the institution of slavery—-is
dead, and 1 thank God for-it. Shall I
employ again its Captain or its manager
to bear me through the ocean again ?
(Cheers and a voice ‘ ‘No! no!! ) Do it be
cause lam angry with’ the Captain ? No ;
it is because L have lost confidence in him.
The question is, how can l regain that
confidence ? Is it because the Cap
tain comes to me again and says I will
take you across safely? (Avoice, “No,
sir.”) In speaking about the party who
we shall support, Gov. Johnson said that
we were born together; and I tell you the
same mother that sucked me"sucked my
young mistress, and it is so; and I dare say
that there is hardly a Southern family that
has not been reared just in this way, and
shall, we live at variance? I will* tell you
further, and L have been taught this: my
old master had a first-rate horse—he could
trust him anywhere, and he would not run
away, and my master could jump outof the
buggy and go anywhere he pleased—but
one day that old horse ran away, and my
old master never would let that horse, after
that, stand without being tied. (Laugh
ter). Ilow can we, as a people, support
those that have vowed blood to enslave
us ? 1 low i s s that confidence to bo regained?
I am almost ready to contend that white
people doTffiTtfant ’an.v'cbitfffcTffie WftTe
colored people ; they have tried their faith
and they know them. Let us make that
plain. I know thousands of white and
colored people who can bear witness to this
to-day: Last spring hundreds of contracts
were made by colored men and women,
who have gone and signed those contracts,
and labored faithfully, and at the close of
the year those contracts were not fulfilled.
(Cheers.) This was done by mean white
people. The Governor was right in
saying that there were some mean
white people who ought to be disfran
chised, and, if possible, they ought to be
blacked. (Laughter.) Such men are not
fit for society. Without character a man
is nothing, white or black. Now, then,
what is my desire —what do I believe to be
the feelings and wishes of every colored mat)
and of every good white man? My belief is
that they want to have a harmonious feel
ing together. We all want to show it,
not by speaking from impulses raised
within the past twenty-five days, hut with
honor sho.wed us in our future treatment
to each other and interests. This is the
only working system. In the words of the
Apostle James, “Show me thy faith
without thy ‘works, and I will show you
my faith with my works.”
This is the principle on which l am
willing, fora time, to live, and to die with
you and for you. (Loud cheers.)
JUDGE STARNES’ SPEECH.
Fellow-Countrymen : —I address j 7 ou
without distinction of race —fellow-country- j
men. Some criticism lias been put upon
the words “my friends,” which was cor
rectly used by my friend, Governor John- .
.son. I address you as fellow-countrymen, j
and I have an object in thus commencing.
I am not your fellow-citizen; 1 am among ;
those who have been disfranchised. by an
act of the Government, to which reference
has been so frequently made. lam not
among your fellow-citizens; and why do I
refer it? To elicit your sympathy, to ask |
you to aid me in having it otherwise?. Not t
at all.
I wish you to understand that in coming j
here this morning, in consenting to speak
to you, L have no personal interest to sub- .
serve. 1 have no interest that is not in
common with all the country. I have j
nothing to gain for myself, and what 1
have to say, therefore, I hope will com
mend itself to you as the sentiments of a j
man who has no pevsonal'interest in the j
matter, and is free here, to give you the j
best advice he can uuder the circumstances.
And now let me say l cannot delay long
here. I find that I have to address certain
persons who have come here organized as
a party, for the purpose of carrying party
resolutions. It has been manifested that
those who have come here this morning
for the purpose of carrying out these
resolutions have prepared ail that has
been said in favor of the resolutions.—
Any other sentiments which look to the
general good and harmony .of both races
meat wkh no sympathy and no applause.
1 respect many of the words of the last
speaker, though they were prompted by the
prejudices of his color.
lie is mistaken, hpwever, in much that
he has said. He has told you that he and
those who are associated with him are
here to-day for the purpose of supporting
a certain party and advocating a certain
party platform; and liq has-told you that
they lack all confidence in those who.arenot
in favor of that platform. You can un
derstand this. Yfe are invited here to-day
to a free discussion; to give our views on
the affairs of the nation; aud when weoome
here, we .are anticipated and forestalled
by the information iliat we lack the con
fidence of our hearers. lam thoroughly
sensible of this disadvantage, yet I am
going to speak to you in a way that will
command the sympathy of some, i do
not expect your applause.
I was invited here, with other gentle- ,
men. to speak to you, and we are not here
. to put ourselves upon any party line of,
policy. We are sorry that we could not
have’ addressed you before it became
necessary to advocate any party princi
ples. M e understand what has has lieen
done. We are all old stagers. We know
how parties carry their measures and
resolutions, and we do not wish to intro
duce any discord among the people who
are met here to-day.
I tried to learn beforehand what (he
resolutions were, for I wanted an under
standing as to your sentiments before party
lines were drawn. I wanted us to see we
could not, all, white and black, occupy a
platform without reference to the fact that
some of us have been masters and some
slaves. But in this I have been frustrated.
The speaker who has just addressed you
said that a great wrong had ken perpe
trated by those who had been slave-hold
ers. That certain parties had freed you—
relieved you from the condition of slaves:
but that we had perpetrated a great wrotm '
in holding you as slaves, and it was not to
be expected that that which was right
could l>e extended to you by us.
The resolutions introduced also declare
that the late war was made by the South i
for the purpose of perpetuating slavery.
Now. the Congress of me L cited States de
clared that they made the war to perpetuate
the Union on account of si a very. Yet to day
we are told that it anude by us to per-,
petuate slavery. Jno speaker said that
we perpetrated a great wrung upon you,
in resisting an effort to free you. You
can read (someof you) and ascertain what
the truth oi history establishes.
Did 1 vote lor Slavery ! Or did even
the fathers of the present generation vote
slavery into being ( No, no, my friends.
No option was to us. Our fore
lathers. several generations, removed,
brought it nere in ships at old England,
or New England, bla-very has never been
suddenly at once in any coun
try. It has grown up by custom. Our
English ioivfathei>. who furnished their
ships to trade in the mi porting of colored
people from Africa, and many ships from
New England, brought it here, and in
process of time, many of us were
compelled to inherit, slaves, for we
found our property chiefly in slaves and
ourselves in a condition which we coukl
not influence. Nor did we believe that
slavery itself va- morally wrong, for we
found warrant for it in the Bible. This
generation took things as they found them.
\Ve were not responsible for the establish
ing of slavery, and we could not, at once, if
j we had wished, remove it, and so, what
ever might De our private sentiments, we
were compelled to sustain tho condition of
, things as we found them; and Ido not think
many of you believe we were doing wrong,
j except where there was an abuse of slavery.
\Y hen there came a war between the slave-
I holding and thy States,
find when the slaves became fret, then a 1
new order of things sprung up, and .then
an opportunity was offered to all to do 1
their duty under this new State of’ things. I
We ought not to be judged ly what our
forefathers have done, if we have not
abused our privileges as slave-holders.
1 havejjaunouuced, publicly, that there
are ties'of the strongest and closet friend
ship which binds those who lately stood in
the relation of masters and slaves together,
and 1 now add that lie is a madman who
seeks to sunder them.
There are obligations of interest, too,
which we cannot ignore, which are
as strong as the might -of Hercules,
and which wc must recognize if we would to
consult the interests'of either race.
Wliat are these ties of friendship ? The
last speaker forcibly furnished one or two
illustrations, which are interesting to us,
all of us.
Though the law made a distinction be
tween us when we stood towards each other
as masters and slaves, yet it did not pre
vent a community of family ties. Our at
tachments were attachments of the
family circle. There were some ex
ceptions I know. There were brutes
among masters, and theye were un
feeling mistresses, but I speak of the great
masses when I say there was a strong
family tie which bound masters and slaves
together. •
Thou, I speak with feeling (and every
master in this assemblage who has owned
slaves sympathizes with me,) when I say
I have the strongest feelings of friendship
for those who were once my slaves.
I have feelings pf friendship for them,
arising out of asssociationg, that can never
he obliterated until death puts its seal upon
my heart.
When I hear of their distress my purse
is open to them. They can tell you so.
When I remember that they 7 are they who
have nursed my children—who have
watched over the death-beds of my little
ones; when I remember that their hands
have smoothed my pillow in my own suf
ferings, I can never otherwise* feel that
they have been portions of my house
hold as long as we live upon this trouble
some earth.
It was but tho other day I met one
of them who was out of business—a skilful
mechanic, too, I sympathized with him. I
I put money info hi.s hands with which to j
create business for hiuiself. Ask my !
slaves if they have known any lessening
in the warm friendship which existed be- j
tween us in the family circle. •
Do not think I am vaia in saying that’,
or conceited when l speak of myself.
What 1 have done is only what thousands
of others have done, and are. doing, if I
mention it as an illustration, and as show
ing that, as former owners of slaves, we
want no man to conic between them and
Trtrr-hwrrt-:
Build up your party platform if you
please, but first, in view of these things,
give us an opportunity to ask you if we
can come together and make some com
mon platform upon wliich we can agree
to maintain your state of freedom, all your
rights untouched, without forcing you
into antagonism to us and our interests ; j
for the friendship which we have so long
entertained we desire to continue.
Is this all? ’This is not, all. You
are now approaching a crisis in
your lives, when it is necessary for you
to understand what your true interests
are.
You cannot fail to see that it is utterly
impossible for the two races to live to*
gether here in this country without a rela
tion of friendship and an identity of intercut.
The last speaker said that you desired to
sustain and supply those who are here for
•these purposes to-da,y. He recognized the
propriety and necessity for a common under
standing as to our interests; and yet, in the
face of all that, lie recommends that you
shall adopt a course which'shall express a
want of confidence in us.
Look at the identity of interest between
us. Vie cannot sopavate“ourselves. You,
townsmen, perhaps, do not feel a$ much as
your brethren iuthecountry, who are more
dependent on the whites. Your former mas
ters own more or less of the lands in our
State. _ For a-great many years you must
maintain the position of the representatives
ot labor, and the white man the rep
resentative oi capital. How will it do for
us to g«i to war then? By war I mean
antagonism of interests. How will it do to
bring into that sort of war the interests of
labor and capital ?
Must not those who have nothing to
depend on but labor be more or less im
poverished and be the greatest sufferers in
tins conflict ?
Suppose that by now committing your
selves to the love of policy embraced in
these resolutions, you place yourselves in
such a relation towards the white people
that they wid be compelled to say that, if
these meu make war on our interests,
wc must, for our own safety and protec
tion, carry the war into Africa. We must
see_ that white men are brought here —-
white men to take, the place of these
colored laborers,
Suppose thousands of Germans, or
Coolies, are brought in here as our labor
ers—how many colored beggars must there
be in this land ! How many families must
be urought to distress? Look upon it
l Oih the dry and simple standpoint of in
terest alone.. 1 want to show you haw
you are interested. The whites see their
interest in i employing the blacks.—
the exampie oi Governor-Johnson is
jolloweu by thousands everywhere. We
aie brought to it by our habits of living;
by our past associations. It is impossible for
us to loci unkindly to those whom we have
known from our childhood. We prefer te
have those people about us as long as they
do their &uty, and they prefer te be with
those who know their habits andean
make allowances for them, “those with
whom they know how to get alone.”
We prefer that we should not sever the
old ties that bound us together so lone as
our interest- run together, ft may be true
as Carter told you, .that perhaps none of
ou have oicr ,>0 cents m your po-'k-ds
and, therefore, cannot be hurt much bv
taxation. That argument will do very
well for a great number of you w ho are
present, and such may feel that you are
no great sufferers by taxation.
Who are you? Who arc you? Not a
very large meeting of the colored people of
Augusta. You are only a few hundred
out of the colored people of the whole
State. It may be that you represent the
colored people of Augusta, generally, but
there are thousands of your colored breth
ren who have an interest in the staple of
cotton, tobacco and rice, who will be effect
ed by taxation. I have made the same
arrangements and the same sort of a bar
gain as Gov. Johnson. Thousands have
done so 'in our State— dividing the
cron with the colored laborers.
You see, thus, that these people have
interests which they -hare in common
with the white owners of the laud. You
cannot shut your eves to this ; and these
things show that in joining yourselves to a
party you should be cautious and careful.
Understand well where you place your
selves and your friends, party you
are. by these resolutions- called on tojoin, K
the party that i- thus taxing the colored
people,-as shown by Gov. Johnson.
Bet me repeat to you, j wish it to be un
derstood that lam not hereto represent'
the interests of any man. 1 <lo not want
to stand in anv candidates.) way, but this
I say, I would have been glad. < hence I
put a card in the paper to that effect)
—before a party was joined by you to
have gone into a meeting for the purpose
of having an understanding with tne color
ed people, and seeing it we cannot adopt
a platform upon which white and blacks
could agree, and you could base had an
opportunity of learning what were your
interests.
You are now all free, and you are made
voters by the law. Has that.enabled any
of you to read who could not read before ?
Has that enabled any of you to make a law
who could not make one before?
If you want a law made for you—if you
wish to lie-defended when you arc brought
into court —are you going to one of your
freedmen ? Are you going to him to plead
for you in a court of justice ? Does his
citizenship make him able to read or un
derstand the law ? You have hut one an
swer to make.
If I want my horse shod am I going to
my distinguished friend -Mr. Hilliard, who
is learned in tbelaw ? You know how to
answer that question.
W hat we have asked for, then, and what
we now ask for is that a little time should
be given you to learn something of your
true interests before joining a party.
Now that you can vote, you ought to un
derstand what you are about. Knowing
i that you can no more go and make law
; than Mr. Hilliard can shoe my horse.
We ask yon to take a little time and learn
to understand someting about laws.
We might find fault with terms which
were used to day, when allusion to us as
| was made rebels, &c.
I I know that there are a great many of
I yon who would rather these* terms had not
l been used.
i lou are told that those are vour bene
factors who have made successful war on
the South, and have freed you from slavery,
and I did not wonder at Carter when he
said that his race should sympatmze with
• those who gaye him and his fellows free
dom ; but remember that that is one thing,
that it is another thing to determine for
yourselves what shall be your duty in your
new relations, and in view of your new inter
ests. You have go,t now to look to the bread
and meat which you want to go into the
mouths of your children, l’ou oaunot
live without that, and you have got to
look out. for that. Have, these persons
who bring you here to-day the bread and
meat for you ? Where are the bread and
meat to come from but- from those who
can give you the means to earn it ? Are
you prepared to entirely overlook the cries
and wails that your little ones may raise
for bread ? l r our hearts give answer,
and I hope you see itas wellas Ido. Those
of you who do not feel yourselves absolutely
committed to any line of policy, will agree
with me that I ask - the most reasonable
thing in the world, when I ask that you
will take a little time to understand your
interests before you give yourselves up to
a party.
That some of you, at all events, who
have not made a pledge that you feel you
cannot violate, should resolve to see whether
or not; the white man, whose interests are
identified with yours, you cannot strike, out
a line of policy upon which you can all
stand together, and so together stand by
your common interests.
There is another subject of very high im
portance to you all, and of the utmost im
portance, also, to those white citizens who
are associated with you as citizens.
Those gentlemen who are representing
the Republican party here, are like all the
world, they arc probably looking after their
own interests, and can you not suspect
that you may be serving tiie selfish interest
of others, in committing yourselves to a
hasty policy, which you do not understand?
Is it not. better to consider whether by go
ing with them you may be driving from
you the men with whom you are identified?
-There is another subject to wliich I have
alluded, and. that is education. It is of
the greatest importance now to both white
and black that, if you vote, you should
be educated (for I have, shown you that
making you citizens does not teach you
how to make laws) so as to he able to un
derstand what you are about when you
exercise your rights.
And that you and your children should
be educated as rapidly and as surely as
possible. How can you obtain those re
sults? Can you get them from the North
ern people ? No doubt they will do much,
but no people, consisting of millions, .can.
inaugurate a system of education that can
raise them in the scale of civilization, ex
cept among and by themselves, for and by
their own instrumentality. The wealth of
a thousand Peabody's (and I suppose you
have all heard of him;) cannot do that.
You will have to bo trained, and all the
citizens with whom you live will also have
to be trained for this purpose. Together
we will have to put our. shoulders to the
"wheel
suppose you create an antagonism be
tween yourselves and the property holders,
you cause white men to bring other repre
sentatives of white nations here, and
refuse to aid you liberally in this under
taking. Suppose you do that, how slowly
must you and your children be qualified
to exercise intelligently, and properly, those
great duties which are now cast upoo you.
I have many other things which I would
like to say, but must hasten to leave you
to think about what I have said.
Again, I add that I came here to-day to
address you with no selfish interests, with
the hope that we might arrange matters
so as to produce the greatest good
and the greatest amount of happiness to all.
I do believe, and am sure, that many of
you notwithstanding party trickery, will
Feel and know where your true interest
lies, and that you will he found with all
good' people, white and black, in this
country, where w.c now have a common des
tiny, striving to do Our duty to God and to
man. (Cheers.)
SPEECH OF HON. 11. \V. HILLIARD.
I do not know that it is necessary to
employ any special phrase in addressing
this assemblage. lam reminded of' an
incident that occurred in the session of the
■French Chambers. Anachassis Cloatz,
a Prussian, came there and said ho thought
he was entitled to a seat, not because he.
was a Frenchman, but because he be
longed to the human race; and upon the
same ground L can appeal to this assem
blage, leavingout of view that one is dis
franchised and the other not, and recog
nize all that has been done as having been
done by an all-wise Providence. (Ap
plause. ) Let us not reproach each other,
nor lay our grounds by adverting to the
past. Ihe great present and the greater
future—these are to engage our attentions.
I feel that, in being called on to address
this great assemblage, it is an honor. I
recognize this as anew era entirely. llow
it lias been brought about we will not stop
to inquire, but recognize the fact that we
are all responsible to God for our duty .to
our country and to each other. And we
ought to take hold of the new position of
things to come up in the broad'views or
the great American people. What is best
for us all? Is it to quarrel? Let us
forget all that lias gone before us, Let
th'e great lessons of Providence be recog
nized by us. .Let us deport ourselves like
men who are men, and have a country—
.the greatest country on this globe, .if we
make ourselves useful to it as we ought to
do. I really think that all the gentlemen
who speak to you have at heart the good
of the country. They may not see it in the
same light that yoh and I see it. He only
is your enemy who seeks to sow dissension
amongst you. Providence has our thanks
here together. I desire that the working
out of this great plan shall make us
all richer. (Applause.) How is this
to be done? By the great law of
labor. You bold the plow or gather the
the corn and cotton and somp ofyour arc
mechanics. We must all labor. In the
great experience of nations it has been
found that where one class possess the
capital and the other is the laboring class,
there has always been a friction between
labor and capital. Heretofore there has
been no competition, because the capital
ists of this country owned the labor as
well as the capital, but now anew con
dition of things has come up. L6t there
be liberality on all sides. Take fair wages,
work deligently and honestly for those
wages. _ llegard the men who employ you
with kindness. Let us be to each other
real and trusty friends under the working
of this new order of things. Ido not wish
to discuss platforms—this is not the oc
casion. I recognize the fact that having
grown up under an institution that is now
passing away, observing that there are
evils under all systems, and now that it
has gone by, let us take care to have as
few evils a.s possible in the working of the
new. . Rise to the dignity of the new
position, and, when you work, work well.
We are not talking for what is before us
to-day or to-morrow. We ourselves shall
pass away and the places that now known
us will known us no more. In the great
coming future a mighty population will
grow up, an*educated people, and the two
races will march side by side in the enjoy
ment of a high Christian civilization.
(Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.)
Every man must do his duty to his
country. I take this occasion to say one
word more. This’great country of ours is
not confined to Georgia. Alabama, South
and North Carolina and Virginia. There
is the flag—you may talk about our being
divided as you ] lease, but there is one
thing we can all glory in, and that is the
fact, that over all this country we may
all dwell under the protection of that flag
1 fremendous applause. A voice three
cheers for Hilliard.)
We have got the stand upon that, so
(hen, let us remember a great work is done.
-no man will try to take your rights from
you.
The question for to-day and to-morrow
is : Shall the white and the black man
dwell upon the same soil as friends. (A
voice—yes.: Let us then be friends. Let
us trust in Providence as we have done in
, times before.
Now, with these counsels, I fake leave
of you with my best wishes, for your con
tinued happiness and prosperity.
SIMEON beard’s (COLORED) SPEECH.
Simeon Beard, a bright mulatto, with
j straight hair, and seven-eighths of the
Anglo Saxon, was the next speaker. He
raivod, fumed, flatbed, pitched and snorted
to an alarmingextent for about two hours
and a half, during which he delivered
himself of the following :
Did I beleive that every man in this
land would express,^and act out tlm senti
ments uttered this morning, I would leave
tins stand now, aud go home perfectly
satisfied. From the banks of the Potomac
to the Bio Grande, were these the senti
ments oii every man, our homes would be i
secure,, and ourselves protected.
But it so happens these very men do not!
endorse these sentiments as their own. If \
they do i t in words they 7 do not perform it in
their actions. It is held that your Com
mittee have drafted a set of resolutions to
umte you, as a people, for your own wel- I
fare.
I utter it solemnly before high Heaven,
that when we came together to draft those
resolutions, there was not one iota of an
tagonism, intended.
It was intended that, as we had to bear
with a mass of people, that we would en
deavor, by our feeble efforts, to.move for
ward a plan.by which you could Eie united
in your action, and prove to the world
that you had some of hot* interest at heart.
1 say to-day—as I have felt from iny
boyhood—for thirty years I have felt that
this is what I wanted to say: That all
men were created equal!
From my school-boy days, when I ran
barefooted to school, I have looked at the
■white man going to college and 1 felt that
I Wanted to go there too. I spoke these
sentiments years back, when I was but
a school-boy. To-day I rejoice to hear
that there is a sentiment pervading a por
tion of the people of the Southern States
whereby they are willing that we should
march hand in hand together for the privil
eges of this grand country.
I rejoice in the thought that with us, as
united people, there is not a country in
the world that can compete with us or
dare to rival us.
What has been heretofore the great
drawback to tho United States of Amcr
ica ? 1 acknowledge I do not, shall not,
nor will not blame any 7 Southern man for
rinciing slaves in hi.s possession.
I lead in my Bible that God said, let us
make man in our own image, and in our
likeness, and I cared not what color he
painted him, he was a mail still.
I did not feel, nor ever shall feel that the
curse of Cain is to be a curse upon the
blackmail because he is black.
I ou are aware that I have been a teach
er of my people in tills Southern countrv.
I have taught against thelaws of the land.
1 have taught every black child to believe
he was as good as Queen Victoria’s son.
I have taught every child that as long as
lie behaved himself, and kept from lying
and stealing he was as good as any man.
II us is no-sentiment of to-day. I have
scholars here who will tell you to-day
that these are principles which I have
taught. Are these principles of antag
onism?. (a voice “No.”)
Nothing has disturbed this land but
the course of slavery. Ido not blame men
lor owning slaves, because they found them.
W hen God wanted to deliver the ]lebrew
children out oi Egypt, he sent a means to
those children, aud God intended through
this war, that like the lied Sea, while the
nation rented itself asunder, you should
pass through free.
This war was God’s work, and on that
great day when we all shall stand before
hi.s bar, 1 believe he will pronounce it liis
work. Wars are the instruments in God’s
hands, unseen, to carry out his great pur
poses.
Ts we all, white and black red'and yel
low, look at the matter in this light, we
would come together like one man,'North,
Last, South and West, and join hands and
hearts, one and a happy people, God
intends that we shall acknowledge Him
Judge of all the earth. I have gone home,
make one man free ai.d another man a
slave? I could not answer it. And when
this war camo 1 came to the conclusion
that if the Confederacy ofzimericabe vic
torious, then God sanctions slavery 7, and if
to the contrary, God said that slavery must
end.
. I read of the Jews in their various cap
tivities, and from that l took consolation, I
and know that God will serve his purposes. !
Citizens of America, look the matter in
the face, and feci and know thatyou cannot
measure tho arm qf God. The progress of
events stares us in the face, anil Wo may
as well stand upon the railroad track and
say “stop,” when the locomotive is com
ing, as to attempt to stop the progress of
events.
Let us endeavor to lay aside the hasty
march forward in the grand drama of the
future. We must march forward as citi
zens of this country, which title I claim to
have always been our right, though it has
long been withheld from us.
I know of cases where men have taken
their servants into their parlors and taught
them to read, but where the great fault
lies is in your having made laws to pro
hibit the education of the blacks.
I read of an instance where Judge
O’Neil, of Sotith Carolina, taught his
servants to road the Bible. He felt that
they were mortal. (Applause.)
Now, we colored people have always bad
some little differences. They have grown
with. us. Now, if lam made in the image
of God, you have no right to declare me
an animal or a brute. You have done it ;
therefore, God chastizes the nation.
There are certain papers in this city that
see it, but they speak contemptuously of
my people.
If God should spare your lives you will
pronounce it a falsehood that we are in
capable of improvement
_ Judge Barker say# that the brute crea
tion is distinguished from the human fam
ily by instinct, where the human being lias
reason. Ilowis instinct defined? (Quotes
Webster’s definition of the word).
Now, if wo have been governed by in
stinct all our lives, I ask was it instinct
that led us-to respect you when you were
on the battle-field?. Many a time we
have set down and formed conclusions
among ourselves, and 1 tell, the most'
unlettered man could sec that this confed
eracy was a failure. A voice. (Fire up.)
I tell you the black man has been a means
of power which you have not yet felt.
Many have prayed to God that if it was
bis will, let the Union forces be victorious.
(Cheers. ) Ido not pretend or attempt to
say that l know what would be the effect
of it. I have felt that there were many
privileges we wanted. I felt by instinct
that I wanted to get a little higher. I
have felt that one man ar.d one nation
could not do right by themselves for me.
They say ‘.’blood is thicker than water.”
You will find nation for nation, man tor
man, and brother for brother.
Since peace has been declared, even in
the military tribunals, I have found that
black men who have murdered white men
have been bung, and white men who have
murdered black men have been let go free.
(Applause.) 1 tell you God looks down
upon these things. God lias justice as
well as mercy. I have, however, noticed
one instance of a white man being hung.
Why was it ? Because a black and a
white man were both convicted for the same
offence, and they could not separate the
white man from the black man—and that's
why. But in every other case, where the
black man lias been tried separate from
the white man, he has been hung. Now,
this is one grand reason why I claim that,
in the sight of heaven, I ought to be per
mitted to possess, reason, or help to pass
sentence upon my fellow man. (Cheers,
and a voice, ‘ ‘ fire up. ’ ’
Our space will notallow us to give more
of Simeon Beard’s speech, owing to its
great length and repetition of argument.
Beard is a man of education and intelli
gence, but his passion got the control of
his judgment, and he, doubtless, said many
things which he will hereafter wish he
never uttered. In speaking of the com
mission of crime, we understand, that he
said when white men are guilty of outrages
upon the blacks they do not inform upon
one another. He, therefore, counseled his
hearers to he more clanish, to take pat
tern after the white man, and when crimes
were committed against the whites by the
blades, not to inform upon their own color,
but to heept the matter secret.
SPEECH OF RICHARDSON (WHITE.)
The last speaker is of 1 recent importa
tion. We believe he assumes to a leader
ship among the colored people of this city;
but if they follow the lead of such whites
they certainly cannot expect to five in har
mony with the Southern people, who are, af
ter all, their best friends. We give his speech
NEW SERIES VOL. XXVI. NO. 17.
i ; for the purpose of showing our people the
bad motives which actuate those of his elk.
1 Here is his speech :
There has been enough said already on
; the l nion side of the question, to demol
ish the arguments that have been present
ed to you to-day on the other side. There
is no need of my detaining you here with
any argument; L shall, therefore, ask you
j a few questions, for I anticipate you are
getting hungry.
Mr. Starnes argument was about bread
aiid meat, and I see he lias gone to get liis.
You have had the privilege of hearing 1
i him speak to day, and you have heard I
; him. Island here to-day and iny broth- !
1 ers of color stand here to-day, to talk to j
: you by that same power granted. I stand !
here to-day to ask you to adopt these reso- !
! lutions, it is a power that this flag gives ;
j you and me, that gives us the privilege of I
| standing here joined in free discussion on j
j free priuciples-.of a free government.
| Governor Johnson advises you to accept
j of no platforin. lie asks you to keep aloof
| from parties. How are you going to vote?
| Are you going to vote for men ? If you'
vote for men you must know what prin
ciples they _ represent. There must boa
party. ’1 his must needs be, and in a gov
j eminent like ours there must lie two
I parties. M hich parly are you going to
give your votes for ? That is the question.
Are you going to give your votes to the
party who got up these resolutions or to
Governor Johnson’s party? 110 is dis
franchised and lias no rights, and when he
did have the franchise privilege he be
longed to that party who adopted for its
principles the decision of the Supreme
Court, which decided that a black man had
no rights under the Constitution. Five
years ago Governor Johnson’s party set
that Constitution aside and framed anew
one. They framed a Constitution of their
own. Now lie comes here to-day and
says that that Constitution which
was _ established by our forefathers,
is his platform and his principles. Has
he a right to come before .you and advise
you as he has to-day ? Even now before
he is pardoned, he comes before you and
offers you advice to accept of no party. Aro
you going to take hisadvice (cries of “no,”
“no*”)
. All yon have to do is to accept the prin
ciples of this party, to adopt its platform,
for your platform, and all of these blessings
which this flag represents shall he given
you.
If Gov. Johnson is really your friend,
and wishes to see all the people prosper,
why dent lie accept tho Reconstruction
and Supplemental Bill. There is a reason
th'at ho should be thankful that he has
the privilege of coming here to-day to
speak to you, and to advise you. He has
reason to bo thanklhl because he has not
been hung.
When all your best men in the State de
clared that the foundation of the Confed
eracy was human slavery, why does ho
deny that the Confederaev was established
to.pefpctuaCt) slavery ? How can lie deny
it in the lace of tho past ? He cannotdeny
it when free discussion is allowed.
lam detaining you too long. What is
your duty ? Your duty is to stand by that
party wliich gives you the most privileges,
which extends to you tho greatest freedom.
It. is your duly to stand by that party, no
matter whdthcr 1 advocate that party or
Gov. Johnson does. If Guv. Johnson ad
vocates those principles, you are expected
to do the same.
All men who have rebelled against the
government can come back anil join this
party, but in allowing them to come in and
join this party, we do not wish to make
t hem captains or leaders.
W hat is the duty of these white people?
It is to take the colored man by the hand
and try to help to elevate him from that
depth ot degradation in which the laws
have placed him. It is their duty to do it,
to join with your friends in-the North who
have established your rights hero—given
you a bank.and a newspaper.
The sooner the white men do this the
sooner they will have peace and harmony;
but ii they pers’st in filing their bills,
and the Supreme Court undertakes
to carry it out, there is. tho gulf of con
fiscation open to receive their property.
The past is gone. I do not wish ito
harrow the feelings of any ono. So long
as I see a disposition on the part of the
people to do right, I shall dispense from
white shake hands together. This beauti
ful square, with its beautiful trees and
green grass, is a bright spot; but you go
hack in the Country, and you will find
hovels unpainted and unattractive, and
people, 1 am sorroy to say, uneducated.
I say the people, black ami white, in the
country, are mostly uneducated. About
one in seven can read. Then, what is the
remedy ? It is to accept a government
which will establish free churches, free
principles, and allow every man of us the
privilege of trying his brother man, when
his brother is accused of crime—to allow
all men that have the- privileges of voting
to set on a jury too. This is the privilege
of all men, black anil-white, and it is com
ing soon. Accept what is offered to you,
and all will be right. I offer these resolu
tions now to the President, asking him to
ask you to vote for or against them.
Resolutions re-read by Beard and car
ried unanimously.
Dismissal.
South Carolina State Taxes.
The following circular explains itself:
Headh’ks Shcond Mii.iTAny Dist., 1
Charleston S. 0., April IC, IStiT. J
In to several communications ad
dressed to these headquarters, iu reference
to the proceedings of the civil authorities
of South Carolina in the collection of taxes,
the Inflowing letter of instruction from
His Excellency the Governor to the Comp
troller-General, is published for the in
formation of all continued:
Executive Department, S. C.,1
.Columbia, 19th Feb. 1807. j
lion. S. J.. J.eaphart, Comptroller-Gen
eral. ;
Sir—Upon conference with several of
the Tax Collectors, as well as the Attorney
General, I am satisfied that the enforce
ments of the Acts of the General Assem
bly, according to tlieir technical import,
will bo very oppressive to the poor who
are tillable to pay their taxes and have no
property, and who, in such con
tingency, are required to be ar
rested and confined in jail until they
do pay tho execution; • and it will
impose a ruinous burthen on tho State to
pay fur dieting all who maybe arrested.
When once plain. <1 in jail there is no power
to release the delinquent until the Legis
lature meeis. in the present straitened
condition of the finances of the State it
•must be avoided, and you are hereby di
rected to issue a notice to tiro Sheriffs of
the several Districts, instructing them not
to arrest and put in jail any delinquent in
a lax execution, unless such .Sheriff, upon
inquiry, shall be satisfied'that lie or she is
fraudulently concealing property, or with
holding money belonging to hint or her;
and that in every case where lie believes
the delinquent is unable, for want of
means, to pay, that the execution shall lie
so endorsed, and no proceedings further
taken upon it.
I have the honor to lie,
Very respectfully,.yonrs, <&(!.,
James L. Oitl, Governor.
The instructions of the Governor will be
carefully observed by Sheriffs and all
other officers. Sheriffs or other officers
charged with tho execution of process for
the collection of taxes, will lie required to
report to the commanding officer of the
Post in which their duties are performed,
tho names of all parties imprisoned for
the non-payment of taxes, the amount of
taxes due, and the amount of costa and
fees, together with (lie evidence showing
“that he or she is fraduientiy concealing
property or withholding money belonging
to him or her.”
Post I'ominanders wilfsee that the re
quirements of tiiis Circular are observed.
Dy command of Major-General
T _ _ . D. E. SICKLES,
J. \\ . Clous, Captain ASLii Infantry,
A. D. C. and Act. Ass’t Ad’jt General.
New York Ladies’ Southern Belief
Association. —We have been kindly
furnished with the following statement of
the relief for the destitute people of Geor
gia from the New York Ladies’ Southern
Relief Association, since January, 1867:
To Savannah $2,500 00
To Augusta 820 (H>
To Sparta 700 00
j To Macon 060 00
To Atlanta 500 00
To Columbus 300 00
To Athens 300 00
To Marietta 270 00
| To Griffin 200 00
! To Ilotne 200 00
To Bahlonega 200 00
To Decatur ? 100 00
To Oxford 200 00
To Cassville 100 00
Total $7,140 00
When it is borne in mind that the bounty
of this truly noble Association has been
distributed with equal liberality to the
sufferers in the other Southern States,
none can fail to be impressed with the
deep debt of gratitude which our people
owe to the benevolent and kind-hearted
adies of New York. —Savannah News.
Release of Colonel Ashby.—The
numerous friends of Colonel Henry M.
Ashby will be pleased to hear that he has
been released from the dungeon in Clinton,
Judge Hook agreeing to take SIO,OOO bail
for his appearance at the next term of his
court.
Georgia Items..
j Attempted Murder and llobuery.
j Ou Saturday night last, as a white pcd
dler was travelling on loot on the Gulf
railroad, about fifteen miles from the city,
he was pounced upon by a negro, who
struck him cn the fiead with a heavy club,
knocking him down. After beating his
victim until he was satisfied that life was
extinct, he threw-him into a ditch, leaving
him there to die, and seizing the mans
bundle, containing all his goods, made his
escape. The peddler finally recovered,
and came to the city yesterday. Ilis head
was dreadfully bruised and swollen. — Sav. ,
A', it's ,f' Hercdd.
Arrival of Ex-Governor Brown.—
| Among the arrivals yesterday evening at
j the Marshall House, was that of Ex-Gov.
| Joseph E. Brown, who comes to this city
| on business connected with the United
States Circuit Court. lie is apparently in
j fine health. We have heard many ex
j pressions of desire to listen to some public
I remarks from him while he remains here,
j and have no doubt that those who oppose
| as well as those who support his policy
\ would be glad to hear from him. — Saran
| nnh News A Herald .
Return of Col. Crouton—A Nation
i a i. Salute. —Among the passengers by
j the steamship Leo, from the North recently,
; was the late gentlemanly commander of
this post Col. R. 15. A. Crofton, who has
been North on a leave of absence. While
the Leo was passing Fort Pulaski, ou her
way to the city, her ilag was run up, and
Capt. Houlihan, the commandant of the
fort, caused a Rational salute of eleven
guns to be fired in honor of the Colonel’s
arrival. Col. Croftoh will he gladly wel
comed back by his many admirers. He
will leave soon for Macon, where lie is to
assume command. — Sav. Netcs <(’• Her.
Dredging Machine. —Since the city
dredge boat has commenced work, under
the chargeof the Commissioners of Pilotage,
it lias made a cut of twenty-five l'eet in
width, through the shoalest part of the
“Wrecks,” and has dug it through a dis
tance of two hundred yards, so that now
there is an average depth at low water of
fifteen feet. This result is highly gratify
ing. The machine, so far, has work with
out interruption, no part of it getting out
of repair. We understand the Mayor and
Aldermen will bo invited to inspect the
work to-day.— Sav. Netcs & Herald, liith.
Arrest of a Notorious Thief. —On
Saturday evening the detectives succeeded
in arresting a colored man named Russell,
for whom they have been on the hunt for
Some time, hut who has adroitly evaded
their watchings. Russell, who is a well
spoken negro, had a habit of hiring out to
families, with whom lie would stay a day
or two, and then decamp with whatever
valuables he could obtain. After his ar-
rest a valuable silver pitcher and several
other articles were found stored away by
him. —Savannah News <1? Herald.
Serious Accident. —Yesterday morn
ing a young man named Michael McCabe,
while performing upon the gymnassmm in
the yard of the Catholic School, on
Drayton street, fell from the pole on which
lie was exercising, and broke his arm,
fracturing the bone in several places.—
Savannah News <!■ Herald.
Emigrants to Brazil.— Among the
'passengers by the steamship San Jaeinto,
for New York, on Saturday, was about
fifty emigrants for Brazil, the greater part
of whom came from Florida,. —Savannah
News <& Herald.
Personal.— The Hon. B. 11. Dill and
the Hon. Linton Stephens are in tho city,
and stopping at t he Screven House. — -Sav.
News, IX,I h.
Distribution of Corn.— Messrs. Coop
er & McArthur'issued four hundred and
ninety rations of corn, half-bushel each, up
to Saturday night last, as follows: Col
ored 1103; White IX7.— Sar. Rep., 1 C,th.
Shooting Affair. —Philip Denton, a
colored lad, was before Judge Levi S. Rus
sell, yesterday, charged with shooting one
Friday Flood, another colored lad, on the
Bth of April inst. ft appears that each
one of the boys was armed with a shot gun
for the purpose of shooting birds, and
after having quarreled, Friday turned he,
bade to Philip and told him to shoot,
whereupon Philip fired, inflicting a dan
gerous wound, which will probably result
in the death of Friday;, Philip was eom-
Drownep.— Yesterday morning while
Mr. Edward Wildman and Col. Charles
Farnsworth were crossing the Ogecehco
river in a small uuck boat, from their
residence to a rice plantation directly
opposite, the heavy wind prevailing at the
time swamped the boat and both were
drowned. The loss of these estimable
gentlemen will be deeply regretted by all
who knew them, as they were men of great
integrity and honesty. They had been in
this country but a short time.—Nor. News
& Herald, 16 th.
Installation of Rev. R. K. Porter.
—The interesting exercises of installing the
newly elected Pastor of the Central Pres
byterian Church, in this city, took plage
last Sabbath. f l lie large audience room of
that Church was densely filled, and the
ceremonies were conducted in the following
order:
The sermon was delivered by'Rev. Mr.
Cunningham, of'Lagrange—subject: “The
Apostle Paul, presented as the great ex
amplar of the elevating and saving influ
ence of Christianity upon man.” Next,
followed the charge to the Pastor, by Rev.
Dr. Wilson, of the First Church, who re
viewed in a clear, and able manner the
duties of the Pastor Wider the threq heads
of Personal, Ministerial and Pastoral. The
charge to the people was pronounced by
Rev. Mr. Wood, ol’Decatur, in an admira
bly conceived address, presenting the scrip
tural obligation of a congregation to obey,
love, support and co-operate with their
Pastor. ' Tire right hand of fellowship was
then extended by the officers of the Church,
and the benediction was pronounced by
Rev. Mr. Porter, who now enters upon his
labors, having the esteem of his entire peo
ple and the prospect of great usefulness
among us.— At. Opinion, 1 Oth.
I/O, For Brazil.— The steamer Leo,
which leaves for New York to-day, takes
the following former valued citizens of
Alabama as passengers, m-ronte for Brazil:
Dr. G. W. McDade and family, Dr. J. (
Farley and family, Dr. Dowsing, A. S*
Farley, Esq., Thomas Gunter, Esq., and
two sons of Harvey Hall, Esq. They are
all front the vicinity of Montgomery, where
they held a high social position, and they
go to seek anew home in a country where
they will find a home audali the privileges
of citizens.
They will stop at Jlio de Janeiro, hut
the ultimate destination of the party is
the Province of San Paulo.
We wish the party a pleasant and quick
voyage, and much success in the new home
to which they are emigrating.— Savannah
News A JI era bl, lo til.
The Fire Last Night.— About ei-Jii,
o’clock last evening, the dwelling of Mr.
G. W. Grubb, on otto of the now streets in
the northwestern part of the city, caught,
fire and was burned to the ground. A
portion of the furniture was removed.
Owing to the distance, and the bad condi
tion of the streets, our vigilant firemen
failed to reach the spot, after making vig
orous efforts ; but, fortunately, a heavy
rain was falling, which materially assisted
the citizens in saving the adjoining build
ings, some of which were in great peril.
The flames were first discovered in the
roof, near a chimney in which there had
lieennofiro during tlie day. This leads to
llie inferencu that the fire was the work of
an incendiary. Mr. G’s lops, in dwelling,
! furniture, etc., was generally estimated at
j $2,000, insurance $l,lOO. — At. Opinion,
| 16 th.
Narrow Estate from Drowning.—
In the early part of last week, Capt. J. O.
Dutch, accompanied by four friem Is, while
attempting to cross Mosquito* Inlet bar.
in a sail boat, the wind blowing fresh and
a heavy sea on the bar, the boat was cap
sized, and the entire party had a narrow
escape from being drowned. They were
rescued by the boats from the cutter
Nansemond. Capt. Dutch lost cloth! n
-and papers to the value of ahum’
four hundred dollars. —Savannah AW* A
- Uth.
Atilmit at Incendiarism. -A most,
daring attempt was made to five the block
situated between Bryan and St. Julian
street opposite the Pulaski House, on
.Saturday night. '1 he rascals succeeded it.
obtaining entrance to the building by a
small gate on St. Julian street. Pine
wood and paper was first ignited at the
corner of a small wooden shed, but, luckily,
it did not catch. An attempt was also
ntade to set fire to the benches in the
water closet, but being secured from the
wind they did not ignite. As though
determined to succeed in their daring de
s’gn, the cowardly wretches proceeded up
the stairs leading to the photograph gallery
of Mr. Steiger, and -at the door of the
gallery they threw fire among the wood
piled there. The wife of the artist, hear
ing the noise, proceeded to the door and
found the fire had gained some headway.
She immediately extinguished it, when the
ruffians, who were below in the yard, be
coming alarmed, escaped.
We understand that a reward of fifty
dollars has been offered for the capture of
the rascals. — Savannah News dr Herald ,
1 (,th.