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Chronicle ant> £mtmri.
WEDNESDAY.SEPTEMBER 23, 1874.
TllE SEVENTH DISTRICT.
It is greatly to be regretted that an
independent candidacy for Congress has
been inaugurated in the Seventh Dis
trict of Georgia; still more to be regret
ted that this movement seems to have
the sympathy and the support of some
of the good citizens of the District.
Col. TnAiureUi is the regular nominee of
the Democratic party, chosen by the
people through their delegates in Con
vention assembled. There has been no
evidence adduced of any unfairness or
irregularity in the nomination. Col.
Tbamhell’s majority upon the final vote
was large and decisive. Uis success has
been acquiesced in by his most formid
able competitors. Two of them Gen.
Yoc.vo and Col. Waddell —it is an
nounced will take the stump in his be
half. What then does this opposition
to him mean—unless it means friendship
for Radicalism, or a factious personal op
position to the nominee which is
as disgraceful as it is dangerous V
What do those men in Cobb and
Bartow counties mean by their en
dorsement, of Dr. Felton— the Inde
pendent—but enmity to Democracy ?
How can Judge A. It. Wriost, of Rome,
or any intelligent, right-thinking citizen
hesitate as to his duty in the premises
How can they contemplate for a moment
the setting aside of the solemn act of
their duly authorized agents—the dele
gates to the Calhoun Convention ? We
hope that the example so nobly set by
Young and Waddell will be followed
everywhere by their friends, and that on
the day of election Colonel Trammell
will receive, as he deserves, the solid
Democratic vote of the District. If the
Radicals choose to vote for an Indepen
dent let them do so; but let us have no
aid or comfort given him by those of
the Democratic camp.
THE HOOIJB BONDS.
Major Geo. Hillvkk, who, while State
Senator, framed the constitutional amend
ment prohibiting the payment of the
fraudulent bonds issued by the Bul
lock administration, has admitted that
an error was made in the wording of the
inhibition, which will render it almost
useless. It is strange that in such an
important matter the Legislature should
have acted with so little prudence and
caution. As it stands, a loop-hole is
opened for the payment of five millions
of the eight millions of fraudulent bonds
which tho State has declined to recog
nize, and the work of the session has
been thrown away. Under these cir
cumstances tho Atlanta News suggests
the propriety of an extru session of the
present Legislature, in order that an
adequate law may bo adopted. There are
good reasons advanced in support of such
a course. Unless this is done such an
amendment can only come before tho peo
ple after it has been adopted by a two
thirds vote of the Legislature of 1875-76
and also of the Legislature of 1877-78,
and while we may be certain of a large
majority in tho next General Assembly wc
cannot predict the complexion of its
successor. The long continued efforts
of fraud may be successful and tho ring
may bo able to foist these spurious
obligations upon tis two years hence.
An extra session of the Legislature would
bring a settlement of tho vexed question
and ft settlement which could not be dis
turbed.
On tho other hand, liavo wo sufficent
time in which to hold this extra session ?
Several days must necessarily elapse be
fore the members could be notified, and
several more before they could assem
ble. If it can be done wo are in favor
of an extra session—as wo belive the
people generally are. But wo should
have prompt action on the part of tho
Governor, else it will soon be too late
to act.
REVIVAL OF MANUFACTURES.
We find in tho New York Daily Bulle
tin, of Friday, tho following article in
reference to the revival of manufactures,
which is of interest to our section :
That there is a very general recovery
of the various commercial interests of the
country from the untoward financial
events* of last Autumn is now on all
hands admitted—not a sudden, spas
modic recovery, but one that is steady,
healthy and sure. It is a 'matter of ex
treme gratification to have these agree
able manifestations of returning pros
perity, accompanied now by unmistak
able evidences of like recuperation as re
gards many of our leading manufacturing
and other'industries. We record the re
opening of numerous mills and manu
factories, after various periods of sus
pension, not only throughout New Eng
land, but in the Middle and Western
and Southwestern States. These in
clude almost, every description of busi
ness, but notably cotton, iron and coal,
hardware, and boots and shoes. There
are many reasons why manufacturing
enterprise in nearly all sections of the
country should thus be taking a fresh
start. "The enforced curtailment of pro
duction consequent upon tho September
panic, followed by a shrinkage in wages
and tho cheapening of raw material, es
pecially iron, cotton, wool, leather, and
not a few other staples, enables the own
ers of mills and manufactories to re
enter the Held with a fair prospect of a
substantial return ou their investments.
The fact is not lost sight of, that not
withstanding the reduced production
alluded to, many descriptions of goods
are still very low; but with the changed
condition of the country, from positive
paralysis to comparative prosperity, this
condition must ere long be reversed.
This restoration of activity to the manu
facturing interests must speedily tell
upon the multitudinous other industries
directly or indirectly connected with
them, and amoug the first to be benefi
ted will bo the mechanic and artisan
class.
PROTECTION OF GAME AND FIBII.
The National Sportsmen’s Convention
was in session at Niagara Falls on the
lOtli. Hon. Allen T. Brinsmade, of I
Ohio, presided over the Convention.
The first annual meeting will be held iu
Cleveland, Ohio, on the second Tuesday
iu June, 1875. The following resolu
tions set forth the purpose of the organi
zation:
First. Protection of game anil fish in j
nil States ami Territories, by procuring
the passage in each State auil in Con-;
press of uniform co-opt ration and con- ;
si stout laws, strictly prohibiting their '
destruction during breeding, nesting
and spawning seasons, and a reasonable
time preceding and following the same;
prohibiting the capture and destruction
of certain species of game birds in nets
and traps during any and all seasons;
prohibiting catching and destruction of
iish in now navigable lakes and streams
with nets or by means of chemicals; pro
hibiting the obstruction of free passage
of fish by nets from such streams and by
the creation of fish dams and traps, and
to procure the passage of such other
and fuither legislation as may be neces
sary and proper for the full accomplish
ment of our purpose.
Second. Through subordinate organi
zations to insure a rigid enforcement of
all game and fish protection laws, now
or hereafter to be enacted.
Third. To secure by and through
proper legislate n the right of property
in useful hunting dogs, making them,
when stolen, subjects of larceny, or
when wantonly killed or manned sub
jects of misdemeanor.
Fourth. To secure through and by
proper legislation the passage of laws
prohibiting at any time and season the
killing or destruction of all song and
non-game birds.
Fifth. To organize and consolidate
under our State jurisdiction game and
tisli protection clubs or associations in
each State and Territory, to act under
the jurisdiction of the National Associa
tion, in securing and enforcing proper
protective legislation.
Resolved, That all naturalists, fish
culturists, and sportsmen generally in
those States having no associations be,
and are hereby earnestly requested,
without delay, 'to organize local clubs
thereiu. to form State associations under
the jurisdiction of the National Associa
tion, and that all State organizations
now existing and operating be and are
solicited to become members of this As
sociation, so that by unity of action
throughout the laud we may accomplish
and perpetuate the great reform design
ed atul desired.
—P*— —————
Two white men attempted to rape a
little white girl, about ten years of age,
in Atlanta, last Wednesday. The child
screamed, and, persons flocking to the
spot, the villains lied.
NHW YORK.
The New York Democratic Conven
tion, which met in Syracuse yesterday,
nominated Hon. Samuel J. ITlden as
its candidate for Governor. The De
mocracy of the Empire State have made
perhaps the strongest nomination which
’onld have been made. Mr. Tilden is
one of the staunchest and boldest of
Democrats, and has contributed greatly
to the former successes of the party in
the position which he has held for many
years of Chairman of the State Execu
tive Committee. He has also been a
formidable and persistent enemy of the
corrupt Tammany Ring, and the break
ing of its power and the scattering of
its members 1 is principally due to his
exertions. The platform—according to
the telegraphic synopsis published this
morning—is one which will prove satis
factory to the whole country. We be
lieve that the coming election will give
New York to the Democracy by a hand
some majority.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
General James Chesnct, Chairman of
the Executive Committee of the State
Tax Union of South Carolina, has issued
a call for a Convention, to assemble in
Columbia on the Bth day of October, to
“consider the necessity of making nomi
nations for State officers at the approach
ing election.” The call is addressed to
all citizens in South Carolina in favor of
honest and good government, and em
braces every Republican who is sincere in
his protestationsconcerning reform. The
press of the State, and perhaps the peo
ple, are divided npon the policy which
the Democrats should pursue in the
coming campaign. The Charleston
Sewn and Courier is opposed to a nomi
nation, and thinks that the only hope of
success lies in supporting Greene, the
opponent of Chamberlain in the Re
publican Convention, who, it is thought,
will run upon an independent ticket.
This will be a repetition of the Tomlin
son movement which failed so disas
trously two years ago. The Sun and a
number of other journals wish to make
a square fight under tho leadership of
General Kershaw. It seems to us on
tin's side of the Savannah that the last
named plan is the best. All of the com
promises made in South Carolina since
the war have brought nothing but de
feat. This year there is a split in the
Radical ranks which may be taken ad
vantage of to bring about the triumph
of honesty and reform. Certainly such
a man as General Kershaw or General
McGowan can beat Chamberlain, with
Greene running as an Independent. If
Greene has any strength he can take
enough votes from Chamberlain to en
sure the election of the Conservative
nominee; if he has no strength there will
be little use in the Conservatives mak
ing lam their candidate.
EX'fRA SESSION OF THE LEGISLA
TURE.
The recent revelations concerning the
bogus bonds have had tho effect of
directing the attention of tho people of
the whole State to this distasteful sub
ject. So far as wo can judge public
sentiment strongly favors an extra ses
sion of the Legislature. When tho Gen
eral Assembly at its last session adopted
an amendment to tho Constitution pro
hibiting, as was thought, the payment
of any of the spurious obligations dis
owned in 1872, the people felt satisfied.
They were confident of their ability to
elect another Legislature which would
at once adopt the proposed amendment,
and they were equally as well satisfied
of their ability to make this amendment
a part of the organic law when it should
bo made an issue at the ballot box.
They felt convinced that by the first of
February, 1875, the status of the fraudu
lent bonds would bo effectually settled,
and that Georgia would have nothing
more to fear from the efforts of that
Ring which has waged perpetual war
against her during the past two years.
But now they are informed that they
have been deceived—that they are the
victims of a cruel mistake. Tho amend
ment which was to settle everything
amounts to nothing—to worse than
nothing. Through almost inexcusable
negligence tho legislation which was to
protect the people of Georgia and their
children against the payment of millions
of indebtedness which they never con
tracted, and from which they derived
not one dollar of benefit, was really
framed in the interest of the Ring which
holds—with guilty knowledge—these
fraudulent obligations. Should it become
a law a debt amounting—principal and in
terest-to nearly seven millions of dollars,
would be put upon the State, and every
act of our people since 1871 in relation
to these bonds would become a nullity.
If we wait two years longer we may find
the Ring too strong to be defeated. We
can not afford to wait. There is too
much at stake to risk loss by delay. Es
pecially is this the case when such delay
is unnecessary and can be avoided. It
is not too late to repair the blunder of
the General Assembly. We know that
the members of that body are anxious to
rectify an unintentional error. We are
confident that the people wish that error
rectified. An extra session of a few days
will accomplish this object, and save
millions to the tax payers. There is
time to call it. There is time for such
session to bo held. There is time for
the adoption of an adequate amendment.
We hope that Governor Smith will act
and act promptly. He has it in his
power to say whether or not the wishes
of the people shall be carried out iu rela
tion to these fraudulent obligations; to say
whether or not the State shall be made
to pay a debt amounting to millions,
and which has been repeatedly repu
diated by tho representatives of the peo
ple. Governor Smith was one among
the first to advocate tho disowning of
these bonds. He has constantly op
posed the efforts of the Ring. The peo
ple look to him now to complete the
good work which was commenced two ;
years ago. We do not believe that he
will disappoint them. We do not be
lieve he will hesitate to perform what he
conceives to bo his duty in the premises.
We sincerely hope that he will feel him- !
self bound to convene the General As
sembly in extra session at once for the
purpose of adopting a constitutional
amendment which will cover every bond
pronounced fraudulent by the Legisla
ture of 1872.
IT 18 TIME TO CRY HALT!
Yesterday moruiug the Chronicle and
Sentinel published such particulars as
had been received of the reeent killings
in Columbia county. We have leason
to believe that those particulars were iu
the main correct, as they are said to have
been elicited at the inquest held by the
Coroner. If they be true, two most wan
ton and cold-blooded murders have
been committed, and the prompt pun
ishment of the murderers is demanded
by every sentiment of right and justice.
Such crimes are a disgrace to our coun
try and our people, and it becomes the
dutv of every good citizen to aid in their
suppression. We care nothing for the
matter in a political point of,view. We
do not regard it in a political light. We
care nothing for the howls of Radical
editors or orators, or for their attempts
to prove, by isolated instances of vio
lence, the general rule that the life of
the black man in the South is unsafe.
We do not submit to their dictation, nor
are we disposed to pay any attention to
their clamor. We wish them to wash
their own dirty linen and let the South
wash hers. We know that there is not
as much crime committed iu the South
as iu the North and West; that there is
more lynching and lawlessoma? in Ohio
and Illinois than in Georgia and Ala
bama. Bat while we may treat their
outcries with the contempt which they
deserve, we owe something to ourselves
and to our State. Georgia has a legal
State government, organized and admin
istered by her own people. She has a
regular system of laws, intelligent
juries, Court* which convict, and an Ex
eentive who does not pardon. A iolators
of law, disturbers and enemies of society,
can be tried and punished as speedily here
as in any State of the Union. There is
no excuse for self-appointed judges and
amiteur executioners. Oar tribunals
are willing and able to furnish society
protection against evil doers. We wish
no intermeddlers with justice, nor volun- :
teer Jack Ketches. We cannot expect j
peace and good order so long as a band |
of lawless and bloody men are allowed j
to wantonly murder men and women. If j
not checked in time there is no telling j
what will be the final result of such vio- j
lence. Men may see its beginning, but
who can say what will be its end ? or who j
will be its victims? The fact that the !
sufferers in this instance are negroes !
does not make a particle of difference, j
The negro is entitled to the full protec- j
tion of the law, and when he is punished ;
he should be punished, like the white ;
man, by the machinery of the Courts. ;
Both the white man and black are inter- i
ested in the suppression of the tribunal |
of Judge "jTnch. It is time for the ■
good men of the State to cry halt! to
these men of violence and blood. We
are glad to learn that the citizens of |
Columbia generally condemn the occur-1
rences of Sunday night, and that they
propose to arrest and punish the guilty |
parties. They are able to protect them - |
selves, and we feel assured they will pro
tect themselves against the repetition of;
such deeds. There are no better men,
no better citizens than the people of j
that county, and they will see to it
that they are not ruled by irresponsi- j
ble law-makers, who execute their cruel
sentences under the cover of darkness.
The few men in our State who feel dis
posed to regulate affairs in accordance
with tlieir own ideas of right must be
made to understand that the people of
Georgia are not disposed to submit to
their dictation, and the sooner they learn
this fact the better.
LOUISIANA.
The McEneby government in Louis
iana has come to as abrupt a termina
tion as the Kellogg usurpation. With
this difference, however, that Kellogg
& Company yielded to the will of the
people of Louisiana while McEnery has
succumbed to United States bay
onets. The people of Louisiana were
powerful enough to wrest tlieir State
from the control of thieves and usurp
ers, but they were uot strong enough to
hold it against the attacks of the Na
tional Government. With characteristic
partisanship and tenacity of purpose,
General Grant threw the whole weight
of tho Administration in favor of the
usurpation which ho had established,
and the legal government of Lou
isiana was given no alternative but
war with the United States or else
submission. No one can blame either
the outbreak or the submission—the
overthrow of the monstrosity which had
been placed in power in defiance of
every principle of right and justice or
the surrender to a power which could
not be successfully resisted. The people
of Louisiana have shown to the world
the weakness of the fabric which was
founded in corruption and held together
by bayonets. They overturned it in a
day and exposed it to the scorn and
contempt of the world. Having done
this they made a plain and truthful
statement of the case to the Executive
and petitioned him to abstain from any
interference with the affairs of their
State. Beyond this they could do noth
ing. If General Grant decided to keep
his hands off they could retain as
easily as they had conquered pos
session. If, on the contrary, the
power of tho Government should be
enlisted again on the side of fraud and
corruption, they must yield wh»ro they
were powerless to resist. General Grant
has employed the army and navy of the
United States to support the pretensions
of a naked usurper, and Louisiana is
delivered over a second time to tho spoil
er. A Governor who was unable to hold
the capital for one hour against the at
tacks of the citizens is again placed iu
power, and made a ruler solely through
the force of the bayonet. With Gen
eral Grant alone rests the responsi
bility of this cruel and wicked deed,
and for its commission he should be
held to a severe and heavy reckoning.
He alone should be held accountable for
every dollar which has been stolen from
the people of Louisiana, for every act of
oppression which has been visited npon
a brave and noble people, and for every
drop of patriot blood which has been
shed in the streets of New Orleans. As
for tho people of that unhappy State,
they have failed, but their failure has
brought no dishonor. They struck a
manly blow iu vindication of their rights
as freemen, and when they in turn yield
ed to a power which they could not with
stand, the shame was not theirs, but at
tached to the brutal hand which smote
them.
THE RACES.
Iu other column this morning wo pub
lish an editorial from the London Times
on tho relations of the black and white
races iu the South. As an English view
of the situation it will be read with in
terest. While the article in question
seems to have been animated by a spirit
of fairness and candor, there is much in
it which will sound absurd to those dwel
ling on this side of the Atlantic—espe
cially to those who live south of the Po
tomac river. Though there have been
instances of lawlessness and violence in
the South of late, there is no more dan
ger of a war of races in Alabama and
Arkansas than there is in New York or
Massachusetts. The white people of
the South do not seek nor wish such a
conflict, nor does the great majority of
the negroes. In point of fact there has
been just as much lynching and blood
shedding in the Northern and Western
States as in the Southern, but in those
sections it has not been to the interest
of partisan malice to distort social dis
orders into political troubles, and conse
quently tho world has not heard so much
of these crimes as it has of “atrocities”
iu the South. England has beeu de
ceived by this subtle policy, and the
Times judges us wrongly because it
judges ignorantly. The recent revolu
tion in Louisiana furnishes abundant
evidence of the truth of what we have
stated. There was the time and there
the place for a war of races had such a
conflict been in contemplation. But so
far from there being a massacre of blacks
by whites, we have failed to hear of a
single manifestation of hostility by the
once race towards the other. On the
contrary, the first act of the McEnery
government was a proclamation to the
colored people assuring them of the
friendship of the whites, and declaring
that they should receive the fullest and
most complete protection. And so far
as outsiders have been able to observe,
a large number of the blacks, of New
Orleans at least, have sympathized with
the whites in their endeavor to shake off
the yoke of the swindling carpet-bag
ger. As the negroes grow more intelli
gent the danger of a conflict will di
minish, and they will have more friend
ship for the native whites and less for
the Northern emissaries who have duped
and despoiled them for so many years.
We have no fears of a war of races in
the So nth.
SENATOR HILLYER.
We publish this morning Senator
Htllteb's recent speech in relation to
the constitutional amendment inhibit
ing the payment of the bogus Bcllock
bonds, which has, of late, attracted so
much attention. Major Hillyer ex
plains the manner in which the amend
ment was drawn and introduced, and
denies any intention to afford a loop
hole for the recognition cf any of the
spurious obligations. As Major Hillses
has been indirectly assailed in this con
nection we publish his speech in order
that he may set himself right before the
people.
THE SEVENTH CONGRESSIONAL
DISTRICT.
To the Editort of the Chronicle and
Sentinel:
Permit me to correct an error in your
editorial of September 10th, iu regard
to the nomination iu the Seventh Con
gressional District.
Col. Trammell was nominated on the
seventeenth ballot, instead of the first,
and his count on the sixteenth ballot—
which stood nine for Trammell and
fourteen for Waddell—makes a very
pretty contrast of popularity, but iu
precisely the opposite direction to that
given in your editorial.
I do not desire to say anything of Col.
Trammell or the accident by which he
was nominated at Calhoun; he has re
ceived and accepted the nomination, and
the Democratic organization of the
Seventh District ought to be able to
elect its proclaimed standard-bearer;
but I do desire that justice should be
done Col. Waddell. His course through
out the canvass was such as to challenge
the admiration and respect of his op
ponents. He was not at Calhoun nor
was he in constant, gratuitous tele
graphic communication with the Con
vention.
No truer Democrat, nor more gallant
soldier, no more graceful, eloquent ora
tor, nor more cultivated scholar; no
more honorable opponent, nor more
popular, tru-ted leader; in a word, no i
more high toned, whole souled Southern
gentlemen lives in the Seventh District
or in the State of Georgia than James
D. Waddell.
The action of his County Convention
in nominating and endorsing him by a
more than four-fifths majority over a
gallant and popular competitor, shows
how he is appreciated at home; for the
glorious old county of Cobb is his home,
your correspondent, Halifax, to the con
trary notwithstanding; and had he re
ceived the votes, as he was doubtless
the choice of the majority of the Con
vention at Calhoun, the Democratic
organization of the Seventh District
would have had little to fear from the
assaults of independent candidacy that
are now shaking it to its very founda
tions. Hiems.
Marietta, Ga., September 14, 1874.
JUDGE ALEX. M. SPEER.
His Letter of Acceptance.
Griffin, September 12, 1874.
Messrs. W. T. Trammell, IF. 11. Hud
son and T. W. Manley:
Gentlemen —Your favor of Btli inst.,
notifying me of my nomination by the
Democratic party of Spalding county,
as a candidate for the next General As
sembly, and enclosing a resolution
adopted by the Convention, “in refer
ence to certain illegal and fraudulent
bonds of the State,” have beeu received.
This unexpected mark of public honor
and confidence, from a large and intelli
gent convention of representative men
of the county, is gratefully accepted;
and if ratified at the polls, my efforts
will be directed to discharge in an hon
est, faithful and economical manner,
the trust you commit to me. The reso
lution adopted by the Convention on the
subject of illegal bonds, meet my cor
dial approval, and if entrusted with au
thorty by the people, I shall feel it both
a duty and pleasure so to express by my
vote.
The great tendency of the day in the
administration of Government is to ex
travagance and corruption. Oil this
point I desire to be explicit. lam too
well aware of the burthens of taxation
borne by a recently impoverished and
ruined people to disregard the high
duty of a watchful regard to economy
in all public expenditures. By this tax
ation may be reduced, and burthens
lightened that are now keenly felt in the
changed condition of our affairs.
I shall endeavor to meet tho voters of
the county prior to the election, and
have that frank and free interchange of
views on matters of public interest that
may come before me, if my nomination
should be ratified by the people at the
polls.
Please accept my thanks for tho kind
manner in which you have communicated
the action of the Convention, and with
my warmest wishes for your happiness
and success in life individually, I am,
with respect, very truly yours,
Alex. M. Sheer.
REUNION OF GORDON’S BRIGADE.
At a meeting of ex-soldiers of Gor
don’s Brigade, Army Northern Virginia,
residing in and around LaGrange, the
undersigned were appointed a commit
tee to correspond with ex-members of
of said brigade, looking to a reunion in
Atlanta, Ga., during the State Fair in
October, 1874. We addressed letters to
Generals Gordon and Evans, both of
whom commanded the brigade, and also
to Gov. Jas. M. Smith, late Colonel of
the 13th Georgia. We append their
answers :
Atlanta, Ga., August 29, 1874.
Gentlemen — Your letter iu regard to
the proposed reunion of Gordon’s Bri
gade at Atlanta during the Agricultural
Fair in October next is received.
I need not tell you how fully I sym
pathize with your movement and that I
am ready to aid in every way possible.
With the history of this brigade, es
pecially, are associated some of the
most cherished memories of my life ;
and it will refresh my heart to again
meet those from its ranks who still sur
vive. Truly your friend,
J. B. Gordon.
To Messrs. Jones, Speer and McFarlin,
LaGrange.
Atlanta, Ga., August 25, 1874.
Gentlemen —Your note, proposing a
reunion of the surviving members of the
Brigade in which we served the Confed
erate cause together, has been received,
and in reply I express briefly, but most
cordially, my sympathy with the move
ment.
The lapse of years since the war has
not diminished my respect and affec
tion for our comrades, nor my attach
ment to the land and the principles for
which we contended. Always glad to
take a fellow-soldier by the hand, I shall
certainly enjoy a general meeting of the
gallant survivors of our good old Bri
gade.
With sincere respect for you, person
ally, I am, as ever, you>s, <&c.,
Clement A. Evans.
Atlanta, Ga., August 25, 1874.
Messrs. IF. B. Jones, 11. S. McFarlin,
and D. N. Speer, LaGrange, Ga.:
Gentlemen —I have the honor to ac
knowledge the receipt of your letter re
questing my attendance “at a conven
tion or reunion of the survivors of Gor
don’s Brigade, A. N. V., to be held in
Atlanta, in October next, during the
State Fair.”
You need not to be assured, I trust,
that the movement has my full sympa
thy and commendation. The occasional
reunion (now happily growing into
custom) of those who stood by each
other, and their State, in the second
great contest for popular liberty in
America, cannot fail to exert a benefi
cent influence. It will renew and
strengthen the friendships born of com
mon perils and common sacrifices, revive
and perpetuate memories for the ulti
mate use of impartial history, and ex
cite and keep alive, in the youth of the
coming generation, a proper reverence
for the great principles to the defense
of which were cousecrated the blood
and treasure of their fathers.
I heartily second your efforts for the
promotion of these objects, and will
cheerfully meet with you on the occa
sion referred to.
I am, gentlemen, very respectfully,
\ ours, James M. Smith.
We’ hereby take the liberty to call a
reunion of all of the survivors of Gor
don’s Brigade, A. N. V., to convene in
the city of Atlanta, Ga., on Wednesday,
October 21st, 1874, during the State
Fair.
Addresses may be expected by Gen.
A. R. Lawton, who organized this Brig
ade and carried it to the Valley of Vir
ginia 6,100 strong, and who fell wounded
leading our command at the battle of
Sharpsburg; Gen. Gordon, whose dis
tinguished valor rendered his brigade
and name historical, will meet you; and
Gen. 0. A. Evans, who led the last
charge at Appomattox, the distinguish
ed successor of Gen. Gordon, and last
commander of our Brigade, will also be
present and address you.
The Colonels of the 13th, 26th, 31st,
38th, 60th and 61st Georgia Regiments,
and the Major commanding the 12th
Georgia Battalion, are earnestly request- ,
ed to at once communicate with the
surviving officers of each company in
their respective commands and urge
them to notify, in person or by letter,
every surviving member of their com
pany of the contemplated reunion, and
nrge their prompt attendance on Wed
nesdav, October 21st, 1874.
W. B. Jones,
Late Colonel 60th Ga.
D. N. Speeb.
Major and Q. M., G.’s Brigade.
R. S. McFarlin,
Adjutant 60th Ga.
LaGrange Reporter, Sept. llfA, 18i4.
Mr. Howard is pushing the work on
the Marietta and North Georgia Rail- j
road with a vim.
A citizen of Bibb county created a
flutter in Macon by offering for sale;
twenty-seven hams which he raised on
his own farm. He sold the lot to W. A.
Huff at 18ic.
Last Thursday morning a disastrous .
fire occurred at Ac worth. Two brick j
stores, with their contents. Loss about
$3,000, exclusive of the buildings. The j
contents of the post office were all i
burned.
LETTER FROM ATLANTA.
General Toombs «>u the Situation—His
Views on the Louisiana Question
The Fruits of Submission—Toombs
Still a Rebel-He Wouldn't Have
Surrendered at Appoma 1 1 o x—H e
Would have Fought iu the Woods —
And Defied the Enemy Till Death—
The Fraudulent Bonds —Toombs and
Hillyer—Sympathy tor Louisiana.
[special correspondence chronicle and
sentinel. J
Atlanta, September 15,1874.
General Toombs on the Questions Be
fore the People.
In response to a partially circulated
call for a meeting to express sympathy
for Louisiana in her manly struggle for
independence, and an intimation that
Gen. Toombs would be present, about
500 citizens assembled in the open
square this afternoon about 5 o’clock. A
committee of five was appointed to re
quest Gen. Toombs to deliver an ad
dress. He soon appeared and ascended
the stump (a goods box) amid rounds of
cheers. He introduced his address by a
few remarks on the situation in Louis
iana, bidding the people God speed in
their patriotic effort to wrest themselves
from the tyranny of the worst govern
ment on earth, a* government which had
been imposed on the white people of that
State by fraud and violence. The tyran
ny and misrule in Louisiana, hesaid,how
ever, were the direct and inevitable re
sults of impolitic concessions to the ty
ranic Government at Washington. By ac
cepting the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments and other shameful in
iquities imposed by the Federal Govern
ment, the people of Louisiana and
many other Southern States had invited
still other encroachments on their rights
and liberties, as concessions by the
governed were always followed by more
oppressive encroachments from the
tyrant. We had, he said, a fitting illus
tration of it in Georgia, which, by its
scalawag Constitution, accepted recon
struction, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments, and now comes another
iuiquity, tho Civil Rights bill. Yet
some of the very men who accepted
these oppressive iniquities were now
ready to* fight jeven to death in resisting
the Civil Rights bill, a measure directly
authorized and contemplated by the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments
—the child of reconstruction. They
had boldly supported the mother iu
travail, prostitute as she was, but now
refused to protect her child.
He held iu contempt men who, greedy
after pilfer and gain, sycophantly sued
for pardon, and bowed to their conquer
ors in order to save their property and
to make money out of the Government.
Such men were unworthy the name of
men. First came the Thirteenth Amend
ment, and they bowed and submitted;
‘then came the Fourteenth, and they
bowed and submitted; then the Fif
teenth, and they bowed and submitted ;
then military dictators and bayonets, and
they bowed and submitted. He never
had bowed and submitted; he never
would; he acquiesced because it was
law ; because he could not help himself;
but he would submit no longer than he
could help it. He was a rebel, and glo
ried in the name. He hated the Yankees
when he votal for secession, and he bated
them ten times worse now. He never
would willingly submit to their tyrannic
oppressions. He never had bowed to
their demands. In truth, lie never
would have surrendered; he would have
continued the war; ho never would have
surrendered at Appomattox; he would
have taken to the woods, established his
stronghold in tho mountain fastnesses
and defied his enemies till death !
General Toombs said he was not a
candidate for Governor. He had no
desire to again enter politics. His po
litical record was already made. He had
served his people for thirty years in the
Legislature and in Congress. He had
never done aught which he regretted.
His reputation was established. He had
plenty of this world’s goods ; lie was
born a gentleman; he was no “self
made” man; God made him and his
father supported him, and bequeathed to
him a fortune, which he had turned to
good account. He, however, was obli
gated to the people of Georgia for their
past confidence and support, and if he
could serve them in any capacity he
would do so if they so desired. He
wanted the people to call a Constitu
tional Convention to abolish that spawn
of reconstruction—our present Radical-
Scalawag-Nigger Constitution. It was a
reflection on the intelligence and cour
age of the people of Georgia to live un
der that infamous thing. It was a
principle recognized by all men through
out all time that free people lived under
laws imposed by the consent of the gov
erned ; yet the people of Georgia were
to-day living under a Constitution passed
and adopted by Radicals, scalawags and
niggers. There were some honest men
iii the last Constitutional Convention,
but the mass of them were not, and the
people ought to forever disclaim the
iniquity foisted upon them without their
consent. Another question of vital im
portance was that of prohibiting the
payment of tho fraudulent bonds ; and
in that connection he would state that
the amendment framed by Maj. Hillyer,
and passed by the last Legislature, was
in the interest of the bondholders and a
fraud on the people. He hoped Major
Hillyer was present. He repeated, the
amendment was in the interest of the
bondholders and a fraud on the people !
It contemplated prohibiting the pay
ment of certain railroad endorsed bonds,
whereas there were about five millions
dollars of other bonds declared null and
void by the Legislature which were not
embraced iu the amendment. The truth
of the matter was the State Senate had
been fearfully corrupt, and he believed
it to have been as corrupt since the de
mise of Bullock as during liis infamous
administration. Gen. Toombs was per
fectly sober, and his speech was repeat
edly greeted with cheers.
Major Ilillyer’s Explanation.
After Gen. Toombs finished speaking,
Major George Hillyer was called upon,
and responded. He said that whenever
he yas arraigned respectfully for any of
his public acts (and such he conceived
to be the spirit of Gen. Toombs’charges)
he would reply in the same spirit. He
was glad to learn that Gen. Toombs’ re
marks concerning him on a former oc
casion (at Madison) had been greatly
exaggerated, and was glad of an oppor
tunity to explain his connection with the
amendment.
Gen. Toombs’ statements in regard to
the amendment were fair and logical.
He drew up the amendment, he said,
one day when the Senate was calling the
roll for the introduction of new matter,
and naturally made the mistake of des
ignating, as lie intended, all the fraudu
lent bonds by the term “endorsed Bul
lock bonds.” He was not sure at the
time that the amendment was perfect,
but thought that a reading before the
committees and three times before both
the Senate and House would afford
ample opportunities to perfect the
work. It passed both Houses without
alteration, and though it was evidently
defective, it was equally the fault of the
other Senators and Representatives. The
error was unintentional, as he supposed
that all who knew him believed. He
believed that General Toombs thought
so, too (appealing to the General).
Geoeral Toombs—[ have nothing to
say of your motives, Maj. Hillyer. I
was simply criticising your public act.
Maj. Hillyer—l suppose so, and with
your consent will shake your hand (ex
tending his hand). Gen. Toombs, who
was standing immediately in front of
him, holding his hat in his right hand,
extended to him his left hand.
Sympathy for Louisiana.
When Maj. Hillyer retired and Col.
Hoge and Judge Cowart had made a few
remarks, Capt. Abrams,of the News, ap
peared and read some resolutions send
ing Atlanta’s greeting to the people of
Louisiana on their noble attempt to
overthrow the Kellogg government, and
declaring that interference by the
United States Government would be ac
cepted as a declaration of war by the
people of the South. The resolnticns
were adopted and three loud cheers
given for the free people of Louisiana.
The Unencumbered Bonds. - .
The bonds declared void and fraudu
lent by the Legislature, not affected
by the constitutional amendment, are
$1,500,000 of bonds endorsed by Treas
urer Angier; $1,600,000 lithograped
bonds, called duplicate bonds, litho
graphed because the Bullock govern
ment needed the money forthwith and
could not wait for them to be engraved,
so they were lithographed and placed
with Clews for sale; then $1,800,000 of
“flat” bonds issued by Bullock to take
the place of the lithographed bonds.
These last were sent to Clews, who kept
them and the duplicate lithographed
bonds both. Besides these there are
3600,000 of Macon and Brunswick Rail
road bonds which were not touched by
the Bond Committe. Altogether they
make 85,500,000 worth of bonds unaf
fected by the constitutional amend
ment, and the interest would prcbably
swell this amount to about $7,000,000.
Radical Xomination.
J.G. W. Mills, of this city, was to-day
nominated for Congress from this Dis
trict bv the Radical Convention at Grif
fin. He was probably the weakest man
in the field. Halifax.
i mm wm
United States Commissioner Virgil
Hillver was arrested in Savannah last
Wednesday, at the instance of an old
negro woman, who alleged that he had
defrauded her out of a Government
claim amounting to seven hundred dol
lars. The Justice before whom the case
was carried became convinced that the
woman was non ccjmpos mentis, and ac
cordingly dismissed the proceedings.
MAJOR GEORGE HILLYER.
[Atlanta Ilorald.]
At the conclusion of Mr. Toombs’
speech Tuesday, at the parade ground,
Major Hiilyer was loudly called for, and
in response thereto spoke as follows :
Gentlemen-— My recollection is that I
wrote that bill sitting at my desk in the
Senate, whilst the roll was being called
for the introduction of new matter, and
at once sent it up to be read from the
Secretary’s desk. I wrote it in the most
perfect good faith. I had not been on
the Bond Committees, or any of the in
vestigating committees. I certainly in
tended to draw the bill correctly. Every
impulse and motive impelled me to do
so. I never knew or suspected that this
bill needed any amendment, or that it
did not cover all the bonds, until some
weeks ago a friend called my attention
to it, on seeing the act in the volume of
acts. You will bear in mind that the
payment of the bonds in question was
already prohibited by law, and the ob
ject of this legislation was to amend the
Constitution so that no future Legisla
ture could pay them.
If I had wanted to benefit the bond
holders it was a very foolish act to set
about it by introducing a bill of that
kind, even though a defective one.—
There was a good committee, composed
of some of the best and clearest headed
men in both Houses, appointed specially
to consider constitutional amendments.
All such bills had to go before that com
mittee and be acted on by them. Such
a bill had to be read three times, on
three separate days in the Senate, and
the vote taken by yeas and nays. It
had to go through the same solemnities
in the House before it could pass.
There were in both Houses a number
of gentlemen who had been on the in
vestigating committees, and were fa
miliar with the facts. There was half
the Senate (the old members) and every
old member in the House who had been
present in the sessions—of 1871 and
1872 when Bullock’s administration
was overhauled. There were in both
Houses amongst the members, new and
old, many gentlemen of first-class ability
and integrity—gentlemen whom nobody
would doubt. Such a bill must neces
sarily pass also under the scrutiny of
the Governor, and be signed, if ap
proved by him", and filed in the Secre
tary of State’s office, and published with
other laws of that session, where it
would be read by the whole legal pro
fession and intelligent public of the
State.
It had to be the subject of Executive
message, when anew Legislature was
elected and convened, and it had to pass
through the same committees and forms
of legislation, and be again signed by
the same or some other Governor, if
approved by him, and it had to get two
tliirds of each House at both sessions;
and after that it had to be published by
Executive proclamation in the various
newspapers of the State, and after being
read by all men, voted on by the people,
each citizen for himself.
Now, would it not be a superlative act
of folly to start a little bill (not longer
than your finger) along the gauntlet of
all this scrutiny and publicity, with any
expectation that an intentional omission
would not be observed ? The idea is so
utterly preposterous and absurd as to
bear refutation upon its very face. Nor
is it strange that in drawing such a paper
a single member of the Legislature
should not succeed in perfecting it.
It is generally the case that the mover
of a bill on an important subject does
not succeed in wording it so as to suit
the whole General Assembly. Such bills
are very frequently amended and im
proved after being introduced, no mat
ter who the mover may be, and in this
instance I had a right to expect the aid
and close consideration of every other
member in bringing the measure to per
fection. The very object of having
three hundred members in the Legisla
ture is that every measure may have the
collective wisdom of the whole body,
and not depend upon any one man, be
he ever so wise.
Now if the persons who are disposed
to cavil at the wording of my amend
ment had given some attention to the
subject at a time when it would do some
good, they might have had a bill not
subject to verbal criticisms. I call at
tention to the fact that upon looking at
the act under which the direct bonds
were issued, you will be led to conclude
that, as to these bonds, the fraud and il
legality appear manifestly upon the face
of the act. The words of the act show
the issue of the bonds to be unconstitu
tional. What is contained in the act is,
of course, notice to the world, and it
may be said with great force that the
Constitution already protects us from
those bonds. Many good lawyers say
that the currency bonds (of which the
number is comparatively small) are also
void, for want of authority to issue
them in that form under the act, by au
thority of which they purport to have
been issued. Would not an injunction
against them bo sustained ?
All the balance of the fraudulent
bonds are included in the amendment,
and are covered by it, except those en
dorsed by Treasurer Angier, and they
are within the spirit of the amendment,
though not in its letter. Now, the fact
is, this amendment does strike down
and put out of the way forever a very
large portion of the fraudulent issues,
and that, too, those against which, from
their special character, there was most
necessity for a constitutional amend
ment, and the introduction of it by me
in the Legislature has incontestably
produced a state of things which renders
it certain that the balance will be de
stroyed also.
When I introduced the bill it was not
regarded with, by any means, the im
portance into which it has now grown ;
it has roused the people, and given the
idea prominence, and united opinions
everywhere of putting in the Constitu
tion an inhibition against the payment
of those bonds. The bill is certainly all
very well as far as it goes ; and, as 1
said the idea is mine, I am entitled to
and claim the credit of it ; for it has
always been my earnest desire and am
bition to deserve the approval of my
fellow-citizens, and I regret that in this
instance I have done no more than begin,
and by this bill accomplish only half the
work. Give me the approval 1 deserve
for that, and whoever finishes the work
will get due praise for it.
Mr. Hillyer’s speech was received with
evident approval, he being loudly ap
plauded at its close, and several times
during its delivery. During this speech
General Toombs rose and interrupted
Major Hiilyer by utterly disclaiming
any intention to ever at any time im
pugn the purity of his motives.
A WAR OF RACES.
An English View of the Situation.
[London Times, August 29th.]
The contest between the white and
black races which is convulsing society
in the Southern States of the American
Union would be an interesting spectacle
for the professional observer of politics
if the consequences of the conflict were
not so tremendous. To turn the con
centrated passions of one race against
another is to open the flood-gates to all
that is horrible in human nature, and
the calamities which America endured
in the course of the civil war are insig
nificant compared with the horrors
which would be enacted if there should
once break out a real war of races in the
territory of the former Confederacy.—
The massacre of Fort Pillow, if people
have not forgotten that blood-stained
episode of the civil war, might serve to
foreshadow the character of the conflict
which seems to be impending in the
Southern States between the white men
and the negroes. Neither party to the
fend is specially distinguished for hu
manity. The planter class, though pos
sessing many high qualities of temper
and character, has drunk too deeply of
the cup of dominion to escape its in
toxicating effects. The courage dis
played by the Southern whites during
the war of secession was intimately con
nected with that contempt for human
life which was characteristic of South
ern society. Where the lives of white
men were held cheap and the liberties of
black men were commonly market
able, life and liberty in general
were not likely to be scrupulously
respected. When the servile race sud
denly obtained civil rights, it was not
unnatural that they should transfer to
politics the brutal ideas of cruelty and
injustice with which alone they had been
familiarized in the state of servitude.
At the same time the feelings of the
lately dominant race were, just as natur
ally/ excited by seeing the slave sit in
the seat of the master, and the entire
business of government administered
with reckless incompetence and profli
gacy by the emancipated negro and his
Northern allies. The relations of the
white to the black population in the
Southern States seem to be such as mast
lead inevitably to a struggle. Whether
that struggle is to he political or mili
tary it is for the Federal Government to
decide. But that the straggle cannot
much longer be averted seems evident
from the repeated outbursts of hatred
between the races in the Southern States, j
The troubles in Louisiana were held in ;
check by Federal troops; the “civil war” j
in Arkansas was suppressed by the same i
means after it had become so great a
scandal that its ill-fame had even reach
ed Europe. Then came the riots at
Austin, which were speedily crushed
out; and now we leara that the fate of
the Austin rioters is so far from having
inspired universal terror among their
comrades that an outbreak of an exactly
similar character has happened iu the
immediate neighborhood, and has al
ready caused bloodshed.
When we drew attention, not long since
to the significance of the Austin riots,
we did not expect that our gloomy fore
cast of the political condition of the
South would be so quickly confirmed by
a repetition of the same disheartening
tale. There was, indeed, some reason
for disregarding the alarm which was
said to prevail at Memphis, for it was
impossible to believe that a few negro
rioters in a small town of Mississippi
could d’sturb the most important city in
the State of Tennessee. But the out
break at Trenton, to the north of Mem
phis, as Austin is to the south, and Lit
tle Bock to the east, shows that this sec
tion of the United States is everywhere
undermined with the feuds of hostile
races, who are determined to settle their
differences ultimately by physical force.
There is nothing peculiar about the dis
turbances at Trenton. The negroes, we
are informed, have organized themselves
in armed bands, and—though this is ap
parently matter of inference—have at
tempted to get the mastery of the
whites. The motive of the attempt is
not indicated in the telegrams, but it is
probable that the superiority of the
whites in the Legislature of the State,
contrasted with their inferiority in some
of the other States, has whetted the
I ambition and excited the pride of
I the negroes. The black race is notori
ously vain, and its vanity is gratified by
participation in the forms at least of
constitutional Government. The State
Legislature of South Carolina, in which
the negroes enjoyed a monopoly of po
litical power, has provided for Americans
who are not directly concerned with the
well-being of the State some of the rich
est comedy that has ever been played,
in jest or earnest, upon any theatrical
or parliamentary boards. But the ne
groes enjoy the comedy thoroughly as
actors and as speculators, and they have
learnt from their ascociates, the “car
pet-baggers,” that there are solid gains
to be made out of the performance.—
They are not inclined, therefore, to sur
render any stage to their former mas
ters, and they have been indoctrinated
by their advisers with the notion that if
they only make themselves troublesome
enough all will be yielded to them that
they are seeking for. It is evident that
all over the South the black population,
having tested the pleasures of suprema
cy and having learnt the use of arms, is
assuming a dictatorial tone, which con
veys a challenge that will certainly not
be allowed to remain long unanswered.
The feelings of the planter class, and
generally of all the Southern whites,
may be understood without any elabo
rate analysis. The emancipation of the
negroes was regarded by most of the
Southerners as in itself an insult, and,
however unjust the pretension assumed
in their construction of a simple act of
justice, we cannot marvel at it when we
consider the social medium in which
the slave owners were educated. Still
less can we feel surprised at the indigna
tion with which the Southerners viewed
the political “reconstruction” of the for
mer slave States. They felt the exac
tions of inequitable, extortionate and
profligate government; they saw the dig
nity of their legislative assemblies pro
faned by the reckless levity of a crew of
gibbering negroes. They paid the taxes,
but they were deprived of all control
over the expenditure, and the heavy
hand of absolute power which they had
so long laid upon the black race was
now laid in turn upon themselves. It is
astonishing that no outbreaks of the
impatience of the Northern whites have
occurred since the lawless violence of
the “Ku-Klux-Klan” has been sup
pressed, and it is on the whole very
creditable to the planters that, in spite
of the extreme provocations of tlieir
position, they abstained from re
sort to force until the negroes as
sumed an aggressive policy. But, since
the black race has deliberately taken up
an attitude of aggression, it is not to be
expected that the whites will refrain
from retaliating. They have already
shown that if there must be a conflict
they are resolved not to be worsted.—
They have won the day in Arkansas ;
they have trampled out the effervescence
of negro violeuce almost instantly at
Austin; and now it is apparent that
they have dealt as vigorously with the
most recent manifestation of negro inso
lence at Trenton. The “armed organi
zation” of the blacks has made no effect
ual stand against the whites ; the latter
have captured a large number of prison
ers, and have done summary justice by
hanging sixteen of the ringleaders. This
manifestation of white supremacy will
probably save Southern Tennessee from
any further outbreaks for the present;
but at any moment the flame may burst
forth in some other quarter where it
may be less easy to repress it. The ne
groes are too ignorant to understand
that in a vital conflict with the white
race they%must be vanquished. They
will persist in provoking a collision the
consequences of which cannot be con
templated without dismay.
CROPS IN NORTHEAST GEORGIA.
Jefferson, Jackson County, Ga., (
September IG, 1874. s
To the Editors of the Chronicle and
Sentinel :
At this date it is possible to make a
very fair estimate of the crops for the
present year. In Northeast Georgia, al
though drouths have prevailed to some
extent, yet the corn crop may be put
down as a full average crop. When it
is considered that more land was devoted
to corn this year than in the two years
preceding, perhaps we may truthfully
estimate the yield a little above a full
average. Many causes have conspired
to shorten the cotton crop. The late
and wet Spring, the drouth in May, the
heavy rains in many places in July and
the first of August, followed by two
weeks of excessively hot and scalding
weather in the middle of August have
been very disastrous in their effects upon
the cotton yield. As compared with last
year’s crop, the present will hardly yield
three-fourths of a crop; as compared with
the crop of 1872, the present will scarcely
turn out more than two-thirds of a crop.
The largest crop of cotton ever produced
in Northeast Georgia was the crop of
1872. You may rely upon tho above es
timate as correct for all tho State north
and east of Athens. A late frost may in
crease the estimate some little, and an
early frost may decrease it a little; nev
ertheless, you may be very sure that the
cotton crop of Northeast Georgia for the
year 1874 will be about three-fourths of
an average crop. The hot weather in
August injured the cotton that had pre
viously received much rain much more
seriously than it did the cotton that
had but little rain. The cotton that was
then full of sap seemed to be scalded,
dropped its forms and soon began to die
with rust in spots. We are blessed with
general good health. Jackson.
SOUTH CAROLINA POLITICS.
The Independent Republicans.
Charleston, September 18.— The Ex
ecutive Committee of the Independent
Republicans who bolted the nomination
of Chamberlain on the ground of his
participation in the frauds and misgov
ernment during the Scott and Moses ad
ministrations, have issued a call for an
Indedepent Republican Convention to
meet in Charleston, October second, to
nominate a State ticket. One of the
largest mass meetings of colored Repub
licans ever held in Charleston took place
at the City Hall last night and was ad
dressed by Congressman Ransier and
others. The following was adopted with
great unanimity:
Resolved, That the nomination of D.
H. Chamberlain for Governor means a
continuance of the corruption by which
the three last administrations, of two of
which D. H. Chamberlain was Attorney-
General, have ruined our people and
disgraced our State.
Resolved, That we do hereby pledge
ourselves to the support of any honest
Republican unconnected with the past
corrupt administration, who may he set
in nomination by the Republican party.
The bolters will probably nominate
Judge John P. Green against Chamber
lain. The mention of Green’s name
during the meeting was received with
wild cheers. He is a native Republican,
against whom no charge of dishonesty
is made, and liis election would be satis
factory to the tax payers.
The Greenesboro correspondent of the
Atlanta Herald says : The report that
the negroes had been buying all the
powder and buckshot iu the stores in
this section is true. It is a fact that for
some time past they have kept it bought
up to such an extent that it is frequently
impossible for a white man who wants
these articles to find any for sale. This
I am told on so many hands, and by so
many persons, that 1 have no doubt that
it is true. The white people do not
seem to Vie in the least apprehensive in
view of this fact. They believe the ig
norant, deluded negroes have been
taught by their incendiary, unprincipled
leaders—such as Mayfield is represented
toi be—to make this preparation to de
fend themselves against a war to be
made upon them by the whites, and that
the negroes are not, on their part, to in
augurate a war against the whites.—
They don’t believe any possible in
fluences can be brought to bear to make
the negroes take the initiative in a con
flict which could not prove to be ether
than most disastrous to them. The ne
groes know this—they know what would
be the result, and are not going to pre
cipitate it ; and as every white man
knows that the white people are not
going to make such an issue, save only
to defend their families and their lives
when attacked, they feel no apprehen
sion or alarm whatever, at what would
otherwise appear to be the initial steps
to a declaration of war. But it is a fact
that the powder and shot have been
bought up by the negroes.
TIIE REVOLUTION IIV LOUISIANA.
BAYONETS TRIUMPHANT.
Federal Forces Take Possession of tin;
Canitol—The Government of the Peo
ple Submits to Military Power-Ad
dress of Gov. McEuery—The Admin
istration Sustains Kellogit lie is to
be Propped Up by Bayonets Presi
dent Grant in the Role of a Tyrant.
New Orleans, September 17, noon. —
At 6 o’clock, p. m., in accordance witli
arrangements previously made, Gen. J.
It. Brooke, accompanied by Lieutenants
Wallace and Hoe, went to the Executive
Office at the St. Louis Hotel. Imme
diately upon the entrance of General
Brooke, Governors MoEnery and Penn,
shaking hands with him, introduced the
three Federal officers to a number of
prominent citizens present. Gov. Mc-
Euery then stated to Gen. Brooke that
he gave him possession of the State
Capitol and all other State buildings
within the limits of the city. General
Brooke merely bowed iti acceptance, and
the Governor read to him the following
address:
“Gen. Brooke —As the lawful and
acting Governor of this State, I surren
der to you, as the representative of the
Government of the United States, the
Capitol and remainder of the property
in this city belonging to the State. This
surrender is in response to a formal de
mand of General Emory for such aur
render or to accept as an alternative the
levying of war upon our government by
the military forces of the United State’s
under his command. I have already
said to Gen. Emory we have neither
power nor inclination to resist the Gov
ernment of the United States. Sir, I
transfer to you the guardianship of the
rights and liberties of the people of this
State, and I trust and believe that you
will give protection to all classes of our
citizens, lluled and ruined by corrupt
usurpation presided over by Mr. Kel
logg, our people could bear the wrongs,
tyranny and insults of that usurpation
no longer, and they arose in their might,
swept it from existence and installed in
authority the rightful government, of
which I am the head. All lovers of
liberty throughout the Union must nd
mit the patriotism that aroused our
people to act as one man and throw off
the yoke of this odious usurpation. I
know as soldiers yon have but to obey
the orders of the Government of the
United States, but I feel that you will
temper your military control of affairs
with moderation and in all things ex
hibit that integrity of purpose charac
teristic of the officers of the army. 1
now turn over to you, sir, the Capitol
and other property of the State under
my charge. John MoEnery.”
At the conclusion of this address
General Brooke was seated in the office,
and required of Lieutenant-Governor
Penn a statement of all the records, Ac.,
which were in the building when he took
possession. Governor McEnery and his
followers then withdrew, leaving the
Capitol of Louisiana in possession of the
military officers of the Federal Govern
ment.
New Orleans, September 18, noon.—
McEnery and Penn have issued an ad
dress to the people, advising cheerful
obedience to the constitutional authori
ties.
Washington, September 18, noon.—A
special meeting of the Cabinet was held
this morning, and, after consultation,
the following telegram to Gen. Emory
was sent by the President through Ad
jutant-General Townsend :
War Department, i
Adjutant-General’s Office, >
Washington, September 18, 1874. )
Gen. W. 11. Emory, New Orleans, La.:
I am requested by the President to say
that your acts to this date, so far as they
have been reported and received here
officially, are approved, except so far as
they name Col. Brooke to command the
city of New Orleans. It would have
been better to have named him as com
mander of the U. S. forces now in that
city. The State government existing at
the time of the beginning of the present
insurrectionary movement must be re
cognized as the lawful State government
until some other government can be le
gally supplied. Upon the surrender of
the insurgents you will inform Governor
Kellogg of the fact, and give him the ne
cessary support to)establish the authority
of the State government. If at the end of
five days given in the proclamation of
the 15th inst. there still exists armed re
sistance to the authority of the State,
you will summon a surrender of the in
surgents. If the surrender is not quiet
ly submitted to, it must be enforced at
all hazards. This being art insurrection
against the State government of Louisi
ana—to aid in the suppression of which
the United States Government has been
called upon in the forms required by the
Constitution and laws of Congress there
under—it is not the province of the
United States authorities to m die terms
with parties engaged in such insurrec
tion. [Signed] E. D. Townsend,
Adj utant-General.
McEnery and Kellogg in Consultation.
Later. —There are no new develop
ments this morning. General Brooke
ocenpies the Executive office. Mayor
Wiltz had a consultation with him rela
tive to the re-establishment of municipal
courts and on other matters pertaining
to the police department, the preserva
tion of order, etc. A consultation is
now going on at the Custom House be
tween Governor McEnery and liis parti
sans and Governor Kellogg and others
looking to a compromise, but legal ob
structions present themselves at almost
every step. Military occupation, till
Congress disposes of the question,
would doubtless be cheerfully acqui
esced in by both parties. A dispatch to
Governor McEnery from Bayou Sara re
ports that the town was attacked last
night by negroes. The attack was re
pulsed. General Emory has ordered
troops to that point.
Washington, September 18. —On dll,
that Kellogg has pulled his hole in after
him, and General Emory cannot get him
out.
No Further Instructions.
It is not probable any further instruc
tions will be sent to Emory at present.
The Cabinet meeting to-day was atten
ded by Attorney-General Williams,
Secretary Bristow and Postmaster-Gen
eral Jewell. Adjutant-General Town
send was sent for and was present
throughout the session. The message
to General Emory having been prepared
was handed to him for transmission by
telegraph. Army officers say that the
army is not large enough for the protec
tion of the frontiers and at the same
time to act as a posse comitatus to judi
cial officers of the South in enforcing
processes and in extraordinary cases
such as that of Louisiana. Gentlemen
in a prominent legal position say the
surrender of the insurgents does not
prevent their prosecution for treason
against Louisiana by the authorities of
that State.
What Emory Says.
The following telegram was received
to-night from Gen. Emory, addressed to
Adjutant-General Townsend, and dated
New Orleans to-day : “ J placed Col.
Brooke in command of the city as well
as in command of the troops, otherwise
there would have been anarchy. Gov.
Kellogg did not and has net yet called
on me for support to re-establish the
State government. His Chief of Police
was shot down, the next in command
also, and the whole force utterly dis
persed and hidden away out of sight.
For one of them to have attempted to
stand on his beat would have been cer
tain destruction, and oven now the State
authorities represented by Governor
Kellogg have asked to defer taking
charge for the present.”
Emory and Kellogg.
The following explains itself:
Headquarters Dept, of the Gulf, t
New Orleans, Sept. 18, 1874. (
To lion. Win. /'. Kellogg, Governor of
the Slate of Louisiana':
Sir —ln obedience to the orders of the
President, I have the honor to inform
you of the surrender of the insurgents
lately in arras against the State govern
ment, and to afford you the necessary
military support tore-estabiisli tho State
government.
Very respectfully, your ob’t servant,
W. 11. Emory,
Col. and Brevet Maj. Gen. Comd’g.
New Orleans, September 18.
To Major-General W. 11. Emory, U. S.
A., Commanding Department of the
Gulf : , ,
Sir —I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your communication of
this date, informing mo that you are pre
pared to afford the necessary military
support to re-establish the State govern
ment. I will promulgate an Executive or
der inthe official journal to-morrow morn
ing, instructing all officers of the State
who have been prevented from perform
ing their duties to resume their func
tions at once. Owing to the disorgani
zation of the police force iu New Orleans,
resulting from the recent conflict of
arms,the commandant of tlie Metroplitan
police will not be able to get his officers
on their beats until to-morrow; there
fore I must request you to assume the
maintenance of the peace and order of
the city during the coming night. I
have the honor to be, very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
W. P. Kellogg, Governor.
The following order was subsequently
sent to the official journal: Executive
order—All State officers who have been
prevented, during the recent troubles
from performing their duties, wilhmme
diately resume their official functions.
The Board of Metropolitan police will
at once assemble and organize the police
force of New Orleans and assume the
raaintainanco of the peace and order of
the city.
[Signed] W. P. Kellogg, Governor.
THE LOUISIANA OUTRAGE.
MILITARY DESPOTISM ESTAB
LISHED.
Projects for a New Government.
Washington, September 18. Kel
logg’s friends in this city who have the
confidence of the Administration have
telegraphed to him to make haste slowly
in all measures which he may deem ne
cessary for the vindication of the dignity
of the State authority. The following
passage occurs in the order sent by Gen.
Townsend to Gen. Emory: “The State
government existing at the time of the
beginning of the present insurrectionary
movement must bo recognized as the
lawful government, until some other
government can Vie legally supplied.”
This passage has been given a variety of
constructions by outside parties. Attor
ney-General Williams says it means until
another government can be legally sup
plied by anew election under the pre
sent laws or under some law to be en
acted by Congress.
It is stated here to-night, and the
statement generally credited, that at the
past several sessions of the Cabinet a
proposition to effect, a complete solution
of the Louisiana question by securing a
new executive for that State has been
earnestly discussed, and a programme
agreed upon to the effect that Kellogg
shall call the Legislature in extra ses
sion, and on the meeting of that body
himself and his Lieutenant-Governor
shall tender their resignation, and the
Senate shall then elect a presiding of
ficer who shall bo Governor of tho
State. It is said that the execution of
this programme depends upon whether
there is any one member of the State
Senate who would make a Governor ac
ceptable to the great majority of tho
people of that State, in which ease this
proposition will be pushed with all tho
moral influence of the government. Tho
statement made in these dispatches last
night that the orders given to Bear Ad
miral Mullaney to send three ships of
war to New Orleans in a day or two. No
gunboats will be sent—only wooden ves
sels. The order yesterday to send tho
Gettysburg from the Washington navy
yard with ordnance stores for the fleet,
was this morning revoked. The Presi
dent, Attorney-General Williams and
General Townsend, who were all visited
to-night, have no news from New Or
leans other than what has already been
given Jo the public. These officials feel
confident that the trouble is all over,
and that it will not bo necessary to send
any more troops to Louisiana, other
than those already under orders for
permanent stations in that State.
Another Order from Grant.
Washington, September 19. —The fol
lowing order regarding the satrupery of
Louisiana is published:
War Department, )
Adjutant-General’s Office, [■
Washington, September 18, 1874. )
Gen. IE. H. Emory, Commanding the
Department Gulf, New Orleans:
You will follow out instructions as in
former dispatch. All turbulent persona
must be placed under arrest. The order
must be implicitly complied with,
[Signed] E. D. Townsend,
Adjutant-General.
Washington, September 19, noon,—
The order copied from the Republican,
captioned “ Satrnpery of Louisiana,” is
pronounced at theDepartmenta forgery.
The War Department has messengers
out to see how tho alleged forgery re
garding the satrapery of Louisiana was
achieved. The best opinion is that it is
genuine, but has been withdrawn, and
the Department wants to shake off the
responsibility.
It, is telegraphed in many words from
various points, but the close assertion is
that tlie satrnpery is restored. Kellogg
is Governor of Louisiana. The author
of the alleged forgery declares he saw
Gen. Townsend write it. It was, how
ever, not promulgated,
Kellogg Once More in Office.
Headqr’s Dept, of the Gulf, j
New Orleans, September 19. (
To the Adjutant-General 11. S. A.,
Washington :
Last night, by request ’of Governor
Kellogg, the city was placed in my
charge. All was quiet this morning. Mo
occupied the State House and resumed
his Gubernatorial functions to-day.
(Signed) W. 11, Emory,
Colonel and Brcv. Maj. Gen. Comd’g.
TIIE PRESIDENT TO THE GOV
ERNOR OF TENNESSEE.
Grant Decides that a Man May he
Tried Twice for the Same Offense.
Wahhinooton, September 19. Tho
President this afternoon senlthe follow
ing telegram to Governor Brown, of
Tennessee:
Executive Mansion, Sept, 19, 1874.
lion. John C. Brown, Governor, Nash
ville, 'Venn.:
Sir —Your dispatch of yesterday has
been received, and referred to the U. S.
District Attorney for tho Western Dis -
trict of Tennessee for a report. As there
is now no official information of his pro
ceedings here, when his report is re
ceived i will give you a more definite
answer, or have the Attorney-General
do so. I will state, however, that it is
very gratifying to kuo-v that the State
authorities of Tennessee are disposed to
suppress and punish a class of lawless
acts so dangerous to life, and so op
posed to every political, financial and
moral interest of the State.
But tho Constitution makes it my
duty to enforce tho acts of Congress,
and Congress has passed laws giving the
United States jurisdiction in such cases
as are referred to in your dispatch. No
special order has been given to tho Fed
eral officials in Tennessee further than
the circular of September 3d, of the At
torney-General, which is general in its
nature, and constitutes instructions to
all Marshals and District Attorneys
wherever violations of said acts may oo
cur. I will add that the State and Gen
eral Governments, us you are well aware,
may have concurrent jurisdiction over
tho same offense, as, for example, in
cases of counterfeiting, and the action
of tho State authorities in such eases
does not prevent the General Govern
ment from proceeding against the of
fenders. [Signed] U. S. Grant.
YELLOW FEVEIt AT PENSACOLA.
Death of Commander Franklin.
Washington, September 19. — Informa
tion has been received at tho Navy De
partment that Commander Charles L.
Franklin, on duty at the Pensacola Navy
Yard, died of yellow fever on the 18th
instant. He was a native of Ohio, and
had been in service nearly twenty years.
The three medical officers recently or
dered to duty at that yard have arrived
there. Professor Logan, of New Or
leons, who is supposed to have volun
teered his services, lias also reached tho
yard. Tho latest intelligence received
at the Department show no abatement
of the fever. Capt. A. A. Semmes, ex
ecutive officer of theyard.has beeutakeu
down with fever.
(letting Rations.
Montgomery, September 18. Tho
town iias been crowded with negroes to
day, drawing rations iu accordance with
the act of Congress appropriating one
hundred thousand dollars for the relief
of those made destitute by the overflow
of the Tombigbee and Alabama rivers
last March and April. The crops hero
are finer than for several years past, and
the whites who suffered by the overflow
are not drawing, leaving it all to tho
negroes. Many negroes are drawing
who don’t live iu fifty miles of the river.
fiEOKUIA ITEMS.
Atlanta has a troupe of performing
Mexicans.
Sweet potatoes sell for sixty cents per
bushel in Gainesville.
Gainesville has not received her first
bale of new cotton yet.
The merchants of Gainesville havo
formed a Board of Trade.
All the crops about Columbus are re
ported in good condition.
Anew paper, called the Advertiser ,
has been started iu Griffin.
Benning’s Brigade is thinking of hav
ing a reuuion at the State Fair.
During August 34 persons died in Co
lumbus—B whites and 2fl blacks.
There will be a grand temperance rally
at Acworth on the Ist of October.
Tho new crop of rough rice is begin
ning to arrive iu Savannah quite freely.
Major L. B. Anderson, postmaster at
Covington, is a candidate for the Ligis
lature.
A negro boy in Atlanta was badly
burned by a kerosine explosion, last
Wednesday.
Savannah thinks that she will receive
fully 700,000 bales of cotton the present
commercial year.
Monday last, in Brunswick, a littlo
son of Captain 11. 11. Colquitt foil from
the second story window of a dwelling
to the ground, a distauce of eighteen
feet. The little fellow was severely and
painfully injured, but, wo are pleased to
state, not dangerously. The esenpo
from death was, indeed, miraculous.
Jack Greene, the negro legislator from
Greene county, is iu favor of civil rights
but not social rights. He’d bo satisfied'
however, with the rights in Irwin’s Code!
He says in reference to the colored race
forming a colony out West: “Wedmther
stay here if we can, but ruthenn have
any fuss or any war of races, as they say
we’re goto’ to have, we’ll go to ’ our
selves iu another country, where wo can’t
be interfered with, and nobody won’t
have no spite agin us.”