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OLO SERIES -VOL LHII.
NEW SERIES—VOL XXXVIII.
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Address WALSH k WRIGHT,
Cnnovtci.r. k Sf.stivu . Augusta, <\i,
(tfjromelc anD Sentinel.
WEDNESDAY. .NOVEMBER 18,1874.
MINOR TOPICS.
A Dubnqne boy has exploited great glory by
bis skill in charming venomous serpents. Master
Maurice Yallandingham— for such is his name
—permits the reptiles to twine about him, and
their fangs he fears not. He began about a
year ago with a rattlesnake, and lias since
made a I.aocoon of himself with all the dif
ferent serpents of the region. He has also
set up as a professor, and has a large class of
other boys to whom he imparts his secret.
Some fine day there will boa funeral in
Dubuque, rnd it will not he a snake's funeral
either.
In his recent address before the Harvard
Medical School. Oiiver Wendell Holmes said
that it was the duty of the phy-ician to make
dying for his patient as nearly as possible like
the closing of the eyes in sleep. When, says
ho, the end is evidently near, “it remains for
the physician to claim for his art the right of
procuring a painless passage out of the world,
so far as is practicable, for the patient whom
he can keep’no longer in it, ami without doing
violence to the proprieties of the closing scene,
to consider the physical process as one which
should be under his exlclusive direction. - ’
This is a strange story, not to he used in
Hurjday School. An Albauy man out of work
and nearly starving, turned for comfort in his
extremity to his sainted mother’s Bible, for the
first time since her dea'h in 1857. To his sur
prise aud delight he found a ten dollar hill be
tween the leaves and immediately fell on his
knees for the first time since 1810. With a
light hoart and glittering eye he prayerfully
started for the baker’s to obtain a loaf of
bread. TUoro he found that the bill was a
counterfeit, when he swore bittorly for the
first time in threo hours.
A citizen of Philadelphia, owning property
in New Orleans, makes the statement that in
1862 ho paid $250 12 taxes on this properly,
then valued at $18,000; in 1867 ho paid $lO6 75
on it, valued at $25,000; in 1871, valuation $22,-
000, he paid $1,090 taxes on it; in 1872, $1,035;
iu 1873, $1,058 —the valuation for the latter
year being $20,000. The three years last
named wore under the administration of War
mouth and Kellogg. These figures suffice to
show the oppressive character of the bogus
government in Louisiana.
Pennsylvania scores a larger Democratic
Congressional gain than auy other State in the
Union. She holds her strength in the Forty
third Congress and contributes twelve addi
tional Democratic members to the Forty-fourth
Congress, besides securing a United States
Senator. In counting the trophies of victory
the Koystone State may fairly claim the mas
ter sliaro. Her gains have been made in spite
of serious adverse influence from the friends
of high pLoteotive tariffs and in the face of a
gerrymander as atrocious as the ingeuuity of
llepublicau officials could devise.
Petite moskeetaro, your time ho havo come !
Ze frost ho have call for yon—go you now
home;
All of your buz-ze-bnz into my car,
Now I am rid of it, skeotare, my dear. *
Yen to my bed in my garret I go,
Zen viz your raoosic you bozaro me so;
Viz your tin trumpet you siug all ze night,
M. le Jack Frost now lie freozes you tight.
Ah 1 vat a blessing ze cole vint&r he,
Yen he kill ail ze skeotare and flea;
Zen till ze Spring time varin vedder shall bring;
Monsieur Moskeetare, no more you vill siug.
Six yearn ago, in the town of Eaat Lyme,
Conn., a mau went to'bed. Others went to
bed at the same time, but, though they oc
casionally get up and dress themselves, this
odd character doesn't. His reasons are satis
factory, so far as they go. He was hurt in his
heart. Ho was crossed in that love the course
of which always did run rough. So the disap
pointed. broken-spirited and despairing swain
groaus upon his pillow, writhes between the
sheets, and is fed by his old mother. We do
not mako any pretens.on to medical knowledge,
but we venture the opinion that a little Oil of
Birch (Oleum Betuia) might be prescribed in
this case with great success. ,
Henry Hutton, formerly of Knoxville, Teun.,
lately a sewing machine agent, tr&voling in
Mexico, recently departed this life sdddenly a!
Monterey. He was sitting at a hotel table
taking his dinner, when a mau came up be
hind him with what is known as a Mexican
pirate knife, and inserting the knife just be
low Huttou's left shoulder blade, caused it to
pass clear through the chest and tho point to
glitter on his breast. Thus carved, he was "a
dish fit for tho gods," and the carving knife
was sent with him. Hutton had been at Sal
tillo, and had sold a Mexican woman a sewing
machino—terms private. The woman's hus
band not approving of tho transaction had
followed the agent seventy-five miles to enter
his protest against the system of sewing ma
chine agents. The murderer stole out of the
dining-room as silently as he stolo in. and left
his opinion of his victim sunk in his heart as a
warning to the whole class.
About this time the organ of tho period be
gins its leader by stating with great solemnity
that “the timo for argument has passed." The
irreverent reader will be apt to ask when it
began. We own we have seen none too much
of what can l>e called argument this year. As
sertion in plenty we have met with. We have
been told on the one rido that no Republican's
life is safe in the South if Mr. Tilden is elect
ed, and on the other we have heard not alto
gether harmonious screams about the country
going to the dogs if the Democracy scratch
their tickets. But few of hysteric parti
sans have wasted much time in argument. In
fact there is so little avowed difference of
principles between the parties that argument
is a more awkward matter this year than usual.
The time for argument, or the whole, is not
yet come, but we are all rather glad that the
time for beatiug the big drum and ringing the
peripatetic bell is passing away.
An official statement, prepared for tho forth
coming report of the Postmaster-General,
shows that the free delivery system was ex
tended to thirty-nine additional offices during
the last fiscal year, and is now in operation in
eighty-seven cities. Two thousand and forty
nine carriers were employed, who during the
year, delivered 211,199.065 letters, together
with about 20,000,000 postal cards, and 56.500.-
000 nowspapers. The total number of pieces
handled, including collections, exceeded 500,-
000,000, at an average cost of about three and
one-half mills per piece. The average cost
la-t year was three and four-fifths mills per
piece. The per centage of increase in the to
tal cost of service, as compared with the pre
vious year, is twenty-six and one-half, but the
receipts from local postage have, during the
same period, increased forty-five per cent.
This branch of the postal service therefore
continues to be more than self-sustaining.
Dr. Kenealy having been disbarred and hav
ing lost the Tichborne case, and being con
sidered generally disreputable, has started a
paper with a grievance. He calls it the Eng-
UshiAan. The contents of this strange publi
cation consist of four separate kinds of arti
cles : those which are written to show that
Anthur Orton is Roger Tichborne : those that
are designed to expose the wickedness of the
Jesuits; those that hold up the judges and
bar of England to the righteous contempt and
wrath of every free and independent English
man. and those that are inspired by a desire to
prove that Dr. Kenealy is a much abused man.
It appeals to the lowest of the mob, and its
support is not very formidable, but is enough
to show how deep the ignorance and credulity
of the “cad” and the “costermonger” can go.—
There is a substantial foundation of justice in
the attacks by Dr. Kenealy upon the English
jndges. They did behave badly. But scurril
ous articles are not fit weapons with which to
right the wrong, and Dr. Kenealy is coming out
a demagogue of the worst character.
UNION POINT.
A special telegram to the Chronicle
and Sentinel gives a full account of the
recent disturbances at Union Point. The
condnct of the colored men implicated
in this violent demonstration against the
whites admits of no justification, and
should be investigated by the Courts.
The whites have acted with commenda
ble vigor and prudence, and there is no
reason to apprehend rny further trouble.
THANKSGIVING.
In onr advertising columns this morn
ing will be found a proclamation by
Governor Smith, proclaiming Thursday,
the 19th inst., a day of thanksgiving.
Governor Smith's action will receive the |
hearty approval of all Georgians. It is
eminently fit 1 hat we should give thanks
to God for the great victory which He
has been pleased to give to the cause of
free government, and it is bnt right that
our acknowledgment of the Divine mercy
should be made in the face of the world.
The language of the proclamation is as
happy and well chosen as the proclama
tion itself is appropriate. We know that
the recommendation of the Governor
will find ready observance in the city of
Augusta.
GEORGIA STATE COLLEGE OF
AGRICULTURE AND THE ME
CHANIC ARTS.
The following counties are represented
by students in this College at the pres
ent time ;
Baldwin, Bartow, Bibb, Butts, Ca
toosa, Chattooga, Clark, Clay, Clayton,
Cobb, Coweta, DeKalb, Dooly, Elbert,
Franklin, Fulton, Greene, Gwinnett,
Hall, Harris, Heard, Henry, Houston,
Jones, Lee, McDuffie, Merriwether,
Mitchell, Monroe, Morgan, Muscogee,
Oglethorpe, Polk, Putnam, Pulaski,
Randolph, Richmond, Schley, Spauld
ing, Talbot, Terrell, Thomas, Twiggs,
Walker, Ware, Warren, Washington,
Worth.
Vacancies exist in the counties of the
State not named in the above list.
Young men desirous of a thorough
scientific education, free of charge for
tuition fees, should communicate with
the President of the College.
CLEWS AND THE BULLOCK BONDS.
When the bond compromise seemed
to have some vitality iu it the advocates
of that measure were wont to assert that
Henry Clews owned none of the fraudu
lent securities ; that they were in the
hands of innocent holders for value
without notice. In fact, the bond men
were very severe upon Clews, and be
labored “poor Henry” unmercifully.
But Clf.ws now comes to the fore, and
declares that he owns more Georgia
bonds (so-called) than he can count. We
take the following from the published
report of his examination :
Q. What other bonds ?. A. Alabama
State bonds—l would not undertake to
say how many ; State of Georgia bonds
—I could not approximate the number ;
Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad
bonds—a good many of them ; North
Carolina State bonds—l could not tell
how many of them—a large quantity of
them—and Florida bonds. There were
many others, and more than sufficient to
satisfy your claims, if you can get them
from the assignee; I mean to say that
our old firm on the 20th of October,
1874, had at their banking house prop
erty, consisting of stocks, bonds aud
choses in action, more than sufficient
to satisfy these claims.
So Mr. Clews i3 really one of the in
nocent bondholders, and a pretty large
owner of that species of property if we
may believe his own statement.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
The Charleston News and Courier
publishes returns which show beyond a
doubt the election of the Chamberlain
ticket, and the defeat of the Fusion tick
et put in the field by the Democrats and
Independent Republicans. It is true
that the majority is small, and shows a
Conservative gain on the last Presi
dential vote of nearly forty-five thou
sand, bnt the majority, small as it is,
implies that the Ring lias not only elec
ted the Governor, but will also have con
trol of the General Assembly. And it is
in this fact that the full force of the dis
aster sustained by the Conservatives is
experienced. With au honest Legisla
ture the Executive would be powerless
for evil. With a Ring Governor and a
Ring Legislature the perpetration of
any and every species of villiany
is made possible. However, the indica
tions are that, though in a minority, the
Independents and Conservatives will
have an appreciable strength in the
General Assembly, and may be able to
do something in defense of the tax
payers. At all events, the astonishing
result of the recent election may strike
terror even into the hearts of South
Carolina carpet-baggers and put them
upon their good behavior. They see
that the North lias set her face firmly
against the spoliation and oppression of
the South ; they are aware also that they
can expect no further assistance from
Congress; and they may be afraid to
venture upon the monstrous swindles
which they perpetrated with impunity
under the rule of Soott and Moses.
What we hoped with most confidence
from this fusion movement in South
Carolina was that through it the people
would be able to send Generals Ker
shaw and McGowan to Congress from
the Fourth and Third Districts. This
hope has been disappointed. The indi
cations are that both of them have been
defeated by considerable majorities, and
that a brace of political adventurers will
be returned to the House from those
Districts. The defeat of McGowan and
Kershaw is a disgrace to the manhood
of the people whose suffrage* they
claimed. We believe they could have
been elected if they had been properly
supported—if the good men of their
Districts had determined to have them
as their representatives in Congress. In
Kershaw’s District the majority against
him was only seventeen hundred, while
in 1868 the Democrats carried Mc-
Gowan’s by three thousand votes—
though subsequently the Republicans
have been successful by large majorities.
In 1870 the Eighth Congressional Dis
trict of Georgia had a Republican
majority of at least five thousand;
there was a ring administration in
power, and the election was held un
der a special law which opened wide
the avenues for fraud and intimidation;
yet General Dttßose, the Democratic
candidate, was elected by over sis thou
sand majority. Similar work in South
Carolina for Kershaw and McGowan
would have accomplished similar results.
The election of Mackey to Congress
from the Charleston District may be
claimed as afusionist victory; but it isnot
one of which the Conservatives can feel
very proud. Mackey may be an im
provement upon Bowen and Blitz, but
he is still far from being snch a man as
the wealth, respectability and refine
ment of Charleston would like to have
for a representative in the National
Legislature. Two years hence we shall
hope for better things; for as complete a
victory in South Carolina as was ever
won in Georgia.
Young man, go West, and if yon can
find nothing else to do yon may run for
Contingent Congressman.
Time is incalculably long, and every
day is a vessel into which may be pour
ed if one will really fill it,— Goethe.
GAINS IN THE POPULAR VOTE.
Figure work is a favorite pastime now
with Democratic editors. We have gone
a little into the business ourselves, and
the party shall sustain no injury at our
hands which arithemetic is able to pre
vent. We have had a whack at Con
gressional and Electoral gains. We pro
pose now to say something of the pop
ular vote given at the recent elections.
The following table we know will prove
balm to the Democratic heart :
States. Maj. 72. Maj. 74. D. Gain.
Alabama 11.000 B 10.000 D 21.000
Arkansas 3.000 It 75.000 D 78,000
Connecticut 5.000 B 5.000 D 10.000'
Delaware 900 B 10,000 D 10.900
Georgia 20.000 D 75.000 D 55,000
Illinois 56.000 It 5.000 B 51.000
Indiana 22.000 It 17.' 00 IJ 33.000
Kan- as 32.000 B 5.000 K 27.000
Massachusetts.. .. 74.000 It 8,000 D 82.000
Michigan 59.000 B 3.000 It 56.000
Minnesota 20.0,0 It 4.000 P. 16.0*30
Missouri 40,00 j D 10,000
Maryland 2.000 B 10.000 D 12,000
Sew York 53.060 B 40.000 D 93.000 |
New Jersey 15.000 B 10.000 D 25.000
North Carolina 20.C00 D 20,000
Ohio 40.000 B 18.000 D 58.000
Pennsylvania 137.000 B 5.000 D 142.000
South Carolina 50.000 B 5,000 K 45.090
Tennessee 30,600 D 20,000
Virginia 5.000 B 20.000 D 25,000
West Virginia 2.530 R 2,500 D 5,000
Wisconsin 18,000 E 6,000 It 12,000
Total Democratic gain 912,000
From the above table it will be seen
that the Democratic gains during the
past year amount to nine hundred and
twelve thousand votes. We could have
made them a round million had we not
been restrained by respect for the truth
of history. Besides, people have no re
spect for round numbers; they like to
see the odd figures on a balance sheet.
As Grant two years ago had only the
small majority of seven hundred thou
sand, it is evident that we can
overcome the Radical majority in 1876
and have a couple of hundred thousand
votes to spare. Or we might work it
this way : If the Democrats gain nine
hundred and twelve thousand votes in
two years, how many votes will they
gain in four ? Political arithmetic is
simple and eminently satisfactory in its
results.
GRANT ON THE RESULT.
In another column we publish the
views of the President upon the result
of Tuesday’s elections. The Silent Man
—the Sphynx—has spoken, and from his
utterances it will be seen that his opin
ions differ widely from those already ex
pressed by the press and politicians of
his party. Republicans generally have
ascribed the crushing defeat which they
have sustained to the mal-administra
tioa of the Executive branch of the
Government. They have declared that
the election returns proclaim not so
much the overthrow of Republicanism
as the downfall of Grantism. They say
that it was the President’s desire to per
petuate his power, the sordid nature of
the man, his openly professed friendship
for men so notoriously dishonest and cor
rupt, the character of his appointments
to office, the military dragonades, order
ed in the interest of Grantism, in the
South, which brought the Republican
party into contempt and covered it with
ignominy and defeat. Gen. Grant denies
the impeachment, denies that he is the
author of the ruin which has come upon
his party. “He does not for one mo
ment sanction the idea that his policy or
his personal acts have contributed in
any degree to the party defeat.” Gen.
Grant places the responsibility upon
a Republican Congress and (of course)
upon Mr. Sumner, who has been in his
grave for many months. The attempt
to force upon the people the “ impracti
cable and Utopian theories” of Mr. Sum
ner has done all the mischief. The
President evidently alludes to the Civil
Rights bill, forgetting that he himself
had recommended such legislation to
Congress just as he recommended the
Ku-Klux act. He scouts the suggestion
that the third term idea had anything to
do with the disaster, and relies upon the
result in South Carolina to prove the
truth of his assertion. If the vote in
South Carolina means anything in dela
tion to a third term—which most
people, in view of the anomalous
condition of politics and parties in
that unhappy State will deny—it
means that the third term plank in the
South Carolina platform injured the
party which adopted it. Two years ago
General Grant carried the State by fifty
thousand majority. This year a Repub
lican candidate for Governor, running
on a third term platform, is elected by
only five thousand majority—showing a
loss of forty-five thousand votes. Gen
eral Grant plucks up courage enough to
say that he is not despondent ; that he
believes the Republican party lias a
glorious future before it, and that it may
retrieve the errors of the past “ in time
to march to the music of a triumph in
1876 as significant and as decisive as
that of 1872.” Without pretending to
criticise the President’s rhetoric we are
inclined to think that he is mistaken
in his conclusions. There will be
no triumphs for the Republican
party in 1876. Death-bed repent
ance will not save the party which
has misgoverned the country for so
many years, nor do we think that it will
bear fruits meet for repentance. It has
been weighed in the balance and found
wanting. The people have given it a
fair trial. They will trust it no longer.
Aud neither General Grant nor any
other leader can reverse the verdict of
Tuesday’s elections.
After all the conflicting reports and
returns it seems to be pretty well set
tled that the Seventh District has gone
for the Independent candidate and that
Felton has been elected by a small ma
jority. We can only say now what we
have said before, that we desired a dif
ferent result; not that we doubt Dr.
Felton’s Democracy or his ability, but
because he has set an example of insub
ordination which may prove fruitful of
evil in the future. In the Seventh Dis
trict the white majority is so large that,
no matter how many candidates there
may be in the field, a Democrat is cer
tain to be elected. But what would have
been the result if talented and popu
lar Democrats had been running this year
against the party nominees in the First,
the Second, the Third and the Fifth Dis
tricts ? We would, beyond a doubt,
have four Radicals returned to Congress
instead of the solidly Democratic dele
gation which has been secured by party
organization and party discipline.
Usually election news has opened
well for the Democrats, and then grown
rapidly worse, as the official returns
came in. The contests of this year have
proven an exception to the rule. Day
after day the news gets better. At first
the Democrats had only fifteen majoritv
in the House of Representatives, then
twenty-five, then fifty-four, and now, af
ter all the returns are in, the telegraph
puts it at seventy-seven. Better still,
the States which have gone Democratic
will elect Senators enough to reduce the
Radical majority in the Senate to eight,
possibly six. At this rate it wont take
long to get a two-thirds majority in the
House and a good working majority in
the Senate.
The returns in the Third and Fourlh
Congressional Districts of South Caro
lina show palpable signs of fraud, and
should not go undisputed. We hope
that Gen. Kershaw and Gen. McGowan
will contest the election and appeal to
the House of Representatives for redress.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 18, 1574.
IRISH OPINION,
We publish in another column this
morning an article from the Dublin
Universe, entitled “Black Rule of the
Whites in America.” There are several
errors in the statement of facts, but
these will be easily recognized by every
American reader as the somewhat
natural mistakes of those who live at a
distance from ns. As an index of Irish
opinion of the treatment of the South by
the North it will be read with interest.
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS.
At the recent election in South Caro
lina there were three amendments to the
Constitution voted on. The indications
are that ell three of them were carried
by considerable majorities, as they re
ceived the support of both political par
ties. The first only changed one of the
boundary lines between the counties of
Pickens and Oconee. The second
amends the Constitution so as to make
the term of office of the Conmtroller-
General, Secretary of State, Treasurer,
Attorney-General, Adjutant and Inspec
tor-General and Superintendent of Ed
ucation two years instead of four, as at
present. The third is of a more impor
tant nature, and exhibits the grow
ing tendency to limit the power of mu
nicipalities in the matter of taxation
and loans of credit to public enterprises.
It provides that the General Assembly
shall not authorize any county, city,
town or village to become a stockholder
in or to loan its credit to any company
association or corporation, for any
amount in excess of five per centum of
the assessed value of the taxable prop
erty of such county, city, town or - vil
lage, nor without the approval of a ma
jority of the legal voters of such county,
city, town or village, expressed at an
election duly held according to law.
COUNTY REFORMS.
A correspondent of the Savannah News
suggests that from twelve hundred to
twenty-four liuudred dollars per annum
can be saved by a repeal of the present
jury compensation system and the re
enactment of the old law in force before
and during the war, which required a
fee of three dollars to be paid by the
plaintiff and charged in the bill of costs
against the losing party. The writer
states that these fees were promptly
paid to the Clerk of the Court, and con
stituted the only fund out of which
juries received pay. In most of the
Courts they were handsomely remu
nerated for their services, receiving
from two to three dollars per diem.
While the Legislature is engaged in the
work of reform it might go a step further
and put a s+op to the substitute busi
ness, which every right-thinking man
must see is doing much harm. Let us
have no more substitutes, and let us
have the best men in the State for jury
men. The position of juror is one of the
most responsible which a citizen can
hold, and juries should be composed
of the very best available material.
Some legislation should also be en
acted in the interest of the officers
of Court, who at present lose a
large portion of the money due them for
services rendered. Why not require the
plaintiff in each case to deposit with the
clerk at the time of tli'e filing of the
writ a small sum, sufficient at least to
pay for the copy and service by the
sheriff. Such a law would work no
hardship, and would be an act of simple
justice to hard-worked and under-paid
officials.
THE CRIES OE THE WOUNDED.
Piteous indeed are the shrieks of the
wounded, doleful indeed the cries of the
dying. The rabid Radicals of the South
have now but one organ—the New York
Republic, Grant’s paper—and through
it they make their moans. Special after
special from Georgia is published,
charging all sorts of perfidy upon the
“devilish Democracy.” The agent of
the slander mill in Savannah sends
plenty of grist to be ground. He swears
that “Col. John E. Bryant is undoubt
edly elected in the First District,” but
the frauds perpetrated are so great that
Hartridoe will be counted in. “Col.”
Bryant will contest the election
and “thoroughly expose the Demo
cratic villainy,” 'and the “Colonel”
has been so badly treated that even
a Democratic Congress will give him
his seat. Gen. MoLaws, the Collector
of Internal Revenue for the Savannah
District, is charged with supporting
Wimberly, the independent Republican,
doubtless with tho intention of calling
the attention of the Administration to
the fact that an office-holder has dared
to have an opinion for himself in politi
cal affairs. Another dispatch from Sa
vannah states that both Whitely and
Bryant will contest the election of their
opponents in the Second and First Dis
tricts. It says that the Democracy of
Georgia “have surpassed all their
former exploits in the way of commit
ting frauds—they have reduced it to a
science and gone to work like me
chanics.” Mr. J. G. W. Mills also
has the effrontery to say that he
will contest the election in the
Fifth District, and that if he can have
the vote cast in Fulton, Houston and
half a dozen other counties thrown out
he will obtain the seat. Poor souls !
Do they not know that the day for this
sort of thing has gone by ? Do they not
know that the next House of Congress
will refuse to “throw out” the vote of
whole counties and seat minority candi
dates upon baseless charges of fraud ?
From 1868 to 1872 contests could be
made with impunity. It was not at all
necessary that the contestant should
have a majority of the votes cast. It
was only necessary that he should be a
Southern Radical with a Democrat for his
opponent, and the partisan majority of a
partisan House never failed to giveßim
tho seat. No matter how large the majori
ty against him was, enough votes were
thrown out to count him in. There is
one case on record where a Democrat
who was elected from a South Carolina
District by over three thousand majority
was turned out and a carpet-bagger seat
ed. But, as we have said before, there
will be no more such scandalous de
cisions, no more such monstrous perver
sions of justice, and Messrs. Bryant,
Whiteley and Mills had just as well
i possess their souls in patience. They
, will make no contest, and if they do will
| have only their pains for their trouble.—
\ They were fairly beaten, they were bad
; ly beaten, and they had jnst as well at
; tempt to make an honest living ontside
j the halls of Congress.
Major Lewls Merrill declared just
before the election in Louisiana that if
the Kellogg ticket should be elected he
would “give the white people helL”
Well, the Kellogg ticket has] been de
feated and the donation of hell conse
quently postponed. We may rest as
sured, however, that Maj. Merrill
would not have performed the work for
nothing, bat would have demanded and
received a good round sum for his servi
ces. As his bill in South Carolina ran
“the State Dr. to Major Lewis Merrill,
to arresting two thousand Ku-Klux at
$lO per K.-K., $20,000;” so it would run
in Louisiana: to giving the people hell
at so much per head, so many thousand
dollars. Thrifty ruffian, Major Mutkhtt.t,,
KELLOGG’S LAST OUTRAGE,
Editors Chronice and Sentinel:
In discussing the Louisiana question
the press seems to have omitted notice
of one very gross outrage of the Kellogg
government—the attempted disfranchise
ment at the recent election of some 6,000
naturalized citizens in New Orleans.
These citizens having determined to
cast their votes against Grant and his
Kellogg government, a conspiracy was
entered into to exclude them from the
polls. On the 20th nit. the Radical
Btate Register of Votes addressed the
Kellogg Attorney-General to know if
one of the Courts in New Orleans had
authority to naturalize foreigners, and
on the 24th ult. the Attorney-General
replied that this Court had no such au
thority, and had not had it since 1864.
This nullified the papers of all the
naturalized citizens who had been natu
ralized in that Court for ten years back,
and the Register proceeded to strike
their names to the number of between
5,000 and 6,000 from the list of quali
fied voters. The Democratic Executive
Committee at once interfered, and after
showing that these citizens had been
naturalized “ upon the advice of the
best legal talent in the State, said ad
vice being based upon previous de
cisions upon said question and ac
quiesced in for many years,” charged
that the attempt to disfranchise them
was a “conspiracy between the Gov
ernor and Federal officials,” and then
adopted this resolution:
“ Resolved, That we denounce in un
measured terms this movement to de
prive said foreign-born citizens of their
right of citizenship.”
Following this an indignation meet
ing was held, which is thus reported in
the dispatches: “New Orleans, October
28.—A mass meeting of foreign-born
citizens to-night passed resolutions de
nouncing the attempt making by the
State officials to deprive them of the
right of suffrage, calling upon their
brethren throughout the United States
to hold to a strict accountability the po
litical party which . thus disfranchises
them, aud stating that, they intend to
cast their ballots on the 2d November in
the same box as other American citi
zens.” This purpose was carried out,
and in defiance of the attempt made to
rob them of their ballots the foreign
born citizens of New Orleans voted
against Grant and the Kellogg govern
ment, and gloriously helped to redeem
Louisiana.
STRABISMUS.
[Now York Tribune.]
Opinions vary. Some say it was of
one thing and some of another, but
there is a prevalent belief that it was a
complication of diseases which did the
business in the late elections. There
may be a spice of personal feeling in the
treatment of the subject by the press;
indeed we think we do detect traces of
unkindness toward the leading states
man, who described the press as a forty
jackass mud-throwing power, and possi
bly this accounts for the disposition to
include so conspicuously among the
causes the cross-eyed man of the period.
That there is such a disposition cannot
be doubted by any one who reads the
newspapers with half a thought. Organs
and semi-organs and semi-so-so-organs
all agree, as they look over the returns
and foot the fearful figures, that it was
very largely strabismus. The figures
themselves have a sort of cross-eyed
look, and in some of them there’s the
puckery flavor of persimmons.
Well, there may be much truth in the
diagnosis. Should the disease prove
fatal and the party be carried off by it,
its epitaph might be, if not “Died of a
cross-eyed man,” at least, “Died of
mental and moral strabismus.” It has
somehow happened during the past five
or six years that whatever lias been said
or suggested or done by the party in
power that was bad or corrupt or dis
honest, or that left a bad influence upon
the party and the country, and for which
the late Administration party was made
to suffer, has had somewhere about it
this baleful sign. Did the party promise
Civil Service Reform in its platforms,
and jeer at it as a humbug through its
chosen representatives, it was a states
man “born on Wednesday” who stood
in front and flouted it most largely. Did
speculating Congressmen take a flyer in
Credit Mobilier, they were defended at
the bar of the House and of public
opinion by a man with twisted vision.
Was there a hack pay grab, he led with
a leer the hungry procession. Was there
an attempt to cheat the public creditor
by the payment of one promise with an
other, it was he who tried to make the
nation look at its obligations cross
eyed. Did an incompetent and a blun
derer sit in the Treasury, he put him
there and used him. Were merchants
put at the mercy of informers, and the
revenue farmed out under a shameful
contract, it was he who arranged the de
tails, perfected the plans, and sweated
the plunder.
Over all the questionable transactions
for which the party has been held re
sponsible, over all the crookedness of
its policy, its weakness, willfulness and
wickedness, you may see the two queer
eyes of its evil genius. The man who
urges an inflation of our irredeemable
currency as a remedy for financial dis
tress has something the matter with his
intellectual vision. The man who be
lieves the people will not object to any
policy so long as it puts dollars in their
pockets, has the same confusion in his
moral perceptions, and he who holds
these strange beliefs discloses the na
ture of his moral and mental disease so
soon as he stands up to avow them. He
has had his way with the Administration
and the party now for a long time. He
has infected the whole concern. It came
at last to be that the whole party was
looking all ways and no one could tell
which way. It ranted in platforms and
roared in conventions, and swaggered
and bullied wherever it had the power,
and when any one protested it said in
the genuine Tweed style, “Well, what
are you going to do about it ?” And it
didn’t look anybody in the face or an
swer civil questions, but blustered and
strutted and made large pretensions.
And those people, looking at this strange
figure that led the leading statesmen,
said, “Why, the whole party has got it.
It must be contagious.” And then last
Tuesday they got up quietly and an
swered the inquiry of the Hon. Roscoe
Conkling and others as to what they
were going to do about it, and looking
next morning at what they had done,
they said it was “mostly strabismus.”
SENATOR EATON.
A Rinsrir/x Speech from the Connecti
cut Senator—Free Men Better than
Free Trade.
Gentlemen of the Manhattan Club:
I return you my most sincere thanks
for inviting me to be present with yon
on this joyful occasion. It is not the
time to make a speech, and I do not pro
pose to make one. Yon have met here
to rejoice'-*-.to Rejoice that Massachusetts
and Connecticut, and New York and
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey and Dela
ware, and old Virginia—God bless her
—[applause]—and North Carolina stand
shoulder to shoulder. All along on this
sea-board from New Hampshire to
South Carolina the Liberal Democratic
party now govern. We rejoice. We
must rejoice; we, here in New York; we
of the Empire State cast thirty-three
votes, and where New York casts its
thirty-three Liberal Democratic votes it
elects the next President of the United
States. [Applause.] I feel rejoiced,
Mr. President, because once more in
this land men are free. Money is a good
thing, hard money is a very good thing
—[long applause]—and free trade and a
revenue tariff are very good things, but
free men are better than all these. I
think it is this man, who is now dignified
with the name of Centennial Dix—
[laughter]—who told us on another oc
casion, when referring to that old flag,
that if any man attempt to pull it down
shoot him on the spot, because it is the
emblem of American sovereignty, and
here not ten years ago my friend, who
has jnst been honored with the election
of Governor in this State, was arrested
and locked up in his own house, and by
this same military official, who, when
asked where his authority was for any
such proceeding, said, in an insolent
and despotic manner,! “Here it i3—
here,” clapping his hand upon his
sword. I think it is time when such a
man can carry on such transactions that
he had better be shot down on the spot.
[Applause.] To honor God that now
there will not be any more of it here. It
is amusing to go back a short time and
see how they did shake that bloody
shirt at us. [Laughter.] New Jersey
has gotten over it, Connecticut never
did see it—[laughter]—and altogether
that old rag has been somewhat of a
failure this time. [Laughter.] But now
victory is onrs.not alone the Democratic
party, bat the Liberal Republican ele-
ment of the country have joined with ns
in the elections of Connecticut and New
York. The Government is ours. I say
the Government, because after the
fourth day of March next that part of
the legislative power that has control of
the purse is in the hands of the Demo
cratic party. All that is necessary to do
is to be as wise as serpents, but not as
harmless as doves. All the members of
the House of Representatives, and they
have a year to do it, should begin to
day—mature their bills, and when they
go in at that first Monday in March,
1875, pass them on to the Senate, where
there will he a majority of six in the Ad
ministration favor, and have the respon
sibility rest there. Will everything that
is done by the Liberal Democratic party
be wise and prudent ? If they are wise
we have before us thirty years of power.
I am well aware of the great responsi
bility that will fall upon the Democratic
party, but I desire to say one thing here
before I leave. If I live I will demon
strate it. Under the Democratic party
in this country every dollar of the debt
can be paid and taxes reduced each year.
I cannot show you this to-night. There
have been expended for the last ten
more than eighty millions over the
excess of the interest of the national
debt, and more than bail been expended
before the country was in the hands of the
present wasteful, corrupt horde. Place
ths country in the hands of men who will
cut down all expenses in the army and
tlu navy, and of the 80,000 blood suck
ers who have fattened upon the body
politic. I desire to be personally re
sponsible for that opinion, because I
have examined the question and have no
doubt about it. I propose the Govern
ment shall pay its debts in legal cur
rency, and iu full; that there shall be
one constitutional law for the Govern
ment and the same for the people. Hard
money as the basis, and every step an
advance towards specie payments. [Ap
plause.] No man of sense would say
that we should go to specie payments
to-morrow or next week, but every piece
of legislation should look towards specie
payments. Every act of Congress should
point straight to speedy specie payments.
The expenses of this country can be cut
down $100,000,000 per year. No man
can fail to see this. I love to honor the
Democracy and the Liberal Republicans
of this Commonwealth. I honor the
man who has been elected as your Chief
Magistrate. Asa man once said when
your speaker was running for a local
office in his own State, but what was his
warrecord? Another said ; "I don’t care
for his war record, hut I don’t believe
he will steal, and that is enough.”
[Laughter and applause.] I will say in
regard to the man you have placed at
the head of the Empire State, that he is
honest, a gentleman of integrity, and
you have every reason to place every
confidence in him. Ido not intend to
hint, nor to be understood to say, that
the old gentleman who is going out has
stolen. He is a very respectable gentle
man, but New York has no further use
for him. [Long laughter and applause,
during which Senator Eaton left the
stand. ]
COMMENTS OF LONDON JOURN
ALS.
The Democratic Majority in Congress
A Cause for Anxiety—Distrust for
Republican Leaders—Grant Might
Have Averted the Result*
London, November 6, 1874.—The
Times, commenting editorially upon the
recent Democratic victory in the United
States, says: It is fortunate that at
present there is no serious issue raised
between the parties on Union or State
affairs as revealed by the elections. It
gives occasion for some anxiety to know
that when Congress meets in March the
new House will be controlled by a large
Democratic majority. Yet in spite of
all this General Grant will remain in
office till 1877. There is no power in
the Constitution to change a single mem
ber of the Administration. Such a
situation is not possible here where we
have an amenable government, rather
than the approval of particular men or
a spirit of opposition. The discredited
Ministers would retire from office before
the meeting of Parliament. An attempt
to maintain a similar state of affairs
would be passionately resented in
France; yet it is borne in America with
out remonstrance, the victors patiently
waiting the fruits to be found in their
succession to the Federal Government.
The events of the week betoken the con
demnation of Grant. The rejection of
General Butler is, perhaps, attributable
to his resentment against the President
when using his influence at last year’s
election to secure the Governorship of
Massachusetts.
The Pall Mall Gazette says : There
is no doubt but a profound distrust of
men such as Cameron, Conkling, Mor
ton and Butler had taken hold of the
mind of the people, who were otherwise
contented to vote with their party. The
most important result of the contest is
the complete success of the Democratic
party.' The Democratic reaction in the
South wrecked the prospects of the Re
publicans south of Mason and Dixon’s
line, and seriously injured it elsewhere.
The fact is clear that the majority given
in favor of the Democratic candidates
constitutes a serious warning for the
next Presidential contest. The attitude
of tho Republicans resembles very much
that which was assumed by the Liberal
leaders in England in the month of
February last, viz., to accept the politi
cal success of tbeir opponents with for
titude, disbelieving that there is a per
manent change in the sentiment or
principles of the people. Tho verdict of
the country is a protest against a third
term for Grant; against the policy of
the Administration toward the South ;
against the management of the finances;
against the salaries bill, and the failure
of the frauds investigation. Some of
Grant’s blunders are irreparable; others
retrievable.
THE EUFAULA ELECTION RIOT.
Fuller Details of the Beating of the
Democratic Negro and the Subse
quent Sanguinary Fight.
[New York Herald’s Eufaula (Ala.) Special,
November 3.]
While the vote?* of both parties were
being quietly polled here to to-day, a
negro who had voted the Democratic
ticket was attacked by a mob of Radical
negroes, and a terrible and bloody riot
was at once precipitated. Chief among
the party who set upon the negro Demo
crat was one of a very desperate and
bad character named Milas Long, who
seemed to be the leader. As soon as the
victim of their rage seemed to be get
ting severely beaten, a number of whites
who were present rushed to the rescue,
bnt were unable, for a while, to aid him,
and were partially driven back. Upon
this the mob began to punish the negro
Democrat, when the whites, who had
been reinforced, boldly broke in and
ordered them to desist. Nothing daunt
ed, but rather enraged by this interfer
ence, Milas Long, the leader, attempted
to draw a pistol on one of the whites.
As he did so he was told if he produced
the weapon in that crowd he would be
killed. Long, becoming savagely irri
tated, pulled out the weapon, and, with
a foul oath threatening the whites, dared
them to come on, striking, at the same
time, an attitude of offense. Before a
movement could be made to disarm him
he fired his pistol, which it is supposed
took effect, and this was the signal for a
bloody riot. Both whites and blacks in
stantly drew their weapons, and a gene
ral and indiscriminate fire was begun,
which the negroes did not stand
for more than a few moments before
they broke and ran down the street in
one of the wildest stampedes ever wit
nessed. There were probably, during
the few moments which the fight lasted,
over five hundred shots fired by both
sides—a majority by the whites—and
the execution was terribly effective. The
negroes mostly had come in from the
country, and, in anticipation of a row,
were armed with pistols, guns, heavy
clubs and wheel spokes, with which it
was their intention to make war upon
any of their own color who dared to vote
the Democratic ticket. In the stampede
their wounded and killed were trodden
upon, and they threw away their weapons
in the streets without regard to anything
but safety in flight, and the scene re
sembled a battle field of no small di
mensions. The result of the riot was
startling, considering the brief period it
lasted. Six whites were wounded, one
of them, William Keith, mortally; three
negroes were killed outright, and, as far
as heard from, seventy-four negroes
were wounded, ten or fifteen of that
number, it is supposed, mortally. Since
the riot five more have died, and three
or four more will die daring the night.
It is impossible, just now, to give the
names of the killed and wounded, and
those of the negroes cannot be ascer
tained. Among the whites wounded are
T. F. Nance, May Shorter, Silas Jones,
John Hudlist-on, Sandy Engram and
Thomas Stovall, For a few moments
a^ er fhe riot was over the negroes halt
ed at the end of the street and made an
attempt to rally and renew the fight.
The whites, however, then armed them
selves with guns, and as soon as the ne
groes saw this they broke and scattered,
and order was soon again restored. The
voting was resumed,, and progressed
quietly until the polls closed.
PUBLIC OPINION.
The Republican Press on the Results
of the Elections,
And until all opposition to equal civil
rights for all citizens in all parts of the
land has died out, until the heresies of
repudiation and inflation are buried out
of sight, until the theory that American
artisans should compete on equal terms
with the pauper labor of Europe—not
until these errors, of which the Demo
cratic party is now the champion, are all
finally and forever laid, will the Repub
lican party have performed its mission.
—Daily Saratogian.
No accurate estimate can be made un
til the full returns are received. But,
however the November elections may
have gone, however they may have af
fected the next Congress, it is not de
nied by any one that the Republican
party has still the majority of the coun
try, and that if it shall he led as it ought
to be led, its victories in the future will
surpass any that it has won in the past.
In the defeats which we fear we liave
met we see the omen of future victory.
The Republican party is still the party
of the country, and it cannot be defeat
ed, and the Republic lives. —National
Republican.
What- does this mean? will be the
universal question, and to it various
answers will be given. Politicians of
all sorts may ponder this inquiry with
advantage. For ourselves we have no
hesitation in saying it does not mean
that the people of Massachusetts have
turned their backs on the principles of
the Republican party. Massachusetts
is still a Republican State, and will
prove herself so when she has an oppor
tunity. In the meantime, the Republi
cans must compose their differences,
correct their errors, seek wise counsel
ors, and faithful and able leaderp, and
be prepared to move forward with re
newed zeal and with unbroken front
against the enemy when the hour comes
for renewing the conflict.— Worcester
Spy.
We have the most unfounded faith in
Democratic folly and fatuity and stu
pidity. For the first time in several
years that party is now likely to share
some of the responsibility in the gov
ernment of the nation, and this will put
it to the test. It has no coherent prin
ciples upon any public questions. It
has no defined and intelligent policy. It
has nothing but indiscriminate opposi
tion and vicious tendencies. Imagine
it dealing with the currency ! Fancy
its probable treatment of the Southern
question ! Think of all the evils which
will start into new life, like snakes lurk
ing in the grass, at this revival of the
unpatriotic party ! Democracy gains an
ephemeral success ; it comes out for the
time from behind the clouds, but only
soon to undergo another eclipse.—Alba
ny Journal.
The defeat which the Republican par
ty has sustained is the result cf several
causes. The panic of a year ago cast its
shadow across the canvass which has
just closed, and disheartened thousands
of Republicans. Stagnation in business,
lack of employment, hard times, these
have liad tlieir weight in determining
the action of very many, who do not
pause to place the responsibility for
their misfortunes where it belongs, but
charge it directly to the party in power,
and vote for a change without consider
ing whether that change will bring the
needed relief. Moreover, the Republi
can party in this State, while effecting
the government reforms to which it
pledged itself three years ago, has had a
tremendous burden to carry in meeting
the Democratic deficiency of nearly
seven millions which was the legacy of
the Tweed-Hoffman administration. —
Syracuse Journal.
The business pressure and the inter
ruption of industry have produced dis
satisfaction and a desire for change.
However unreasonable it may be, the
people hold the Administration respon
sible, and require amelioration in affairs
at its hands. Because prosperity does
not return, the Republican party is
punished. The Republican party has
been working out great reforms in the
past two years, and ought to be stronger
for them. Bnt in some quarters the
idea of reform has been scouted, the
plea has been made for covering up
faults and spuming the demand for self
purification. Asa consequence reform
ers have been denounced as meddlers,
and the speculators and jobbers insist
ed on the mastery. Only one effect was
possible. The popular confidence was
repelled and disaster was invited —Utica
(N. I.) Herald.
One thing in certain. The campaign
of 1874 will not be decisive upon the
campaign of 1876. It looks as if the
Democracy would have control of the
Forty-fourth Congress, and a number of
State Legislatures, in which they have
rarely had majorities. By its mistakes
we shall profit. We shall, in turn, play
the part of the critic, and it will be sin
gular if the party of Bourbon instincts
and repudiation doctrines does not it
self proclaim disaster in the hour of
success. The Republican party still
maintains its hold upon the intelligence
of the people. It begins to-day the bat
tle of 1876—a battle which will be earn
estly fought, but whose issue, we be
lieve, under the new inspiration it will
receive, cannot be doubtful. For the
present let Democracy shout itself
hoarse over its spasmodic triumph,
while Republicans, profiting by the se
vere, and perhaps needed, lesson it has
received, begin to perfect the plans for
the contest before. We lose no heart,
and we shall give no quarter.—Roches
ter Democrat.
The great and powerful Republican
party has been taught a severe lesson,
by which it can hardly fail to profit. It
discovers that it is not invincible. It
will see that dissensions in the ranks,
quarreling among the leaders, unfound
ed distrust, captious envy and unmer
ited denunciation of the successful men
are fatal elements of weakness. A bet
ter spirit will soon prevail. Leaving out
of the calculation the great probability
that the Democrats will make the very
worst possible use of their victory, and
thus unwittingly labor for the coming
Republican restoration, we hold it to be
all but certain that the glorious old
party will carry the day in 1876, as the
result of its purification under this or
deal of fire, and just as surely as the
Centennial of American Independence
must come ! We acknowledge the stun
ning effect of this Democratic “thunder
all round the sky !” We admit that the
Republican party has been struck by
lightning. But we never expect to see
lightning strike twice in the same place!
Buffalo Commercial Advertiser.
Over the future of the country a veil
has been thrown by the result of yester
day’s election. So long as the Govern
ment was held and controlled by the
Republican party no one in this country
or in Europe feared for the honest pay
ment of the national d9bt or for the just
treatment of the freedmen of the South.
No man has ever alleged or suspected
that there was danger of our being called
upon to pay to the Southern people en
ormous claims growing out of the war,
or of compensating them for their
emancipated slaves under a Republican
administration. But just as soon as the
Democracy assume the offices and be
come the legislators of the country,
these questions, ominous with danger
to the nation’s integrity and the cause
of justice, confront us with their sinis
ter faces. It is true we have a Senate
that will not concur with a Democratic
House in such dangerous schemes, and
a President who would certainly veto
them, but the attaining of a majority in
the Lower House, if they have a ma
jority, is a great step gained by the
Democrats in the direction of repudia
tion and proscription. —Rochester Ex
press.
It seems certain that the reverses of
Tuesday’s elections are sufficient to give
the Democrats a strong majority in the
next Congress. Admitting this to be
the case, there is no reason why Repub
licans should despair of their party, or
good citizens of the Republic. Some
times a temporary defeat is the ultimate
salvation of an army, and there is cer
tainly abundant reason why the Repub
lican party should be benefitted by the
afflictions of the present moment. Un
doubtedly the party has erred and
strayed into by and forbidden paths. It
has had the fortune of all successful par
ties, to be preyed upon by the camp fol
lowers and booty seekers—the political
rats who always join the winning side.
The great mass of the party is and al
ways has been sound to the core, but
the rascality and venality of the adven
turers, who have a way of getting into
office, have damaged the party’s good
name. But its record, nevertheless, is a
glorious one, equaled by that of no
party since the nation was formed, and
it still contains the purest and best men
in the land. The Republican party may
“stand in the eclipse of a mad aud pass
ing hour,” but the eclipse will pass and
the party will shine all the brighter. It
has saved the life of the nation, it has
freed and enfranchised a race, it has
rescued the nation’s credit. What has
its opponent done but fight it in the
dark days of rebellion, and growl at and
impede every step of progress since ?
Hartford Journal.
BLACK RULE OF THK WHITES IN
AMERICA.
• [Universe.]
When the four years’ secession war in
the United States was ended in 1865, by
the surrender of Gen. Lee’s army at Dan
ville Roads, the reconstruction of the
Southern States became the great prob
lem to be dealt with by American states
men. There was at that time but one
man in the United States who saw clear
ly by what means the pacific return of
the Sonth to the fold could be achieved;
and that man was Andrew Johnson,
himself a Southerner, who, having sac
rificed his all by remaining loyal when
his own State, Tennessee, seceded,'.was
elected to the Vice-Presidency in No
vember, 1864, and became President at
the very moment of the downfall of the
Sonth, after his colleague, Lincoln, had
been murdered by the fanatic Booth.
President Johnson’s reconstruction plan
simply consisted in re-admitting each of
the Southern States to the Union upon
three conditions, viz : that they should
rescind their secession ordinances, repu
diate their war loans, and agree to the
fourteenth constitutional amendment,
providing for the emancipation of
the negroes. This plan was not acceded
to by the United States Congress, the
vast majority of which, headed by the
notorious Thaddeus Stevens, belonged
to the ultra-Radical party. These, so
far from wishing for the pacification of
the South, aimed at nothing but the
perpetuation of their party rule; and, as
the means most conductive to this end,
determined upon the unconditional en
franchisement of all the negroes and the
disfranchisement of all those who had
joined in the rebellion, the latter being
full four-fifths of the white population
of the South. Having paved the way to
this final consummation by the Civil
Rights and Freedmen’s Bureau bills,
they passed the three reconstruction
acts of 1867 over the President’s veto;
and, in the end, most of the States of
the ex-Confederacy were reincorporated
in the Union by the Omnibus bill of
June, 1868. Although the Radical party,
being always certain of a two-thirds ma
jority, could in each instance override
the veto of President Johnson, they
were yet obliged to relax to some ex
tent the rule by which all the ex
rebels were to be deprived of the
electoral franchise; still a majority of
votes was definitely secured to the ne
groes in the ten reconstructed States,
the aggregate number of voters under
the Reconstruction acts in the ten
Southern States being 650,000 whites
and 712,000 negroes. The measures
adopted by Congress had neither for
their object nor for their effect the real
pacification of the South, but only aim
ed at securing the supremacy of the Re
publican party in these States, and in
this the legislators fully succeeded.
Ever since the Reconstruction acts were
passed the Republican “ticket” has al
ways been supported by the vast bulk
of the black voters, as well as by the in
terlopers from the North, called carpet
baggers, and the handful of original
Southern loyalists, known by the name
of scalawags; whilst the Democratic or
Conservative party, counting none but
the old white population in its ranks,
has never been able to secure a majority
in the State Legislatures, and still less
so in the delegations to Congress. Negro
rule has thus become so absolute in sev
eral of the Southern States, more
particularly in South Carolina and
Louisiana, where the black popu
tion is nearly twice as numerous
as the white; and having in re
ality no ‘stake in the hedge,’the black
rulers have turned the little brief au
thority in which they are dressed to
such good advantage, and played such
fantastic tricks before high Heaven, as
to bring those two States to the verge of
bankruptcy, ruin social order, and dis
turb the whole organization of the body
politic. So great has been the abuse of
power on their part as to compel the
white people, in sheer self-defense, to
form secret associations, such as the
Ku-Klux-Klan and the White League,
the former in the Northern, the latter in
the Southern States of the ex-Confed
eracy; and hundreds of negroes have
fallen victims to the exasperation of the
oppressed white population. Of late
the complication, both in Louisiana and
in South Carolina, has been brought to
a head by the excesses of the ruling
party. In Louisiana, more particularly,
where the negroes want to reduce the
State to the condition of Hayti, they
had succeeded by fraudulent means in
securing the election of their own
candidate, Kellogg, as Governor, and
passing numerous measures for their
own benefit and to the prejudice
of the whites. A fortnight ago the
latter, having lost all patience, over
turned the Kellogg government by a
coup de main in less than twenty-four
hours throughout the State and installed
the Governor of their own choice, Mc-
Enery, in the State House of New Or
leans. At the same time they turned all
the State officers out and put nominees
of theirs in their places. It was impos
sible for the Washington Government
to allow any party in one of the States
to take the law into their own hands.
Troops were dispatched to Louisiana at
once, and the new Governor, not wish
ing to precipitate a conflict, gave way,
and Kellogg and his adherents were re
instated. The storm has thus once more
blown over without doing any serious
injury, no more than about twenty lives
having been sacrificed on the occasion,
which is not much in American party
conflicts. Still, it is to be hoped that
the Republicans, who have ruled su
preme in the United States since
1860, will take the lesson to heart
and henceforth pay some regard
to the feelings, and especially the
interests, of the minority. If the
black rule is to continue in the States
south of Mason and Dixon’s line, most
of them are sure to be reduced below
the level of Mexico or Venezuela. A re
vival of the secession movement of 1861
has become impossible since the aboli
tion of the ‘peculiar institution’ of
negro slavery . If there be any members
of the ruling party in the United States
Congress who lay claim to the designa
tion of statesmen, let them propose
measures conducive to the conciliation
of the white people of the South, and
calculated to rid the country of the ex
isting tyranny of negro government. By
this means alone the South can be paci
fied, and its former prosperity restored;
and this object being achieved, the
Southern States may become again what
they were prior to 1860, the mainstay of
true Conservatism, and their inhabitants
the firmest upholders of the fundament
al institutions of the United States.
A Fatal Fieby Okdeal. —A corres
pondent of the Iroquis Times, writing
from Papineau, in this county, relates a
most fearful catastrophe which took
place there, to one Peter Lane, his wife,
two children and a little hired girl.
When they retired they left a strong fire
in the kitchen. From this fire the house
caught. Mrs. Lane being awakened by
the smoke, rushed into the kitchen and
took out the child that Was sleeping
there. After she left the house Mr.
Lane awoke, and, not knowing where
his wife was, rushed into the kitchen to
save the child. By this time the floor
of the kitchen was so badly burned that
Lane, on entering it, fell through into
the cellar, and remained there roasting,
while his wife took out the other child,
the little assistant, and some goods,
wondering all the time where her hus
band was. How he ever got out of the
cellar is not known, but he was seen
later sitting on the steps with nothing
on but a shirt, the back of that blazing.
His wife rushed up to him and put out
the fire. Lane then went to the stable,
let out the horses, and ran some twenty
rods to a neighbor’s, where he fell down
helpless. His tracks were marked by
pieces of flesh that had fallen off his
body, and on ths halters of the horses
were large pieces of skin. He was im
mediately taken up by the neighbors
and placed in bed, and died next morn
ing. His face was scarred most horri
bly, and on his body, in many places, the
bones were exposed, and the flesh, in
some places, black and crisp.— Chicago
Iribune.
What a thing it is to be “a gentleman
and a sculler,” nowadays, to be sure !
“John Park."
NUMBER 47.
LOAN ASSOCIATIONS.
Important Decision by the Supreme
Court.
Ocmulgee Building and Loan Associa
tion vs. Methvin S. Thompson. Fore
closure of mortgage, from Bibb.
McCay, J.
1. By the charter and by-laws of a
loan and building association, it was in
substance provided that there should
be 2,000 shares; that no one stockholder
should own more thau thirty shares;
that each share should pay $i at each
monthly meeting; that the moneys paid
at each meeting should be sold to the
highest bidder, as an advance to such
bidder, upon his ultimate interest; that
the company should wind up when each
share under the workings of the associa
tion should be worth S2OO, or when
each member had purchased an advance
on his stock. That any member ad
vanced should give a note with a mort
gage for the ultimate assumed value of
his stock and assign his stock to the as
sociation as collateral security; that each
stockholder who got an advance should
pay $1 extra on each advanced share, as
interest; that for any default in the pay
ment of dues, “as often as the same
may be payable, he shall forfeit the ad
ditional sum of 10 cents for every such
failure, or for every dollar tints unpaid.”
That if any shareholder should be in de
fault for three months the association
might proceed at law to collect the
amount due from him. It was further
provided, in' sttbstrrrriSe, that the sum to
be collected was such a sum as at the
rate of advances at the last monthly
meeting would, if put up for sale, have
brought to the company the same inter
est the defaulter was paying (in no case
to be less than the net amount received
by him), together with all other pay
ments, moneys and expenses due to the
association by such stockholder :
Held, that under these rules and regu
lations the association is entitled to a
judgment for such an amount as will
place it in the same situation as though
there had been no default, and that
when such judgment is paid the de
faulter is no longer such, but holds his
stock ns a non-advanced member.
2. That this amount for each share is
to be ascertained by deducting from S2OO
—the ultimate assumed value—such a
per cent, of the same, as advances, were
sold or allotted to members at the last
regular monthly meeting next before the
judgment, and adding to this the dues
on such share for each default up to
such meeting, and any fines that may be
due for such default, provided the fines
be not so grossly in excess of the real
loss by the default as to be penalties
and not a fair measure of damages.
The real damages to the association,
caused by the failure of the defaulter to
pay promptly his $2 per month on each
share is measured by the interest the as
sociation would have made on such two
dollars, together with what it would
have made by the sale of such $2 at the
then rate, over above what it could now
make by its sale at 23 per cent.
3. The law will not enforce the fines
as such, because it is a settled rule that
penalties agreed upon for a breach of
contract are illegal. But, as in this
case, the penalty of ten per cent, on the
dollar, for each default, if fairly con
strued, is assessable under the by-law
but once for each default upon the
regular dues for that month, and not
ten per cent, upon the whole amount of
the dues then unpaid, and as such a fine
will be only slightly in excess of the
real damages, we are'of the opinion that
the fine fixed by the by-law, so con
strued, is recoverable as stipulated
damages.
4. In this case, the defendant had pur
chased an advance on thirty shares. He
was due to the association $49 on its
books; how it does not appear. In Oc
tober, 1872, he failed to pay his dues,
and continued to fail. In November,
1873, the association agreed to wind up
at $154, the then value of its stock, and
has done no business since. At such
last meeting the premium upon advances
was 23 per cent, and the amount the
plaintiffs were entitled to recover was as
follows:
S2OO less 23 percent $154 00
14 months dues, at $2 each 28 00
14 fines (10 per cent, on $2) 2 80
In all for each share $lB4 80
For thirty shares this will amount to :
30 times $lB4 80 or $5,544 00
To this add book account 49 00
And finest or that 4 90
The gross amount due $5,597 90
But as the association has quit busi
ness, the defendant is entitled to a credit
of the agreed value of his stock, to-wit :
39 shares at $154 per share, amounting to
$46 20.
So that the amount which the plaintiff
is really entitled to recover is taking off
this credit, only $977 90, with legal in
terest from the date of the last regular
meeting in November, 1873.
Judgment reversed.
Lanier & Anderson, for plaintiff in
error.
Nisbet, Bacon & Hines, for de
fendant.
A Bull Dog’s Mistake.
A farmer near Detroit had a big bull
dog which had “chawed” up several
specimens of his kind, and had never
yet met his match in the pit or on the
road. The farmer was proud of his canine
highness, and willing to wager his broad
acres upon Bull’s mastership. Bull had
a particular spite against stuck-up, pam
pered city dogs, and all traveling curs
that came his way. Those who knew
him were careful to circle around the
fields and strike the road again at a safe
distance. Bull was the four-legged
King of that highway.
J. M. French’s wild animals went
home to Detroit the other day, and
French took them to his farm on that
same road to Winter. A lively panther,
in being transferred from one cage to
another, broke loose from his keeper and
ran. He took the road. He first look
ed into a blacksmith shop and glared at
the forge fire, and showed his teeth to
the smith. The smith hurled a red hot
horse shoe at him, at which the animal
scampered off. The next sign of life on
the road was the farmer’s house, for
Bull evidently thought he had a soft
thing in a despised city dog. He went
over the fence with a bound and caught
the panther.
The farmer placidly watched the pro
ceedings from his porch. It was a live
ly fight—so lively that the combatants
could not be seen through the cloud of
dust they raised. The farmer became a
little anxious. At length all was silent,
and the dust blew away. There lay
Bull, frightfully clawed and stone dead.
He was pulled out of all dog shape.—
The farmer saw the other dog trotting
off unscratched, and thought it very
strange. He soon knew all about it,
though, when the menagerie men came
looking for their pet. They succeeded
in catching him a little way on. It
would be interesting to know what Bull
thought about two seconds after he had
caught the panther.
A Bridal Trip Without a Bbide.—
Out in the town of Harrison, Calumet
county, and about eleven miles from
Menasha, a wedding occurred but a few
weeks ago, the particulars of which we
have just been told. The daughter of a
prominent farmer was united in the holy
bonds to a “knight of the plow and
drill,” whose experience in the affairs of
life had been sufficiently varied to post
him on the “tricks of trade,” and, under
all circumstances, allowed him to give
“tit for tat.” Previous to the happy
event arrangements were all made for a
wedding tour of several days’ duration.
In dae time the ceremony was per
formed, and at a proper period the bride
was conducted to her chamber and
stowed away in the contemplated nuptial
couch. The happy husband soon follow
ed, and, having reached the door of the
chamber which contained his bride, rapt
gently, but listened in vain for the an
ticipated welcome. He knocked again,
more nervously than before, but still no
answer was heard. He gently raised
the latch; the door was locked. He
called to the little mischief within, but
she answered him not, and he was
finally compelled to seek other quar
ters. How he passed the night is not
recorded. At an early hour in the
morning the carriage which had been
engaged for the wedding tour was
driven to the door and our hero stole
gently down stairs, entered the carriage,
bade the driver apply the lash, and was
soon out of sight. He did not return
until after the lapse of ten days, during
which he visited every place contem
plated previous to his marriage. On
his return he found his wife’s bed room
open ! Yes, he did.— Menasha ( Wis.)
Press.
And now Bryant, the illustrious Skow
heganite, talks of running for the May
orality of Savannah,