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(Eljrontcle anX) Sentinel.
WEDNESDAY SEPT'BER 15, 1875.
JOHNSON COURT.
Our special dispatch from Tennillf
gives the proceedings at Johnson Coart
in the trial of the negroes charged with
an attempt to incite insurrection.—
Eleven parties were indicted, the case
of Jake Hicks being taken np first as a
test case. The State failed to make ont
a case against the prisoner, the Court so
held and Judge Johnson charged the
jury that the evidence was not sufficient
to convict. The jury returned a verdict
of not guilty and the accused was ac
quitted. The other prisoners were dis
charged.
This is a happy termination of our
troubles, and our people, white and
black, have reason to rejoice. Judge
Johnson’s discharge of duty, under cir
cumstances the most trying, has been
characterized by fairness, dignity and
firmness. He is entitled to the lasting
gratitude of our people.
THE STATE FAIR.
The great Qeorgia State Fair for 1875
will be held in Macon at the Central
City Park Grounds next October, be
ginning on the 18th. The premium list
is full and complete. Several eminent
and representative men from the North
and Northwest have been invited to de
liver addresses at the Fair and many
distinguished visitors throughout the
whole country are expected. The Fair
is nnder the management of experienced
men, who will undoubtedly make it a
great success. All sections of the coun
try and every branch of industry will
be represented in the articles exhibited.
The fairs of the State Agricultural As
sociation have been increasing in extent
and importance from year to year and
illustrate not only Georgia but other
sections of the Union as well. No
efforts will we lie spared to make
the great Fair of 1875 far sur
pass any of its predecessors, and
our people may, therefore, expect one
of the finest and most comprehensive
exhibitions that has ever taken place in
the South. Macon is centrally located,
is accessible by railway, and offers
ample facilities for the accommodation
of guests. An immense crowd will in
all probability be in attendance on the
Fair. The eastern section of the State
should be well represented in agricultu
ral products, articles of industry and
household economy, and we, therefore,
urge upon the people the propriety in
putting themselves in communication
with tlm Secretary of the Agricultural
Association, with a view to obtaining
particulars in regard to entries and mat
ters appertaining thereto.
EX-GOVBBNOR JOHNSON.
A correspondent of the Atlanta Her
ald. writes a letter from this city strong
ly endorsing Governor Johnson for the
Governorship. He says that the friends,
of the ex-Governor “contemplate pre
senting his name for the Democratic
nomination, and while he does not seek
the honor he is said to be malleable in
the grasp of his friends.” This corres
pondent discusses Governor Johnson
and the effect of his candidacy, lie
says :
Governor Johnson has been ono of tho old
land-marks in Georgia history. He is ono of the
older generation of public leaders now living
in the Btato. He has tilled a large and im
portant space in public affairs. lie held a
brief term as Dnited States Senator before the
war, taking a high stand. Ho was, for two
terms, Governor of Georgia, filling the Ex
ecutive Chair with distinguished ability and
dignity. Ho was a Confederate States Sen
ator, discharging his responsible functions
with his characteristic vigor and capacity. He
was candidate for Vice-President with Doco
las. And it is a mark of his nnoommon fore
cast that ho discerned the failure of the Con
federate cause long before the end oame.
Since the war he practiced law until he was ap
pointed Judge of the Superior Court.
Ho far as pure intellect in oultnred dis
cipline is concerned, I doubt materially if
"ftrage Johnson has an equal in the State.
HU State papers, when Governor, wore the
most elegant specimens of vigorous states
manship and classical purity that have ever
issued from an Exocntive. In his intellectual
labor, he is polished to perfection. His style
is faultless in its Grecian culture. He pos
sesses a mind of maguifioent force. His per
son is a good prototype of his brain, large,
powerful and massive. He has as much
vigorous and original grasp of public matters
as any Georgian. And he was always
thoroughly independent and fearless in ex
pressing his oonviotions. He would make a
number one Governor, and would illustrate
Georgia by his administration.
As to tho chances for him it is not possible
now to moasuro them. At this stago of the
canvass his following is small. He has a warm
strength in Middle Georgia. Other more
vigorously pushed candidates lead him. But
he is one of your four mile racers politically,
whose bottom tells in the home stretch in
long boats. Von may be certain of one tiling.
His friends seriously mean his candidacy. It
remains to be seen if the people back up the
idea.
THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE AND
HERALD.
We publish from the New York Tri
bune the closing letter from Mr. Z. L.
Whits, who was sent by that paper to
Georgia to report the proceedings in
the trial of Corday Harris, The let
ter contains some interesting details of
the conspiracy, and will be read with
interest by the people of Georgia. Mr.
Whits and the Tribune have done the
State a great service by presenting to
the people of the North a full and im
partial history of the troubles. The
aim of Mr. Whits has been to present
the matter fully and fairly, and in this
he has succeeded in such a way as to
do equal and exact justice to whites and
blacks. The editorial comments of the
Tribune have been temperate and just.
In calling attention to this last letter of
Mr. Whits, published in the Tribune of
Wednesday, it says, editorially :
This trial has demonstrated the gratifying
fact, stated by our correspondent, that a negro
can and will receive justice from the Georgia
Courts. Judge, counsel and jury seem to have
manifestod the strictest impartiality, and the
peaceable' acceptance of the verdict by the
people is highly creditable to an excited com
munity.
Our people are also greatly indebted
to Saleh Dutches, Esq., the corres
pondent of the New York Herald. Mr.
Dctchhb wrote the Herald a full histo
ry of the conspiracy, presenting the
matter in such a light as to vindi
cate our people from any unjust cen
sure that might be passed on their con
duct by the “bloody-sliirt” people of
the North. The great benefit and power
of the press is strikingly illustrated in
this case. Had not the Herald and ZW
bune investigated, through their reputa
ble correspondents, this conspiracy, the
people of Georgia would be misrepre
sented and villified and charged with all
manner of injustice and cruelty to the
colored people. No amount of justifica
tion of the conduct of the white people
by the local press of the State would be
effective in relieving our people from
having their motives aspersed and their
conduct misrepresented and condemned.
We feel that this public acknowledge
ment is due to Messrs. Dutoher and
White, and we thank the Tribune and
Herald for their signal service in the
cause of truth and justice in presenting
to the people of the country an unbiased
and truthful history of the taoubles in
Georgia now happily ended.
Mr. B. G. Caulfield. Democratic Con
gressman elect from the First Illinois Dis
trict, in an interview, stated that he fa
vored leaving the currency question
alone, adding: “My policy is to let the
question alone, and quit talking about
it—both in the papers and in Congress.
Congress never had the power to issue a
dollar of greenbacks, unless under the
plea of the necessities of the war. Con
gress, now that the war is over, cer
tainly has no power to enact paper
money. But the Supreme Court has de
cided the issues made during the war
constitutional, and 1 ill in favor of stand
ing by the law as declared by the Su
preme Court until that decision be re
versed. I hold that Congress never had
the power to issue paper currency.”
PRESIDENT GRANT AND A THIRD
TERM.
Gen. Grant’s chances for a third term
are growing somewhat small and beauti
fully less. That was the nnkindest ent
of all aimed at the President by the
New York Convention, wherein the Re
pnblicann declare their opposition to the
election of any President for a third
term. With the Republicans in Penn
sylvania, and New York and other pow
erful States against the President’s
nomination for a third term, it is safe to
predict that President Grant will be in
vited by the Radicals to stepftdown and
ont. The corrupt borotfghs of the
South will not be able to force the nomi
nation of Gen. Grant on the Republi
cans of the North. While the patron
age and power of the Executive is enor
mous and enables him to wield an im
mense influence in all the States of the
Union it was powerless to choke off the
decided opposition expressed to a third
term in the platforms of the Republican
party in Pennsylvania and New York.
We regard this decided action on the
part of the Convention of New York as
fatal to the renomination of President
Grant by the Republican party in 1876.
President Grant is dogged and aggres
sive in his nature. His conduct in the
war proves his tenacity of purpose; bnt
it would be best for him not to force an
issne with his party friends in the great
States of New York and Pennsylvania.
He will make nothing by fighting it ont
on that line, even he fights all the Som
mer and Winter. It would be much
more graceful and, perhaps, agreeable
to the President to step down and ont
at the invitation of the Republicans be
fore the election than to be compelled
to do so after the election in
order to give place to his Democratic
successor in the person of Alien or
Pendleton or Hendricks.
The Republicans are in a bad fix. The
only chance left for them to elect the
next President is to nominate General
Grant ; but their determined opposi
tion to a third term precludes his nom
ination. Should he be forced on the
party by the rotten borough votes of the
South the leading Republicans at the
North, outside of the office holders,
would not give him a hearty support.
Under existing circumstances President
Grant cannot harmonize the party dif
ferences, nor can he excite that enthu
siasm necessary to unite a dividing party
in order to lead it to victory. With
all the prestige of General Grant, as the
great military hero of the Northern peo
ple, he cannot be elected for a third
term. If this be true of General Grant
as the candidate of the party, who is
there among them that can lead the Re
publican column to victory in ’76 ?
If General Grant cannot do it, is it not
safe to predict that it cannot be done by
Morton or Conkling, Wilson or Wash
borne, Blaine, or any of the other Re
publican aspirants for the Presidency?
The Republican party is dying, and the
political physicians do not live that can
restore it to its former strength and
power. Its existence may be prolonged,
but its influence and usefulness as a
party will soon pass away. It has com
mitted itself unalterably against Presi
dent Grant, and he is the only man
among the Republicans that could stand
any ehanc >of defeating the nominee of
the Democratic party.
THE PENNSYLVANIA NOMINEES.
The Pennsylvania Democracy have
met in Convention, performed their
allotted task and adjourned. That
task was one of peculiar responsi
bility, and if, in executing it, the
Erie Convention was actnatcd by
a just appreciation of the grave charac
ter of its duties, the factionist, the job
ber and the representative of Republi
can ringsters will be retired to the rear
for a season, and Cameron, Hartranft
& Cos. made to mourn over power de
parted.
The telegraph informs ns that the
Convention nominated Cyrus L. Persh
ing foy Governor. Mr. Pershing is a
lawyer and* has devoted his life to his
profession. He is a Democrat in his
convictions, but not a violent partisan,
and has frequently been called upon to
take a place on the ticket. He has twice
been a candidate for Congress, in a
strong Republican district, once coming
within a few votes of defeating his op
ponent, and leading his ticket the next
time, though failing of election. He
was a member of the Pennsylvania
Legislature during the whole of the
war and for a year afterward. In 1869
he was the Democratic nominee for Su
preme Court Judge. In 1873 the people
of his county—Schuylkill—without dis
tinction of party, nominated him for
“President Judge,” and elected him by
more than three thousand majority. He
has held that position ever Rince.
The nominee for Treasurer is a farmer
and stock raiser, a leading Granger, and
is regarded as one of the solid men of
Northwestern Pennsylvania.
We trust the brave independent voters
of Pennsylvania will support the Erie
nominations, and hurl profligacy from
the places of debauched power, where it
mocks the people in their calamities.
ROBBERY OP THK INDIAN BU
REAU.
The Cincinnati Gazette does not think
the army is the proper agent to be en
trusted with the management of the In
dians, and regards the President’s pro
posed recomme'ndation of the ohange as
a “confession that he is unable to make
the Interior Department honest, and,
therefore, has taken affairs out of its
hands.”
The St. Loui| Republican, comment
ing on the remarks of the Gazette, states
that “as a piece of mere logic this is un
answerable, perhaps; it would be ‘a
strange confession for the President to
make with regard to the character of his
own appointments,’ as the Cincinnati
paper remarks. But the question is a
practical one. The Interior Department
has permitted the Indian Bureau to be
corruptly mismanaged for years until
its cost of $3,000,000 under Buchanan
has been increased to $7,900,000 under
Grant —with fewer Indians to be taken
care of now than fifteen years ago. All
efforts to geform this maladministration
have failed; indeed, tho head of the In
terior Department and his assistants
and agents proclaim outright that there
is nothing to be reformed; that the In
dian agents are all honest, and the con
duct of the Bureau is above reproach.
Under these circumstances there seems
to be nothing left but to break the bu
reau to pieces and hand the Indians
over to the army. It would be a hu
miliating acknowledgment of the incapa
city of the Interior Department, no
donbt, but the people are not so much
concerned about the honor of the Inte
rior Department as they are about re
forming a branch of the service which
that Department will not reform.”
The Nashville American expresses
the opinion that “the confliot at Clin
ton, Miss., between the whites and
blacks is to be deplored in every way,
no less from the large number of per
sons killed and wounded than from the
hatred it will engender between races
that ought, from every consideration, to
cultivate friendly relations. The savage
ry practiced by the infuriated blacks,
and the terrible retaliation which it en
tailed, show that the passion for blood
■sras excited to a maddening pitch, on
both sides, resulting in about fifty dead
bodies being left on the field, not to
speak of the wounded. From the tenor
of the dispatches, it is quite apparent
the negroes were the aggressors, bnt
their conduct, as in nearly all similar
cases, invited a fearful and sanguinary
vengeance. As we have said, the affair
is most deplorable, for even at the beet
it will take many a day and week to tone
down the animosities engendered, if,
unfortunately, they do not again find
expression in similar scenes.
Another Tom Thumb has turned up
in Boston, twenty years old and two
inches shorter than the Bridgeport Tom
Thumb.
OCR ATLANTA 10RRESP0NREME.
[Special Correspondence of the Chronicle and
Sentinel.]
Atlanta, September 9, 1875.
This city is remarkable for many
things. Its trade is considerable, and
the mode of conducting it makes it ap
pear far greater than it really is. The
growth of the place is wonderful. Splen
did buildings still rise upon its business
streets and handsome private residences
are constructed in every direction. Peo
ple from abroad observe this and won
der at it. They cannot see the sources
of the prosperity of the Gate City. It
grows like an air-plant. One of its great
attractions is the climate. No city in
America can surpass it in this respect.
We are in the very presence of the
mountains. Even when we suffer from
the heat of a Summer’s day, we are re
freshed by an evening breeze that fully
compensates ns. The nights are de
lightful. The health of the city is un
rivaled. There is quite a concentration
of capital here. Solid men have estab
lished wholesale houses, and they ex
hibit extraordinary energy in bringing
business to the place. Quite a trade too
is done in what the English call shops—
retail stores, where a splendid stock of
goods may be fonnd at all seasons of the
year. Ladies may find on the shelves
of the dry goods merchants articles that
would grace the counters of Stewart or
Lord k Taylor.
A remarkable feature is seen in the
ont-door fruit stands, where np to a late
hour of the night brilliant lamps flame
to attract the pedestrians. The whole
aspect of the place is that of a great
city.
The Capital.
Bnt as the capital of the State it pos
sesses a great interest for yon, and for
many who visit it because it is the capi
tal. Asa metropolis it is attractive.
Not only is it so when the Legislature
is in session, but at all times there are
political movements here which affect
men and parties. Everything is dis
eussed here. Men and measures are
made the subject of debate. Athens
was not more “the eye of Greece” than
Atlanta is the eye of Georgia. The
Governor has an amount of patronage
that makes him a considerable person
age. The Executive Departments are
not unimportant.
The Supreme Court is in session al
most all the year ronnd, and, as lawyers
follow np their cases from the mountains
to the seaboard, there is a good repre
sentation from the whole State, as the
successive dockets are reached in their
order.
Independently of this, it is to be ob
served that a concourse of visitors from
all parts of the world may be seen here
at all seasons. It would seem that by
some unknown law of human travel
every one who leaves his residence to go
anywhere is sure to pass through the
Gate City.
Sooner or later every traveler is des
tined to pay tribute to this city. Never
was such a place known for meeting
people that you have known before as
this metropolis. People may start from
either pole, or from the Atlantic or Pa
cific Coast, to go, as Carlyle would say,
“anywhither.” They find it impos
sible to reach their destination until
they salute each other in this young
capital. But yesterday two Chinamen
were seen following the human current
to the great depot. Of course with
all this confluence of travelers
from every part of the globe, it is found
necessary to build another great hotel.
Mr. Markham, prompted by what mo
tive it is not necessary to inquire, is
erecting a large aud magnificent house,
where those people attracted by an un
known influence to the capital may find
refreshment. The aspect of the build
ing is Southern; the Hotel will be airy,
well lighted, with verandahs and adorn
ments that will make it very attractive.
Political Topics.
Political questions are much discuss
ed here just now. Ido not propose in
this letter to touch those of national
importance; I shall limit my views to
matters which belong to Georgia.
You already know that more than one
gentleman is willing to rule the State as
Governor. The place possesses rare
attractions. Very wisely it is provided
in the Constitution that the Governor’s
term of office shall continue but four
years. A good, sound, acceptable,
organic provision. It might be
improved, however, by limiting the term
to two years. Avery consoling reflec
tion it is that at the end of four years,
the people may call anew man to the
place. In a popular government a
short term of office is the true rule. A
man who holds a place for four years
begins to feel that he is not one of, the
people. The place belongs to him. It
is his place. He looks upon every man
named for his successor as an intruder.
In so great an office as that of President
of thp United States, it would not be
proper to make the term less than four
years. But, in my judgment, that is
the full time for which power should be
entrusted to the Chief Magistrate of a
Free State; nor would I suffer him to
be re-elected. At the expiration of his
term as President, I would give him a
seat in the Senate of the United States
for life, with the privilege of taking
part in debate, but not of casting a
vote.
As to the Governor of Georgia he has
quite too much patronage. Of course I
do not regard the matter now in the
light of Executive power as endangering
public liberty ; but I decidedly wish
the people to elect their own officers.
Let them elect their own Judges and
Solicitors and State House officers. Ob
serve, I insist upon this in a popular
government. You disturb the elements
of a popular government when you de
prive the people of the privilege of elect
ing their own officers of every descrip
tion. It is a reflection on their integ
rity to say that they will abuse the
power. Unaffectively I say, I would
rather trust the people than one man.
The polioy that removes the appoint
ment of officers of every descrip
tion from the people is false
in principle—they should vote directly
for President and Vioe-President of the
United States, and for Senators as well
as Representatives in Congress. It is
the true principle in every popular gov
ernment. It worked well in ancient
Romo, it will work well in modern
America. But I forbear just now as to
the nation—l return to the State.
To carry out the view that I
present there must of course
be a change in the Constitntion. There
ought to be. It cannot be made tod
soon. Let us have a Convention.
Upon that subject I propose soon to
write.
Now, as to who shall be the next Gov
ernor, that is the question. That he
will be anew man Ido not doubt. Upon
every theory he ought to be. Very re
spectable gentlemen are named for the
place. It would not surprise me if the
real nomination had not yet been made.
In the roll of names one appears sug
gested by no clique or section or party,
and yet it seems to attract attention. It
is held in reserve. It is an unknown
force. Let it rest there. There ought
to be a Convention of the people of
Georgia held before another election. I
believe that it will be demanded by the
people.
In my next letter I propose to say
something npon the subject of the Su
preme Court. After that there are other
matters upon which I wish to touch,
with your indulgence. I am sure that
yon favor free speech. The time has
come for it. Tullius.
JOB CREWS NOT DEAD.
His Wounds Not Fatal.
Since the receipt of our telegram yes
terday afternoon, stating that Joseph
Crews and O. H. Bollin had been fired
into between Laurens Court House and
Newberry, Mr. J. W. Baker came into
the city from Laorensville, which place
he left'at eleven o’clock yesterday morn
ing, after Crews and Bollin had returned
to Laurensville. From Bollin Mr. Ba
ker learned that the shooting occurred at
McCoy’s Branch,
Four miles' from Laurensville, about
sunrise. The shooting was done with a
double-barrel shot gun—two shots being
fired, the first only taking effect. The
mail rider, who passed the spot where
the shooting occurred, saw two men ly
ing in the corner of the fence, bnt could
not tell whether they were white or
black. Five shot struck Crews—one
about the collar, and two on each side
of the back bone. Bollin was struck by
one shot on the right shoulder blade,
and not hart much. Crews’ wounds are
painful, but not considered dangerous
by Dr. Dunklin, who was called and
gave immediate attention to Crews and
Bollin. When the first gun was fired
Joe Crews fell into the buggy floor and
exclaimed to Bollin, “Great God,
Charlie (Bollin), lam killed 1” Neither
Crews nor Bollin saw the men who did
the shooting. —Greenville News.
Senator Oglesby shook all the win
dows of Cincinnati with his first speech
on Saturday evening, but beyond creat
ing a slight panic in the grass market,
the effort is not likely to do either harm
or good. It was too tender toward infla
tion to help the Republican cause, and
too bitter against the Democrats to give
them any comfort. Like all of the great
Senator's efforts, it was mostly wind of
a very harmless kind.— Tribune.
Thos. D Worrall. Managing Director
of the Mississippi Transportation Com
pany, who has been looking about Lou
isville for American headquarters, has
left there for Georgia.
Peru will pay off her debt with guano
—scent for oent.
THE MISSISSIPPI LAMPAMiN.
[.Special Dispatch to the Courier-Journal ]
Holly Springs, Miss., September 6.
—To-day has been a grand one in the
interest of the Conservative Democratic
party in this portion of Mississippi.
From early dawn till the noonday sun
shot its heated rays upon tins lovely
land of ours the people in vehicles, on
horseback, on foot and by train came
poaring in to hear Georgia’s Gordon
and Mississippi's Lamar, the great
staiesmen orators of the Sonth, speak in
reference to Badical rule and Radical
ruin in Mississippi. The crowd was so
immense that it filled the Comt House
here to snch a jam that the Court House
yard had to be resorted to in order that
the people might hear from these truly
great men. Notwithstanding the efforts
of the Radical leaders to keep away
every colored man from the audience,
quite a number came and listened to
both speakers throughout, manifesting
an enthusiasm that they could not con
ceal.
Gen. Gordon’s Speech.
A fine band regaled the audience until
the first speaker, Gen. Gordon, was es
corted to the stand and introduced by
Col. H. W. Walker in a beautiful and
happy flow of oratory. To do justice to
the speech of Senator Gordon would re
quire more space than is here allowed.
I shall only tell of it briefly. Not a word
of it was uttered but seemed to carry
with it a weight and an impression that
told of the mind and manhood of him
who stood there like a giant, striking
for liberty, trnth, and virtue. He talk
ed of Mississippi and the dreadful dis
asters that threaten to crush ont her
very existence. Reviewing the entire
career of the Republican party since it
went into power, he told of its costly,its
cruel, its unconstitutional, and its sel
fish administration. He went back to
the olden times, and followed up the
coarse of events to the present day, with
a statesman-like ability and clearness
that was as matchless as it was convinc
ing. He paid high tribute to the cour
age, chivalry and patriotism cf the
Federal soldiers, acknowleding their
just claims to all this. He did not be
lieve that one of them sanctioned the
rule of the carpet-baggers. These last
—where were they when the war was
waged and danger larked in the air and
bullets flew ? Why didn’t they come to
the front when patriots by the thous
ands wheeled into line and moved in
awful silence into a field of death ?
Where were they when cannon belched
forth missiles that carried away thous
ands of the noble and gallant sous of
America ? They were peacefully in the
rear, waiting for danger to lie still.
When the battle flags of both armies
were folded away forever; when tho
brave men of both armies said the war
is over and peace must reign, the army
of plunderers came from their hiding
places, homeless, friendless, and almost
nameless, and said we will wage war
upon the fallen. So they did, and Mis
sissippi writhes to-day under the terrible
charges of the carpet-bag corps. Her
oppressed and chain-ridden people call
ed out in their agony for a relief, for a
change, and it must come.
His language to the colored people
was simply grand and touching. He
addressed them as his friends and coun
trymen. He took every charge the Radi
cals had brought against the Conserva
tive party, and answered them all with a
candor and force which made its im
pression. He appealed to the colored
men as Mississippians to come back to
their people and friends, and drive out
the carpet-bag plunderers. His arraign
ment of the Republican leaders was un
answerable. In fact, he defied them to
answer.
Many United States soldiers were in
this audience. He called upon them,
upon the black and white citizens all
alike ; to rise up like truly noble patri
ots and save our common country from
destruction. He asked the men before
him to look upon Mississippi as their
common mother, waiting in her distress,
weeping in her shame, and calling on
them to rescue her. He asked them to
remember that in her bosom rests the
dust of our fathers, our. sons and our
children, and that there, with them, we
must shortly lie.
He asked them to put away party
lines, to forget party issues, and answer
Mississippi’s wail for help. Comparing
the condition of the black man in Geor
gia to his condition in Mississippi, he
showed how much better it was there
than here.
The close of his speech was magnifi
cent. He is a manly person, over six
feet in height, with a fine, noble face,
and large Roman-shaped head. He
stands like a man, every inch of him.
Such a man as Gordon is seldom born.
They live unto many generations. What
a splendid model for the young men of
the South to follow! What a glorious
example for of the South to
point out The cham
pion and liber
ty, Senator GMlMrstands to-day one of
the purest and best men in the nation.
The Speech of Colonel Lamar.
Now, as Georgia’s Senator takes his
seat, Mississippi’s Congressman comes
to the front. Lamar is there, but lie is
not himself, for he is worn by the hard
service he has done and is still doing
throughout tho State. His voice is
hoarse, his body wearied, as he tells the
people of Holly Springs that twen
ty years ago he stood upon that
spot and thanked them for the distin
guished compliment they had conferred
on him in nominating him for Congress.
He felt that the great voice of the people
on that day, now twenty years gone by,
had a charm to it that snatched victory
up and planted it in flaming beauty
upon tho standard which it was his
honor to bear. “This people are not my
constituents to-day, but my heart beats
with pride to know that their voices and
their good wishes are with me.” What
glorious recollections he had of the peo
ple of this city. "Its brave men, its
lovely women, its talented bar, its thriv
ing bnsiness, and, indeed, the very at
mosphere has about it an attraction, a
grandeur, that makes my heart throb
with pride when I remember that here
among yon, on this very spot, 1 came to
be a Mississippian.”
Col. Lamar then commenced a politi
cal argument. His hoarseness left him,
and he was himself again. He spoke
of the State politics, and of the Con
gressional investigation of the Vicksburg
riot last November. He took up Brown’s
and Ames’ testimony. He clung to the
facts with such force that there was no
room left for doubt as to the guilt of
Gov. Ames in instigating the killing of
those negroes on that dark and bloody
day. He referred to a great many deeds
of the Republican party, and spoke of
its opposition to peace, honesty and
prosperity. He made a fine argument
in favor of anew rule and the dethrone
ment of Ames and his party in Missis
sippi.
Then came his peroration. His eagle
eye glistened in its splendid glances as
he pansed and seemed to measure the
men before him, and weigh the grand
thought that made his every nerve trem
ble with emotion. Like a lion ready to
leap, gathering his full power, the splen
did speaker broke the silence with the
finest flow of oratory that ever charmed
an audience. He likened Mississippi to
a mother, her citizens to her sons, and
then asked them: “Can you hesitate?
Can you stand here idle? Can you
listen to her cries for help and not go ?”
He called upon the young men to be
worthy of their fathers, their country
and tiie proud blood that coursed
through their veins; to rise up and go
forward to gather the glories that await
them, to remember their integrity, and
in this hour of their country’s distress
to scorn to rise to power when their
principles are going down. “It cannot
be that you will lose sight of virtue,
honor and manhood. Mississippi was
not made for slaves. Her sons must
gather their strength, and hurl it at their
oppressors with a force that will leave
her grand, proud and free forever.”
Cheer after cheer rent the air as La
mar closed, and cheer after cheer went
np for Gordon and. for Georgia.
Tax on Cotton and Other Farm Pro
ducts. —The Comptroller-General pub
lishes this notice to tax collectors:
Atlanta, Ga., September 7, 1875.
His excellency, the Governor, having
suspended the collection of the tax on
cotton and other farm produce, in the
hands of the producer for sale on the
Ist day of April last, until the meeting
of the Legislature, it is, therefore, or
dered that you desist from the collec
tion of said tax. As the digests do not
show whether or not such returns were
made, yon are directed to ascertain from
each tax payer, when he presents him
self for the payment of his taxes, if he
returned any cotton or other farm pro
duce. If so, you will deduct the amount
from his taxes, and enter the amount
deducted in a blank column opposite
his name, so that yon may know who to
call on and for what amount, in case
the Legislature determines that said
tax should be collected. In making
your settlement with this office you will
enter 'me amount of tax so relieved on
your insolvent list, in order that yon
may get credit for it on your account
here. Persons claiming to have in
cluded in their return cotton and other
farm products must be sworn as to the
amount Very respectfully,
W. L. Goldsmith,
Comptroller-General.
Fon. Thos. H. Watts, ex- Attorney-
General of the Confederate States, and
ex-Governor of Alabama, was married
in Princeton, New Jersey, September
3d, to Mrs. E. C. Jackson, of Mont
gomery, Ala.
TWENTY PACES.
THE FIGHTING EDITORS OF ST.
LOUIS.
[B£. Louis PepuUican, September Ith ]
The duellists a*id their friends arrived
in St. Louis at eight o’clock yesterday
morning, by way of Illinois Central
Railroad, and that is about all the news
concerning them attainable up to date
directly. The paity immediately npon
its arrival in St. Louis disappeared as
silently as the metaphorical Arab. There
was no finding a single member of the
sanguinary band to interview anywhere.
Indirectly, however, a complete circum
stantial and reliable ‘ account of the
dreadful encounter has been received.
It appears that a reporter of the Chica
go Tribune was selected as a friend of
one of the principals iuu was upon the
ground. he telegraphed to
his paper a faithful description of the
awe-inspiring scene, as appears from the
following: . v
There was no disposition on either
side to back down after the agreement
was signed. Both gentlemen h-.ve served
in the war and have splend-'d records.
Edwards was a Major in Shelby’s bri
gade, and Foster had a force of 400 men
under his command engaged in the ha
zardous werfare of bushwhacking. Their
regiments encountered’each other sever
al times during the war, although the
parties to the present difficulty were
then unknown to each other.
Maj. Foster’s Wife
Was the partner of all his dangers dur
ing that struggle, and, although strongly
advised against the step, he determined
to tell her of the dispute which had arisen,
and the mode agreed upon to settle it.
After the shock, Mrs. Foster showed the
true spirit of a soldier’s wife. She told
her husband life was i valueless witliont
honor, and strengthened him to bear
himßelf as a man of courage and honor.
She wished to accompany them to the
scene of the duel, bnt this privilege was
denied her. Arrangements were made
to inform her of the result, and if her
husband was serioiily wounded she
was to fly to him at /once. On Friday
night the principals,'.seconds, surgeons
and friemis Jpjt gJ*Tlo|jg| W :
bago county. '
Scrutinize the principals.
Major Foster is a man of medium stat
ure, rather slightly built. He has a
pleasant, intellectual face, is reserved in
manner, and has that quiet, steady de
meanor which stamps the man of rare
courage. He conducted himself with
great self-possession. There was noth
ing in his manner to indicate that any
thing outside of the ordinary run of his
affairs was to occur. His challenger,
Col. Edwards, is of a more nervous
temperament, and kept moving about as
though laboring under great excitement.
He is about the same height as Foster,
but slimmer built. His hair is sand
papered in the newest style, and he
wears a light mustache of considerable
proportions.
About three o’clock the seconds com
pleted their arrangements. It was de
cided to drive five miles north on the
Beloit road, and have the meeting in
some secluded spot. Both principals
agreed, and Col. Edwards’ party started
off in a hack at half-past three, the un
derstanding being for them to await the
other party for half an hour after arriv
ing as far out as designated.
The Spot
Where the halt was called was a shaded
valley, with a winding stream called
Turtle Creek running through it. The
seconds held another consultation, and
the site suiting them, they went in
search of a place sufficiently far from
the Beloit road as to be safe from intru
sion. After an absence of five minutes
they were successful in their search, and
on their return the whole party left the
carriages.
Names of the Parties
That went ou the field were : Col. John
N. Edwards, the challenging principal;
Col. H. B. Branch, second; Dr. Mont
gomery, surgeon; Dr. Mumford, of the
Kansas City Times, friend; Maj. Fos'ter,
principal; W. D. W. Barnard, second;
Dr. P. S. O’Reilly, surgeon, and the rep
resentative of the Tribune, friend.
The spot selected was a couple of hun
dred yards to the west of the road, a
beautiful shaded valley, in which horses
and cattle were grazing. The seconds
took up position near a tree and com
menced to
Examine the Weapons.
The principals were a few rods apart,
Foster reclining on a bank coolly smok
ing a ciger, Edwards resting with his
back against a tree and conversing with
Dr. Mumford, with whom he served in
the Confederate army. The surgeons
took their cases of instruments to the
hillside, where they sat watching
The Preparations for the Encounter.
Some time was ooßpied in the exami
nation and loading of the pistols, and
while the necessary part of the work
was in progress the' principals each di
vested himself of his watch, and other
articles which might turn off a bullet.
The next procedure was to measure the
ground, a matter which was gone
through with business-like dispatch and
coolness. Twenty paces was the dis
tance. The positions were north and
south, and were marked by a short
stake driven into the ground. Branches
of trees were cleared out of the way to
prevent injury from falls, and other de
tails attended to which might render
things oomfortable for the parties imme
diately interested. The next important
step was the toss-up for positions and
the call. Branch, Edwards’ second, won
the choice of position, and Barnard the
call. This fact was communicated to
the principals,who expressed themselves
satisfied with the result. The princi
pals and seconds then walked up to the
ground. Edwards asked Foster’s
opinion as to position, but the latter
said he had no choice. They both
Received Their Weapons
From the seconds, and Edwards chose
the south end of the ground. Before
the final arrangements were completed
the friends were requested to relieve
themselves of their pistols, a precaution
against a general skirmish should either
party feel aggrieved. Dr. Mumford was
the only person who had a pistol on his
person, and he at once placed it in his
valise. Tho conditions of the fight were
then read. Edwards requested Barnard
to articulate the words, “Are you ready,
one, two, three,” in a distinct manner,
so as to prevent unpleasant haste. Both
men at this point
Displayed Marvellous Nerve,
Foster smoking his cigar in an uncon
cerned way. Positions were then taken
up, the seconds shaking hands with
their principals, and receiving instruc
tions in case they should fall. At length
all was ready. The seconds had pistols
in their hands ready to revenge any in
fringement of the code. There was an
ominous pause. At exactly 5 o’clock
the men faced each other and took men
tal aim; then came the words, “Are you
ready?” in clear, distinct tones; “one,
two.” Before the word three
The Duelists Fired Almost Simultane
ously.
The surgeons anxiously looked each to
his man, expecting him to fall, but nei
ther was wounded. “A little high !”
exclaimed Foster, as soon as he had
fired. Edwards demanded another fire
in an excited tone. His second asked if
he would adhere to that resolution.
“Yes,” he replied; “it is just as I told
you before we came on the field. I will
go on if it takes a thousand fires;” and
with this blood-thirsty remark he sat
down on the grass. Foster declined an
other fire. He was the challenged party,
and felt no bitterness against his an
tagonist. Therefore, he was not anxious
for blood.
His Honor Had Been Sustained
As the challenged party. Shots had
been exchanged, and that was all that
was necessary. Barnard went to talk
with Edwards, who was heard to say: “I
have admitted as much as I can do—
have received no satisfaction to take
with me.” After the interchange of a
few words Edwards concluded to make
the thing np. He approached Foster,
who was coolly awaiting the issue, pis
tol in hand, and shook hands. There
was mutual congratulation all round,
and it was interesting to see the broth
erly love displayed by the men who two
minutes before had faced each other
with death in their eyes.
The Genial Bourbon
Was produced, and the agreeable ter
mination to the affair toasted. A short
time was spent on the grass in mutual
explanation, and everything was for
gotten and forgiven. The parties then
returned to their hacks, one shaping
towards Beloit, and the other to Rock
ford, which place they left in the even
ing, but for what point the reporter
failed to ascertain.
The mysterious movements of the
parties was the cause of much comment
this evening. The hackmen had heard
the shots, bnt were ignorant as to what
occasioned them. They compared notes
together, bnt could come to no satisfac
tory solution of the matter. Their re
marks, however,
Stirred Up Pnblic Curiosity,
And the sheriff and officers pricked np
their ears, without any resnlt, however.
No one in the city knew what to make
of the mysterious coming and going and
movements of the mysterious strangers.
Major Foster and Mr. Barnard wished
to give themselves np to the authorities,
but- were outconnselled by their friends,
who thought it was no use causing more
fuss than was necessary, seeing the
bloodless result of the battle.
JOHIVSOiV COURT.
TRIAL OF THE CONSPIRATORS.
♦
[Special Dispatch to the Chronicle and Sentinel.]
Wbightstille, Johnson Cos., Ga., {
via Tennilke, Ga., Sept. 9, 1875. $
Bills of indictment were found at the
special term ef this Court, which began
Tuesday, against Francis Murkerson,
Austin Mason, Jerry Waters, Neil Hus
ton, Fortune Hightower, George Samp
son, Edmond Snell, Ephraim Mason,
Willis Pullen, Scott Bronson ana Jake
Hicks, all of whom were charged with
insurrection. The defendants were sev
ered, and the State elected to proceed
first against Jake Hicks, against whom
the most evidence was in existence. Two
panels and almost the third were ex
hausted before a jury could beobtained,
most of those called being incapacitated
for cause. The hearing of the evidence
ended at noon to-day, the defendant in
troducing no evidence. The testimony
showed that the prisoner, Jake Qicks,
was a member of a military company in
this county; that at a meeting when pris
oner was present Francis Murkerson made
a speech, in which he said that they would
kill the people from the cradle up. The
evidence failed, however, to implicate
the prisoner with, this further than to
show that he was probably present.
The only direct proof against the
prisoner individually was that of a wit
ness who testified that the prisoner
stated to him that there would be hot
times in the future; that there would be
fighting, and that he would hold his gun
level. There was some proof that pris
oner said that the lands were Govern
ment lands, and that they would be di
vided up and each colored man would
get his forty acres and a mule. Taken
altogether the evidence for the State was
weak and insufficient. The case was
submitted without argument, and Gov.
Johnson charged the jury under the law
as expounded by the Court, in connec
tion with the evidence, that it was clear
that no verdict against the prisoner
should be rendered. The charge was
able, eloquent and eminently impartial.
After an absence of about an hour the
jury returned a verdict of not guilty.
By consent, verdicts of not guilty were
taken against all those indicted except
Francis Merkerson, who is not under ar
rest. All the prisoners have been dis
charged. Court adjourned this evening.
S. F. W.
TWO GIRLS ATTEMPT SUICIDE
ONE IS SUCCESSFUL.
Our dispatches briefly chronicled the
attempt of two young girls in Belcher
town, Mass., to commit suicide the
other day. The Springfield Republican
gives the particulars of this strange case
as follows:
Of course the death of Nettie Barrett,
aged seventeen, by her own hand, at
Belchertown, and the narrow escape of
her companion, Frances S. Bridgman,
fourteen years old, from a like fate,
have created the profoundest sensation
in that quiet community; and the fu
neral of the former at the Methodist
Church yesterday was largely attended.
Indeed, the whole affair is such a
strangely sad one that there is a wide
interest to learn all possible particulars
concerning it. The girls were bright
and attractive, belonging to the higher
village circles. Miss Barrett was sent
to Belchertown last April by her mother,
who lives in South Amherst, to con
tinue her education, and was to have
been examined for the High School
Saturday, and baptized yesterday in the
same church which witnessed her bu
rial; and Miss Bridgman, who has been
her almost constant companion of late,
was the adopted daughter of Calvin
Bridgman.
People who know most about the case
say that the girls were the victims of
religious excitement, coming after a
season of romantic flirtation. Miss
Barrett had the reputation of having
been rather a wild person, and the girls
were (in the habit of being out late at
night. Miss Barrett was the leader,
and her conduct had become so no
torious that her guardian, Franklin
Dickinson, had a serious talk with her
Thursday on her behavior." When she
returned that evening she remarked to
Mrs. Daniel Packard, with whom she
was stopping, that they “wouldn’t be
troubled with her being out any more
nights.” At 9 o’clock she and Miss
Bridgman, who had been secreted in
the room, were observed by neighbors
to leave the house. They procured the
fatal morphine at the drug store of Mr.
Barnes, the elder. A few days before
they had unsuccessfully undertaken to
get the poison of the son, who refused
to give it without a prescription. Mr.
Barnes claims that he supposed it was
for Clara Bridgman. At what time and
how the girls got into Packard’s house
again is not known. About 7:30 o’clock
Friday morning Mrs. Owens, with whom
Frances Bridgman was boarding during
her parents’ absence, came over in the
greatest alarm abotkt her, saying the
night before the girl had left after bid
ding them a tearful farewell. Mrs.
Packard went immediately to the room,
and there the victims lay, one in a
deadly stupor and the Other writhing in
terrible agony. The bed was covered
with candy, and Miss Bridgman ex
plained that they had overeaten of this.
Efforts were made to rouse Miss Barrett,
who refused to take anything but cold
water, and then determinedly said:
“Now, go away; I want to sleep.” When
Mrs. Packard had left the room for help
Miss Bridgman hailed a little girl and
threw down this note, written in a con
fused, uncertain hand, and unsigned :
“Mr. Barnes—Will you be so kind as
o send me as much chloroform as here
is money enough—five cepts’ worth ?”
She threw down also two letters
directed to George T. Slauter, Belcher
town, and Wilbur F. Nichols, at Wilbra
ham Academy, bidding them farewell,
and asking them to act as her bearers.
Then followed an exciting scene in the
little bedroom. Poor Nettie Barrett was
dying. Miss Bridgman confessed that
they had taken the morphine; that the
candy was only a ruse; that there had
been scandalous stories in the town
about them; that she did not wish ever
to see her parents again, and hoped and
expected to die. She quietly watched
her dying companion, and waited for the
expected ohloroform. With the death
of Miss Barrett, however, came the de
sire to live, and she requested salt and
water to enable her to vomit more. She
was quite comfortable yesterday, and
evidently improving.
The wonderful nerve and mingled
frankness and cunning of these little
misses, as displayed during the whole
affair, are brought out by the scenes im
mediately preceding the tragedy. Only
five hours before they entered the little
bed room they gaily played croquet with
some young people, holding in their
hands the candy which they were to
sprinkle on the bed. Miss Bridgman
wrote what she thought was her last let
ter to her father in simple, affectionate,
yet determined words. She would meet
her parents in a world where there were
no scandalous tongues, and where they
could live in peace.
Cotton Tax Suspended.
Executive Department, 1
State of Georgia, >
Atlanta, Ga., September 6, 1875. )
To Hon. Wm. L. Goldsmith, Comptrol
troller- General:
Whereas, A petition has been pre
sented to me by a number of the'citizens
of Morgan county, representing that the
tax receiver of said county has included
in the digest of taxes returned by him
for the year 1875, as taxable, all cotton
held by farmers and producers on the
first day of April last, and has required
said farmers and producers to return the
same as taxable; said petition praying
that an order be granted by this depart
ment suspending the collection of said
tax until the next meeting of the Gene-
ral Assembly; ard,
Whe-eas, Iu the opinion of many per
sons, it was not the intention of the Leg
islature in enacting the act of 1875 to
impose a tax upon products in the hands
of the producers thereof; and it being a
matter of the first importance to pro
ducers that the intention of the Legisla
ture in this regard should be clearly
understood, and that they should not be
unreasonably limited as to the time with
in which they may dispose of their pro
ducts, and thus be placed to that extent
within the power of speculators; and
Whereas, The public interest can suf
fer no injury by granting the prayer of
said petitioners; it is therefore
Ordered, That the Comptroller in
struct the several tax collectors of this
State to suspend the collection of the
tax upon cotton and other products in
the hands of farmers and producers on
the first day of April last - until the next
meeting of the General Assembly of this
State. James M. Smith,
By the Governor : Governor.
J. W. Wabben, Sec. Ex. Dept.
Woman suffrage has had a fair trial in
Wyoming Territory, and the result has
not been very significant in any direc
tion. The Rocky Mountain News thus
speaks of the practical results : “As to
the effects of suffrage on the ladies,
there are almost as many opinions as
there are people in Wyoming. The ma
jority, however, declare themselves un
able to make any change. As far as can
be known, the ladies divide their vote
between parties as much as men do—
rather more, perhaps, voting for per
sonal friends. To snm up, the opinion
of the best informed is that woman suf
frage in Wyoming has resulted in mak
ing everything just as it was before, only
a little more so.”
The President and his family are ex
pected to resume their Washington resi
dence the 20th inst.
THE GEORGIA PLOT.
CORDAY HARRIS’ TRIAL.
I Prom a Staff Con-espondent of the Tribune.]
SandersviMjE, Washington Cos., Ga., )
September 3. \
“What say you, Mr. Foreman, have
you agreed upon a verdict ?”
“We Have.”
“Read it, Mr. Solicitor.”
“We, the special jury, find that Cor
day Harris is not guilty of the offense
charged against him of attempting to
incite an insurrection.”
With this simple formula closed one
of the most important criminal trials
that has taken place recently in the
South. The scene in the Court House
when the verdict was announced was too
impressive to be easily forgotten. The
darkness of the room—for it was 8:30
o’clock in the evening when the verdict
was announced—was barely made visible
by the presence of three or four little
tallow dips placed before the Judge and
upon the table occupied by the report
ers, the light of which scarcely penetra
ted beyond the bar. Face to face sat
the prisoner and the Judge; the faint
light that fell upon the countenance of
the latter brought out in strong relief
the striking features of his face, and
gave such a revelaiion of his character
as fully explained the wonderful influ
ence which he exerts over the people of
this entire section of the State. His
very presence is remarkably dignified
and impressive. Mr. Sumner once told
me that, as a rule, to obtain greatness a
man must be on good terms with his
stomach at the same time that he exer
cises a manly control over his appetites.
Judge Herchel Y. Johnson, unless his
appearance belies him, possesses both
of these prerequisites of greatness. His
portly form bespeaks the lover of good
living, while the sharpness of his eye
and the quickness of his perception are
evidences of his temperate habits. The
secret of his influence, it seems to me,
lies in the complete control which he
has over himself. Naturally a man of
strong feelings and, I should suppose,
of deeply-rooted prejudices, he rises
completely above them and administers
justice that is impartially blind to every
thing but the law and the evidence.
Governing himself, he attains the power
of governing others.
The Prisoner and the Verdict.
In striking contrast was the appear
ance of the prisoner at the bar, whose
features could be dimly distinguished
as he sat, surrounded by his counsel.
In appearance he is a pure-blooded
African of little more intelligence than
ordinary field hands in the South. His
countenance is not a bad one, and,
whatever his influence among the people
of his race may be, whether for good or
for evil, it must be due, it seems to me,
to his clerical office rather than to the
possession of the innate qualities of a
popular loader. Beyond the bar, dis
tinguishable only as a mass, were the
representatives of both races, about
equal in numbers aud dividing at the
maiu entrance, the white people on the
right and the blacks on the left, nearly
filling the space set aside for spectators.
The Judge warned those present to
make no demonstration whatever when
the verdict was announced, but as the
words “Not guilty” fell from the lips of
the Solicitor an indescribable noise
arose from that side of the Court House
where the blacks were assembled. It
was not the clapping of hands nor the
stamping of feet, but was more like a
general sigh of relief from the hundreds
of colored people who had been watch
ing for two days, with the most intense
anxiety, the progress of the trial.
The whole of the judicial proceedings
here this week have been alike honor
able to those who participated in them
and to the people of this portion of the
State. The popular prejudice when I
arrived here, ten days ago, was stronger
against Corday Harris than against any
other one of those accused of attempt
ing to incite an insurrection, Joseph
Morris, of Burke county, alone except
ed. People almost universally believed
that Harris was guilty; that he had
written or-procured to be written the
letter ordering the killing of the white
people, to begin on the 20th of August,
and that he had been actually plotting
murder and arson, and other crimes too
horrible to contemplate. While there
was no disposition to interfere with the
law or prevent it from taking its due
course, it was common to hear the in
dignant remark that Corday Harris
ought to be hanged. While such a state
of feeling as this existed, and the preju
dice against the prisoner had not disap
peared, the trial began. Tested by the
rules of evidence and of law, rujnors and
reports which had caused so much ap
prehension melted away, and the testi
mony, when carefully sifted, proved only
that the prisoner had been guilty of
some foolish acts and had given some
unwise advice to his people, but it was
not proved that he had done a single
criminal act himself or had advised
others to do one.
The Testimony.
The letter ordering the negroes to be
gin the work of killing on the 20th of
August was not introduced by the coun
sel for the State, and I do not now be
lieve that Corday Harris ever wrote it or
procured it to be written, or that he had
any knowledge of it whatever. I be
lieve it was a forgery, but by whom per
petrated I do not know. Jake Moor
man told me that he saw a letter in the
hands of Francis Merkerson, said to be
from Corday Harris, but, as he cannot
read, he cannot identify it. It may be
that Merkerson wrote the letter or had it
written and signed Harris’ name to it,
because Harris was the recognized lead
er of the blacks in this county, and it
may be that some bad white man wrote
it. At any rate, lam fully convinced
now that there was no intention on the
part of the negroes to rise on the 20th
of last month, and I doubt if even Jo
seph Morris, foolish, bad, troublesome
as he has been, ever contemplated such
a thing. Merkerson may have talked of
it, but if he did I don’t believe those
who heard him, with the exception per
haps of some stupid fellow like Jake
Moorman took it in earnest.
Cordy Harris’ conduct here on the
24th of July was shown, even by the
witnesses for the prosecution, to have
been very creditable. All the trouble,
suspicion and alarm among the white
people that day was caused by the fool
ish and insulting letter written by Jo
seph Morris. When the latter heard of
the effect of his letter he did not dare to
come into town, but left to Harris the
whole responsibility. Harris led in his
1,500 men, and then went to see Mayor
Gilmore about the use of the Court
House ; and when it was concluded that
it would not be best to open it that day,
he dismissed the crowd, directing them
to make no disturbance and to drink no
liquor, but to go quietly home. The
only other evidence against him was that
he was present at a “corporous” (caucus)
meeting at which Joseph Morris in a
speech attempted to induce the negroes
to elect him “Brigaterry”-General, and
promised great things if they wonld;
that on another occasion Morris said in
Harris’ presence that if they attempted
to hold another meeting in Sandersville,
and were refused the use of the Court
House, he could get two men to burn it,
if Harris could not; and that on two oc
casions Harris in speeches told the ne
groes that if they elected Grant King
next year the lands of this State would
all belong to him, and that he would
lease the lands to the negroes for one
tenth of the crop, instead of one-third
or one-fourth. Of course, on such evi
dence as this no man could be right
fully convicted; and yet I think the jury
deserve more than ordinary credit, for,
while on the one hand lay their sworn
duty, on the other was the prejudice
and excitement against the prisoner,
urging them to disagree.
Hearing of the Lawyers.
I have said that this trial has reflected
honor both upon the State and upon
those who participated in it. It has
proved that a negro can and will be
justly dealt with in the Courts of Mid
dle Georgia, even in the midst of excite
ment. Of the strict impartiality of
Judge Johnson I have already spoken,
but it is only fair to couasel on both
sides to say that they followed the good
example set them by the bench. Attor
ney-General Hammond was the. leading
counsel for the State, this being only
the second time that he has been order
ed away from Atlanta by the Governor
to try a case. His whole policy seemed
rather to be to get at the truth than to
obtain a conviction, and in his argument
to the jury he reminded them that the
dignity of the State did not require the
shedding of the blood of any of its
citizens, (and that the dignity of the
State would be injured more by the con
viction of an innocent man than by the
acquittal of a guilty one. He then
selected the few important points in the
testimony and presented them to the
jury with a fairness that would have
done honor to a Judge on the bench.
The defense was conducted by the
Hon. A. K. Akerman. As an Attorney-
General of the United States, I suppose
Mr. Akerman was not generally con
sidered a success; but as a lawyer, con
ducting cases in the Courts of this State,
he is an honor to the profession. His
cross-examination of the witnesses for
the prosecution—for he introduced none
for the defense—was always searching
and to the point, while his whole de
meanor toward the witness put the latter
entirely at his ease and enabled him to
tell all he knew. There was no bullying
of witnesses, no attempt to disconcert
them and make them say things they
did not mean, no attempt to twist a
different meaning out of anything the
witness said than that which was in his
own mind. In his address to the jury,
too, Mr. Akerman’s first object seemed
to be to acquit his client, and his secoud
to pour oil upon the troubled waters,
and to remove any ill feeling that might
lately have arisen between the races in
this section.
History of the Alleged Plot.
The whole history of the supposed
attempt to incite an insurrection in Mid
dle Georgia may, I think, in the light of
this judicial investigation of it (and I
have not ventured to give any positive
opinion before), be summed up in a few
words: Joseph Morris, a very ambitious
negro of bad character, desired to be a
great man among the people of his race
and to live without work. He there
fore undertook to organize the blacks of
19 counties of this State into military
companies, hoping that when they were
so organized they would elect him to be
a general and to command them. At
the same time,-there was collected from
each member of these companies an
initiation fee, which, it is probable, he
converted to his own use. In order to
induce the negroes to join his compa
nies, he promised them many things,
such as lands, places in the jury boxes,
Ac.; represented to them that they were
not enjoying all the rights they were
entitled to, and in this way had begun
to stir up some discontent, his object
being wholly a personal and selfish one.
Some of his lieutenants, like Merkerson,
probably exaggerated what Morris him
self had said, and when, in passing
about among the negroes, they were
asked to explain how it was that the
lands were to be obtained and so-called
rights secured, gave some of the origi
nal explanations to which the poor dupes
have testified. I don’t believe that it
was ever contemplated to attack the
white people or do any violence.
The proceedings of the negroes were
secretly conducted, and exaggerated re
ports of their character aud objects
reached the white people, and caused
great apprehension. This was increased
by the character of the confessions of
the negroes first arrested, aud matters
looked so threatening that the Governor
visited this region in person. From thq
evidence laid before him he was appar
ently impressed with the belief that
there must be some fire where there was
so much smoke—how little has been
shown by the result of this trial.
Z. L. W.
THE MAN WHO STOPS HIS PAPER.
f ßaltimore Gazette.]
When a man exhausts all other topics
of conversation he is very apt to talk
about himself, and it is not unnatural
that, in the appalling meagerness of news
which makes the midsummer period so
trying to the ed itorial soul, the newspa
pers should talk about journalism. For
tunately, tosave them from the charge of
egotism, convenient excuse is afforded to
the writers who are now giving their the
ories an airing by the timely issue of a
little volume on “Views and Interviews
on Journalism;” a curious collection of
sentiments and opinions on that myste
rious moral engine—The Press. It is
not a little curious aud amusing to read
the widely differing theorios which are
held by the various writers, and not at
all singular that each holds views on the
province of the Press, of which his
own journal is an exponent. For in
stance, we are not surprised to find that
excellent example of the enterprise of
Western journalism, the Cincinnati
Commercial, which has a remarkable
scent for news, presenting news-gather
ing as the great feature of the Press to
which all others aro subordinate, aud
giving the editorial utterances a minor
place. Nor on the other hand, should
we expect to see that very able and
valuable hebdomadal, the New York
Nvtion, doing otherwise than setting
down the newsgathering journals as
simply “news mongers,” and putting
forward the polished and elaborate ed
itorial essay as the perfection of true
journalism. But all this discussion
and turning on of side-lights is of little
avail, and the true end and aim of jour
nalism remains a conundrum to which
every man will have his own answer
and it may be added that all will be
right.
But our purpose in referring to the
present discussion was to call attention
to one phase of journalism which has not
received as much consideration as it
should—the relation of the subscriber
to his newspaper. We are glad to see
their relationship commented upon by
the Nation in its review of the work to
which we have referred, for it is a fruitful
and difficult theme. There is no doubt,
as the Nation writer says, that the sub
scriber looks upon himself as a sort of
joint partner in the newspaper enterprise
to which he contributes his mite in the
way of a subscription. And in a certain
degree he is. But the exaggerated im
portance which many patrons of a jour
nal attach to their connections with it
is certainly one of the most amusing
and at the same time vexatious features
to the newspaper business.'
Mr. Stopmypaper is, of all men, the
most frequent hunter of the newspaper
offices. Hardly a day passes but a pep
pery postal card or an angry personal
calls reminds us of his whereabouts.
The journal in which he is joint partner
because he contributes several picoes of
fractional currency weekly or yearly to
its support, is continually crossing his
opinion and incurring his displeasure.
The man he deems most fit for a particu
lar office is not the only individual whom
the editorial mind, in its obtuseness, re
gards as qualified for the position; the
public question to which, in Stopmypa
per’s infallible opinion, there is but one
side, appears differently to the distorted
vision of the editor. The upshot is the
speedy dissolution of partnership, and
Stopmypaper’s withdrawal from all in
terest in the concern, in a brief letter,
of which the Nation gives a model:
Sib—My name is Brown; I have sub
scribed to your paper for many years
and generally concur in your opinions.
But your article on grasshopper ravages
in last Tuesday’s issue was something
fov which I was certainly not prepared
and which I have read with the deepest
pain. I have no knowledge of the sub
ject except what I get from the papers,
and have not given it any particular
consideration; but I am satisfied you
cannot honestly have reached conclu
sions so wildly differing from mine, Nor
have I the time or inclination to discuss
the matter with you. If I had I doubt
if you have intelligence enough and
candor enough to consider what I say.
What I do say now is that you are
entirely wrong, and wrong, I fear,
throng hthe workings of a malignant and
disingenuous mind.
That the grasshoppers are not the
beasts you take them to be, is the opin
ion of many good men of my ac
quaintance; your assertion that the dam
age they did has been exaggerated has
been a great shock to many of your ad
mirers. If you cannot take any other
position than this on the matter, pray
Jet it alone. I have burned your last
number in order to keep it out of the
hands of my family.
Hastily yours, John Brown.
Is their a newspaper that does not
receive such epistles almost daily? And
is it not melancholy, when you think of
it, thtatin spite of preaching, and precept
and example, men holding the idea that
their newspaper should be the vehicle of
their own particular opinion, should have
existence in this Nineteenth Century of
ours? There is certainly a theme for
prolific discussion in the relationship we
have pointed out—thisjoint partnership
idea of journalism. We fear Stopmy
paper’s importance has been overlooked
by everybody but himself. The editorial
mind is philosophic as well as mathe
matical, and it has found by experience
that when two men subscribe for the
very reason that Stopmypaper qnns,
which is an invariable rule, bankruptcy
is not near at hand. Hence Stopmypaper
is ignorant. His name is eliminated
from the books without a sigh of regret.
He is not even called an ass. He is ac
cepted as simply an inevitable and in
finitesmal incident and forgotten. Now
this is all wrong. Stopmypaper is a
man and brother, and is worth saving.
He is not to blame for seeing only one
side of the shield. A great many of us
do that. We ought to have patience
with him, and denude him of the error
which he holds that the newspaper is of
no use to him unless it is a reflex of his
sentiments, and that he is in any way
reforming it or bettering himself by
ceasing to read it.
There is a great problem here for so
lution. The Stopmypapers are a large
family, and when a newspaper has ten
thousand readers, and is outspoken and
plain, some of the family are daily get
ting hurt. And the worst of it is they
are always getting hurt. It is utterly
impossible for them to get a newspaper
that will agree with them for any length
of time, and they are plunged into a
state of chronic unhappiness. Suppose
some of the writers who are whiling
away the sultry hours in evolving mind
essays on “Summer Besorts,” “Totty,”
“The Marriage Question,” and the like,
or in airing their hobbies on the kind
of journalism they would like for them
selves, consume a little phosphorus in
serious thought on the solemn topic
which we have suggested—how can we
make one of the Stopmypapers happy
without offending some of the rest.
“I suspect Col. Forney must be in
Holland now,” observed a demure-look
ing Philadelphian. “His letters have
such a flavor of gin.”— Brooklyn Argus.
George Washington Childs gave Vice-
President Wilson a dinner on Sunday.
President Grant, who lives next door,
ate his own stalled ox in dignified pri
vacy.
The Supreme Court of West Virginia
has decided the act of the Legislature
removing the capital to Wheeling con
stitutional.
THE CROPS.
Jefferson, September 8, 1875.
Editors Chronicle and Sentinel :
At this season of the year a safe esti
mate may be made of the 'corn aud cot
ton crops. The corn is made, and in
nearly all portions of Northeast Georgia
the corn crop will be a full average
yield. In a few narrow strips of coun
try the yield of corn will bo very small
in consequence of long continued dry
weather. Throughout this portion of the
State the cotton crop may be set down
at about three-fourths of an average.
The weed is small and the last two
weeks in July were excessively hot aud
dry. Scorching winds prevailed, and
the cotton plant has never recovered
from the check it then received. Rust
also prevails to some extent. Most
farmers estimate the crop at two-thirds
of an average, but I think it may attain
to three-fourths of a crop. I speak of
all this corner of the State.
Jackson.
THE CONYERS AFFAIR.
The Other Side—Mr. Heard’s State
ment.
Mr. J. T. Heard, who was arrested at
Conyers last Monday evening, on agrave
charge, has made the following state
ment in regard to the affair:
I reached Conyers last Monday eve
ning. I went there on the same busi
ness that had often carried me there be
fore—merely to sell the goods of my
house to the Conyers merchants. I put
up at the Chamberlain House, the house
I usually stop at, and which is kept by
Mrs. Chamberlain. Mrs. Chamberlain
had two littlo daughters, Minnie and
Mamie, aged respectively nine and
eleven years. These children I had fre
quently met on previous visits, had
played with them, and had become fond
of them. They appeared to like me,
and were constantly with mo while I re
mained at the house. Indeed, I thought
nearly as much of them as I did of my
own children. Before tea Monday eve
ning the children were with me on the
verandah, and were sitting in my lap,
plnyirig and talking to me. Immedi
ately after supper I retired to my room,
which opens upon the hall. This hall
was brilliantly illuminated, as was also
my room. A unmbei of gentlemen and
ladies were out in the hall during the
evening, constantly passing and repass
ing my bed-room door. Soon after I en
tered the room little Minnie followed me
in, aud began playing with me. At
times she would be in my lap playing
and talking, then she would jump down
and run out into the hall, and then re
turn to my lap again. This was repeated
several times. She had thus been play
ing with mo and the young men in the
hall for about the space ot twenty min
utes, when her mother called to her and
she went off. After Minnie left Mamie
came into my room, accompanied by a
little daughter of a Mrs. Hill, about her
own age, with whom she had been play
ing in the hall. She also climbed up
into my lap, talking aud playing with
me. I playetl with the child as I had
with Minnie, tickling her and talking to
her. After the expiration of about ten
minutes Mrs. Hill’s daughter, who had
left the room, came back and told Min
nie that her mother wanted her. I told
her to jump down and go, and she did
so, saying she would be back after
awhile. I remained alone in the room
with the door open about half an hour,
when Dr. Jones, a druggist of Conyers,
called on me. After talking about half
an hour on geueral topics ho told mo
that Mrs. Chamberlain had requested
him to come down to my room to see me
and ask me to leave the house. That
she thought I had been trying
To Take Advantage of Her Little
Daughter.
I assured him upon my honor as a gen
tleman that nothing of the kind had
been attempted or dreamed of, and I in
sisted upon his going back to Mrs.
Chambelain, and inviting her down to
my room. That I would satisfy her be
yond doubt that the whole thing was a
ridiculous fabrication. I also requested
her to bring the little girls with her, so
anxious was I to demonstrate to her
that all was error. This Dr. Jones at
first positively refused to do, and told
me he thought I had better leave the
house. I told him I would not leave
under the present circumstances; that I
wanted the matter thoroughly investi
gated, and Mrs. Chamberlain fully satis
fied. At last he did go, but returning
in a few moments, said ho had seen
Mrs. Chamberlain, and that she would
not se* me, and that I had better leave
the hoAe. I still declined to do so,
and persuaded him to go back the sec
ond time to Mrs. Chamberlain. He
again came back, said that she would
not see me,
But Had Sent for Her Son,
And that I had better go. I replied,
“Well, then,l will wait fonher son and see
him.” After ascertaining that her son
had come, and was in his mother’s room,
I requested Dr. Jones to see him and
bring him to my room. Dr. Jones went
off and returned with George Chanber
lain, a young man about 23 or 24 years
of age. Mr. Chamberlain was much ex
cited. After talking quietly with him,
assuring him of my innocence, I asked
him to bring his mother and sisters to
the room and I would prove to them the
falsity of the charge. I told him I would
stay there uutil the matter was investi
gated and would place myself under his
protection, which he gave to understand
I should have. He also said he would
see his mother. After a short absence
he came back with Dr. Jones,
And Two or Three Other Men,
Whom I took to be policemen. I asked
the policemen to leave the room and
let Mr. Chamberlain and myself talk
with each other. They did so. I got
up and shut the door. This was the
first time it had been closed during the
evening. I then discovered that Mr.
Chamberlain was very much excited,
And Was Armed.
I also became satisfied from Dr. Jones’
movements that he too was armed, and
that both meant mischief. Mr. Cham
berlain remarked that ho thought from
what his mother had said, *1 had told a
d—d lie, and ordered mo to leave the
house. I told him I would do so, and
started for the door, when he caught me
by the collar, jerked mo around, and
struck me violently in the face with
what I took to be a pistol. I caught the
hand that had the weapon, and request
ed Dr. Jones not to lot him strike me.
He would not interfere, and kept nod
ding his head to Mr. Chamberlain.
Chamberlain gave me another severe
blow in the face with his weapon.
Almost Knocking Me to My Knees.
I made a desperate effort to reach the
door, and at last succeeded in getting
out. I gave the alarm for protection
and assistance. Several men who were
in the hall rushed up at once and caught
Mr. Chamberlain, who had followed me
out, and was trying to reach me,
Asking to be Allowed to Kill Me.
Tho policemen and crowd carried me,
for protection, to the station house
about half an hour, and was then taken
to jail, as tho place was not regarded as
secure, and Mr. Chamberlain was mak
ing efforts to break the door down. Mr.
Chamberlain camo later to the jail and
tried to force his way to me. Tho sheriff
was a resolute man, and ordered him
out, and that was tho last I saw of him.
Tuesday morning I was notified that a
warrant was against me, charging me
with an infamous offense. I remained
in jail all Tuesday waiting fora prelimi
nary examination. I was taken to the
Court House about ten o’clock Wednes
day morning, before the County Judge,
Mr. Davidson, and a magistrate. Here,
by consent of all parties, a hearing was
waived, and I was released by giving a
bond of $4,000 for my appearance be
fore tho next term of the Superior
Court. Gen. L. J. Gartrell, Judge Hook
and Colonel Perry, of Conyers, were my
counsel. The above is a plain state
ment of the facts, precisely as they oc
curred. In a brief time the matter will
be investigated before a legal tribunal,
and until then I would ask a suspension
of public opinion.
In the City.
The details of this affair were very
generally commented upon in Atlanta
yesterday. No little incredulity existed,
and many believed there must be some
mistake in the matter. That such a
thing a should be true was deemed a
painful supposition to indulge. All
parties have been waiting for the other
side’s defense; at the same time every
body is in favor of the law meeting out
strict justice in the premises.
Ex-Senator Carl Schurz has sailed
from London for New York on the
steamer Pommerania.
While a Democratic rag-money fiend
was spouting financial heresy at a politi
cal meeting near Cleveland, a burglar
broke into his house and stole a bag of
gold, which was secreted in an old
trunk. Consistency forbade him to in
form the police of his loss, but he sits
out under the stoop in his back yard, as
if he meant to shun the society of his
fellow creatures for the balance of the
season.
The New York Tribune announces
that it is extremely doubtful whether
the Tilton-Beecher case will come before
Judge Neilson, who has now reopened
his Court for the September term at
Brooklyn. The Tribune thinks Tilton
has not got tho necessary funds, and
that the note of issue filed by Judge
Morris, Tilton’s lawyer, was simply in
tended to forestall the action of Beech
er’s lawyers.