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A WORD TO UNION DEMOCRATS. ” 0 greut pleasure in transfering to Our columns the subject extracts from u letter Written by Dr. R. D. Arnold, of Savaewah, to the editor of the Savannah Georgian, giv ing his reasons for supporting Mr. Cobb in preference to Judge McDonald. Arnold is •ell and favorably known in Georgia, both professionally and politically, Re is a gen tleman highly esteemed at home, and has long been recognised as one of the leaders of the old Democratic party. He is too pure and too patriotic to stand idly by, and see that party prostituted to the ignoble cause of disunion* Accordingly, he has arrayed him sell on the side of the Constitution and the country In his new position we are pleased to learn by such men as Judge Wayne, Judge Nirhnl, Judge Charlton, Judge Henry, Judge Jackson, by the Anderson’s, Wald butg’s, Ward's Lloyd’s, and scores ofothers, who will all yield to Mr. Cobb and the Un ion, their most cordial support, M hen such men assume position, we cannot doubt the result in‘Old Chatham.’ All we ask of the honest, thinking men of the State, is to read such calm and conclusive appeals as ate coo* tained in the following Extract from Dr. Arnold'* Letter. And now, my dear sir, I turn from your history of the past, to your recent appeal to Democrats to unite with you in the sup port of your candidate, Charles J, McDonald. 1 Two candidates are presented to the people of Georgia by Conventions, neither of which I < was composed ot Whigs or Democrats alone, , and neither of which was convened as a Whig 01 Democratic Convention. The sup- ! porters of Mr Cobb affect no concealment upon this subject. If Itigs and Democrats • have united in his support because lie ses- 1 tains the proceedings of the late Georgia I Convention, by whose proceedings the State i of Georgia is pledged to ndliere to the Com- i promise so long as its provisions shall be | strictly adhered to by the Notth and the | South, the East and the West. Charles J. McDonald has been nominated by a Convention (nameless indeed in its offi cial report) which, repudiating this Compro mise, would open again all the questions set tled by it. This is the issue presented by the people of Georgia; but abandoning tins issue, you invoke the Democrats to the sup puf%pt Gov. McDonald, to sustain the prin- the Democratic party. If the ad- v ac<*atut of these principles depended upon his eduction, how docs your candidate accept a ndunln.umn tetidere4, k 4> v Whigs and . Democrat* in Convention a ernor McDonald, it is true, has been a Do- ( ntocrat, has been elected twice Governor of 1 Georgia by Democratic votes. Howell Cobb has been a firm, true, and consistent Demo- ral. Point him to the principle* of that party, and he may truly say, all these things have I kept front nty youth up.” Elected first to Congress by the Democracy of the whole State, he has since been repeated bv reelected to the same post by the Democrats of his own districts. He has just retired from the chair of the Speaker of House of Repre sentatives, to which he was elevated by the Democracy of the whole Union. Can you point to one act or one speech in the life of Ho” ell Cobb in which he ha* been false to the great National Democratic Party. Now, sir. is that Democrat most consistent with his principles who cast his vote for such a man, or he who votes for one who, as Gov. McDonald did, presided over a Convention which ‘earnestly recommended to the non slave holding Status to refuse to go into or to countenance any national Convention, whose object may be to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States under any party denomina tion whatever? Did not G<>v. McDon ald thus solemnly repudiate the Demo cratic party of the Union, and are you not invoking Democrats to the support of one who lias thus voluntarily alienated himself from lliaigreat party ? it may be well in this city (where that party on strict old lines) is in the majority, and in the possession of all the officers, and of a patronage far exceeding that of the Gov ervor of the State, to attempt to allay voters under old Democratic watchword, but is this the ground on which Gov- McDonald is supported throughout the Stale? Do you not mislead your Dem ocratic readers when you would persuade them that in opposing McDonald, they are separating themselves from the Dem ocratic party? Look, my dear sir, to his nomination! Whigs and Democrats in Convention as sembled, nominated him. Look to his supporters ! Do Whig papers and Whig politirians support him because of his de mocracy ? While you are invoking De mocrats to his support, the Augusta Re public, a whig paper, in a Whig commu nity, is sustaining him as the Southern Rights candidate. Your candidate is a pure and consis tent Democrat standing on the old Demo cratic! platform, in a Democratic commu nity; but in a Whig community, lie has been washed of this stain, and is the true Southern Rights candidate! The truth is, and all the sophistry in the world can not long mask it, the contest about to take place in Georgia is not to be, and cannot be, carried on upon old party lines. ( had written thus far when the letter of acceptance of your candidate appeared in your paper of this morning* It has saved me all the trouble on the subject of old party lines, and 1 think you will be obliged to retrace your steps and cease to summon old Democrats to support Gov. McDonald because he stands on the old Democratic ‘platform. The following sentences from that let ter are decisive a* to his position and his platform • Gentleman;—l received ‘ l >-day jfonr i letter tmfurming me f Sty m) mi nation as r a candidate for the office of Governor of , the State of Georgia, b,v Stiw'btru men, ■ Democrats and Whies recently assembled 1 in Convention at .Milledgex ille, and ask * ing my acceptance. You will permit me to say that this , voluntary sarrjßcf pf old paruyfeelitigs to r the cause of constitutional ‘freedom, sis e vinced by thepWceedingsof the Conven tion, affords the most gratifying evidence that the party of the Constitution is de lennined to sustain the Union .of the States on the principles on which our venerated ancestors, w ith tire blessings of God, established it. Not a single allusion is made in this letter to his former position as > Demo crat, or to liia standing on the Democra tic platform. This is at least, prudent ip. a man who in November last, at Nash ville, liail formerly cut himself loose from the national Democratic party, The Democratic supporters of Howell Cobb seek no subterfuges. The immi nence of danger to our Federal Union, and to the rights of the South, brought together in concert of action, men who on old party issues had been opposed lor years. They have acted in concert to pre. serve both. They have buried past differ ences locu. operate in the great object of preserving Union and S nilhren Rights. It is openly avowed that to attain this ob ject. the old parly lines are abandoned, and w.ll remain so until the danger is past. In the mean time, we can scan with impartiality the action of our feliowvciii sens in the nou-slavebolding States, and I trust tiiat the weight of our support will hereafter be given to that portion of them which is most conservative of Union and Southern Rights. The question now between the two parties in this State, is as to the predo minance of tlirir respective views rela tive to the Compromise, and the action of the State Convention. As Sir Lucius O’Trigcer says,‘lt is a miglitv pretty quarrel as it stands.’ The Ballot box will settle the dispute in October next.— time, I hope to be one of the thrtusand&olGeoruia Democrats whose votes will aid Howell Cobb in the Executive Chair oftbeState of Geo r gia.’ i-’ 1 “■” ———— Slick a Pin /tight There. A writer in the Southern Recorder, speak ing of the constitutional right of secession says: ‘This doctrine has been asserted upon four distinct occasions in the United States, and not of/e tier ‘lst. The f-deralists in the Hartford Con vention during the late war asserted it. •2nd. The abolitionists, in the recent Con., vention at Syracuse, \e<v York, asserted it. ‘3rd. The Southern Rights Conventional Charleston lately asserted it, and 4<h. Tie McDonald Disunion Convention at Milledgeville asserted it. This last body attempted to bolster up their abominable fail It, by referring to the Kentucky resolutions drawn by Mr. Jeffer son. •This is false, Mr, Jefferson never suppor ted any such doctrine. The republican par ty always opposed secession. Thpy opposed it under Mr. Jefferson's administration, and under that of Mr. Madison. At the time of Mr. Jefferson's last election, on the day when the elector’s met at Richmond to cast she vote of the Stale of Virginia for him, a public dinner was given the electors, Judge Roane, the great friend of Mr. Jefferson pre siding. The regular toasts were prepared by his friends, and that his opinions and those of his friends might be distinctly known,the following regular toast was drank with overwhelming applause SION—// it treason To The Union Party of Macon C.. There will be a meeting of tile party at Lanier on the first Tuesday in Au gust next, to nominate a candidate for the Representative Branch of the Legist lature. The Macon County Union Associa tion will also meet the same day. KOSSUTH AND HIS COMPANIONS. The New York Tribune tianslates the fol lowing from a German letter, supposed to have been written by Col. Asbolh, Kossuth's Adjutant: ‘Kossuth has again suffered deeply from a new blow. His wife was thrown fiom a horse while riding for exetcise. It was a frightful sight, and led us to fear the worst. The pliy sician, however, who was sent for at once, found only a severe confusion, but no hone was broken. We therefore hope that she may speedily recover. Madame Wagner, who accompanied the wife of Kossuth last winter from Hungary to Schumla, died on tlie27ili of March and was buried on the next day with moro imposing religious ceremony than had ever before been witnessed in Kuiahia. Prince Frederick, of .Schleswig. Holstein visited the refugees a day or two since. He quartered in the barracks with Lieut t Col. Asboth called once or twice on Kossuth, Baithyani and Perczel, and depart ed on the 29th for Constantinople, whence he will soon return home. ,He is still a young man, though he seems to have more enlightened viewes with regard to politics and national welfare than we usually find among voting prince*. The account of the discovery of the primitive Hungrian race by the M is sionary Gulzluff, who is said to have visited it with two Americans, was like h ray of sun light in the prevailing gloom of the exiles r Katahia.’ Contentment it a better fortune than gold. THE SOUTH-WEST GEORGIAN,. OGLKTHOKPK. TIiaKSOVY, JULY l't, 1851. FOR GOVERNOR, --■ lION. IT DWELL COBB, OF CLARKE COUNTY. Agents for the South-West Georgian 1 Spencer. Caldwell, Fort Gaines, Ga Jeter A. Hogue, near Ameticus , do. J. P. Gaulden, Ilainbridge, do. Col. Wm. T. Perkins, Cuthbert , do. G. Carituers, Esq. vthbert, do. Gilbert M. Stokes, Slade, Lee co. do. Dr. W ii. M. Stokes, Dooly co. do. M. L. Holman, Bronksville, Siew'rtdo, A. A. Blakely, Griffin, Pike co. do. John W, Griffin, Grffin, do. J. TANARUS, May, FraricUville, do. A. J. Williams, Agent for Sumter co. Mr. Cobb’s appointments. Mr. Cobb will address the people at Hawkinsville, on Tuesday - - Ist July. Perry, on Thursday - - - - 2d “ Lanier, on Saturday sth “ Buena Vista, on Monday - - 7th “ Columbus, on Wednesday • 9th “ Lumpkin, on Friday - - 11th “ , Cuthbert, on Saturday - . 12ih “ Fort Gains, on Monday - - 14th “ Blakelv, on Tuesday - - 15th •• Cambridge, on Thursday - 17th “ Thomasville, on Saturday - 19th “ jjaj Newton, on Monday, - - - 21suttra(l|flp , Albany, on Tuesday - - - Stnrkville, on Wednesday - 23rd “ Amerirus, on Thursday -,- 24th “ Vienna, Dooly Cos. Saturdax 26tlt “ —— * CtT’-We would call the attention of our subscribers to oun published Terms, and re quest those who have not complied, to do so without delay, as our expenses are con stantly moving on, and without the means we cannot lessen them. If payment is not made by the Ist of October, we will be compelled to claim an additional Fifty Cents on each subscriber then in arrears. (£7* We are authorized to say that the NLort. Robert Trtotnbs, will be at Ameri ctia on the 24di inst., with Mr. Uofob. delegates to the Senatorial Convention for the district composed of the counties of Macon and Marion, will meet at Poindexter on WEDNESDAY 23rd. instead of I6tli inst. C7“J. S. W. Received tdb late for this week. A. A. B’s Communication, unavoida bly crowded out this week will appear next, would like to see your prixe tale. What a Change. That the Southern Rights Democratic Se cession Party, have, within a year or a little over, turned a complete political sotm-rsett, we presume no one will deny, But to place it beyond the possibility of denial, we shall make a few extracts front President Jack son's proclamation to the people of South Carolina. We should commence with the uncontradictable assertion that, with but few exceptions, all who now belong to the South ern Rights Democratic Secession Party, were Jackson men when the above mentioned proclamation was issued. This being the cese we will see what Jackson said in rela tion tu the right of a State to secede from the Union: ‘lf this doctrine had heen established at an earlier day. the Union would have been dissolved in its infancy. The ex cise law in Pennsylvania, the embargo and non-intercourse in the Eastern States, the cariage tax in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in their operation than any of the laws now complained of; but fortune- Hiely none of those States discovered that they had the right now claimed by South Carolina . The war into which we were lort-ed, to support the dignity of the nation, and -he rights of our citizens, might have endeed in defeat and di-gare, instead ol victory and honor, if the Stale who supposed it a ruinous and unennsti lutional measure, had thought they pus* sessed (lie right of nullifying the art by which it was declared, and denying sup plies fur its prosection. Hardly and un equally as those measures bore upon seve ral members of the Union, to the Legi-ia tures of none did this efficient and peace able remedy, as it is called, suggest itself. The discovery of this important feature in our constitution, was reserved to the present day. To the statesmen of Small Carolina belongs the invention, and upon ihe|citisens of that State will unfortuneaie. Iv fall the evils of reduciug it to prac. tire. If the dorlrin of a State votn upon the laws of the Union, carries with it internal evidence of its impracticable absurdity, nur constitutional history also afford a., bundant proofthat it would have been re pudiated with indignation had it been to lorm a feature in our Govv pfrnmant. In our colonial state, although deped ent on mother power, we very early con sidered ourselves connected by common interest w ith each other. Leagues w ere formed for common defence, and before the Declaration of Independence, we were known in our aggregate character, as the United Colonies of America. — I That decisive and importadl step was taken jointly. We declared ourselves a ! nation by a joint, not by several acts,and when the terms of our confederation were reduced to lorm, it was in that of a sleinn league of se via I States, by which they wonld collectively form one nation for the purpose of conducting some certain do mestic concerns, and all foreign relations. In the instrument forming that Union, is fond an article which declares that -‘ every State shall abide by the determiaiios of Congrss, on all question which by that confederation should be submitted to them.'* Under the confederation, the, no could legally annul a decision of the Clm gress, or refuse to submit to its cmHf lion.” • • * “I consider, then, the powejgto annul a law of the United Stat-s, assiflpa* bv one Stale, incompatible with tlllHiislence of the Union, contradicted jffl|Pfsly by the letter of the CnnStitutiriE iin mtlmmed by iis spirit, every prin ciple on wliicijg|^j^v| ( iunde(l, and des.- tructi'e of the great oj-ct (or w hich it ‘vasjijfuteth” • • • “The constitution of tite United States, ihen, forms a government, not a league, -thd whether it be formed by compact be tween the States, or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a govern ment in w hich all the people are represen ted, which operates directly on the people tndix idiiallv, not upon the Stales—they retained all the power they did not grant. But each Slat- having expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other States, a single Nation, cannot foim that period, po-sess any right to seceed, because such secess. i>m does not break a league, but destroys the unity of a Nation, and any injury to that unity is not only a branch which— would result from the contravention of a compact, but it is an offence against the whole Union. Tosay that anv State may at pleasure seceed front the Union, is to say, that the United States are not a nation ; because it would be a solecism jm contend that any part of a nation— might dissolve its connexion with the oth er parts, to their injury <>r ruin, without cmnmiting any offence. Secession, like any other revolutionary act, may be mor ally ju-tified by the extremity of nppres- j siotr; but to call it a constitutional right ij> confounding the meaning W terms, and can unly be done through gross error, or to deceive those who are willing lo assert a right, but would pause celore they made i: revolution or incur the penalties conse quent on a failure. The above extracts are sufficiently expli- j cit to convince any who am willing to be convinced, tbot President Jackson, denied the right of secession, and declares it as un constitutional and its exercise, destructive to the country, except it be when the States are j required to submit to unconstitutional laws imposed upon them by the General Govern ment. But here is Jackson's own language; “Mark, my fellow citizens, that by the ad mission of your leaders, the unconstitutional ily must he palpable, or it will hot jurtify either resistance or nulification ! What is the meaning of the word palpable in the sense in which it is here used! that which is apparent to every one, mat which no man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive.” Now we would simply ask, is there an un constitutionality of the recent compromise law passed by Congress of that description, can any man of ordinary intellect, pronounce it such! We call on Jackson's old firiends, now the Democratic Secession Party, to na. swer the question. They cannot answer it in the affirmative without committing them selves, as may be seen by refetring to a res olution of the Democratic Convention, held at Milledgeville in 1847, which may be found in another column. In that resolution they avowed a desire that Congress should not in terfere with the institution of Slavery in the Territory at all, but that it should be left en tirely with die it,habitants to decide whether it should or should not exist. The Demo cratic Convention held at Milledgeville in 1848, it will also be Seen declared that that tesolittion correctly set forth the opinions of the Democracy of Georgia. Yet in the face of til this, after declaring that the people of tlie Territories should have the right to form a Constitution just as they desired in relation to Slavery, and after the perple had formed a Constitution, because they chose to pro hibit Slavery, and Congreas did not refuse them admission into the Union on that ground, they at once turned right about, de clared the wholo affair an unconstitutional act, that the people had no right to form such Constitution, and that Congress had no right to admit California with any tuch Con stitution, and in order the South might get redress for this imagined wrong they declare ed it absolutely necessary that the Union should be dissolved. There is a striking analogy between the position occupied by South Carolina in the days of Nriification and that now occupied by the Democratic Secession party of Geor gia. South Carolina was determined to se cede if all the acts for raising revenue were I not repoaled, if this was not done in a given ’ day or anv attempt was made to execute the laws, the Slate was declared by an Ordi nance, to be out of the Union. Well, itya was the language of the Democratic Secflßj sion Party: “If the xvhole of admitted as a free State and Uujl and New Mexico are permitted to hajfflt Territorial Governments which do nowpiiblish Slave.- ry, the Uninu shall ba dissolved.” And the only ining that Das prevented them from into execution is that a niajiy)'*nd a large majority of the South era people have never seen any palpable un- IHpitiitionuliiy that called for either resis [ temce or mdifitation. Like Jackson, they htsust see this before they can even acknowl edge a right to secede. In conclusion we wish to ask those xvho have always professed to be Jackson men, a few questions: Can you,'after reading the above extracts, taken from Jackson's Proclamation, longer identify yourselves with the present Southern Rigltls Democratic Secession party! Can yon raise your voices with that party iu the cry of “resistance” when no cause for resistance exists! Presi dent Jackson asserted that the grievance must be palpable to all men of ordinary in’ tellects belore even resistance was called sot. Mr. Cobb’s Letter of Acceptance. Eatonton, June 18, 1851. Hon. Howell Cobb— Sir: At a Con vention receutly held of the Constitutional Union Party; you were unanimously nomi nated as their candidate for the Chief Magis tracy of Georgia. The undersigned were appointed a committee to notify you of your nomination, and to solicit your acceptance. In the performance ol this duty, we may add, that many of that Convention, were those with whom you have hitherto agreed upon the political issues which have divided e e couolry; many were those who have hitb rto differed from you on those issues. Yet all animated by an ardent love for the preser vation of that government which has been transmitted to ns by Washington—now, when an imperilled Union demands the loyalty of every patriotic heart, forgetting all past dif ferences of meie policy, and striving after a higher and nobler object, have united to save that Union itself. Not only has the spirit of fanaticism else where but that of ultraism among us, sought | to destroy the principles of our government as expounded by Washington, Jefferson and ; Madison, but it has even sought to lay its SHcriligipus hands upon the government it self and to throw into revolution and anarchy that which is the freest, happiest and best on earth. To avert this calamity and preserve this Union, upon the principles of the constitu- united the heart and purposes of that pojgtion of the ppople of Georgia who were represented in the late Convention of the Constitutional Union party. By that party, with spell principles, you have been nominated for the Chief Mag istracy of Georgia. Permit us t add the expression of our in dividual picferenceh as to its acceptance. Your ob’t. serv’ts. JAS. A. MERIWETHER, W. H. HULL, jno. mill edge, W. T..WOFFORD, T. W. THOM AS. Athens, Ga., June 23, 1851. Gentlemen:— l have this day received your letter of the 18th inst.. informing me of my nomination by the Convention of the Constitutional Union party of Georgia, fur the office of Governor. With a full appre ciation of the liquor which the Convention has conferred upon me, I accept the nomina tion, and, if elected, will endeavor faithfully to discharge tilts duties of the office. The resolutions adopted by your Conven tion, present in distinct tetmsto the people of the State, an issue involving the peace and repose of the country, if not the very existence of the Union. No one can over estimate the importance ol the decission which is to be pronounced by tile people up on it and it, is only a due estimate of the con sequences dependant upon tlm result, that we can look for a judgment worthy of the intelligence and patriotism of our fellow, citizens. During the existing scenes that character ized the deliberation of the last Congress on tne slavery question, the public mind was di rected with intense anxiety lo the action of our national legislature. Every patriotic heart in the land felt that the issues us life and death were involved in the final adjust ment of that angry and exciting contest, which was threatening the overthrow of the noblest structure ever erected by human wis dom—the American Union. That result, so long and anxiously louked for by the people of the States, was si length consummated by iheir representatives, in the adoption of those bills familiarly known to (lie coumry at the • adjustment’ or • compromise measures.’ I do nut propose at this time to discuss those measures—it would not be altogether appro priate to the occaion, even if I felt impelled to such a course by the apprehension of any doubt existing in the public mind in reference to ray vir ws on this subject. I have alluded to the subject as introductory tQ another growing omof tho* measures srhith rT*- lenges, in an emphatic manner, the public at tention, from recent political movements in our own neighboring States. - When, in consequence of the passage of the compromise bills by Congress, the peo ple of Georgia were summoned to a Conven tion, to consider of the course and policy which the adoption ot those measure*regular ed then, to pursue, we all felt thatdreura. stances had devolved upon our a res ponsibiUtayif no ordinary character, but one intelligence and patriotism of her The anxiety manifested in reference to the action of that Convention was not confined to the limits of our own State. It was felt throughout the length and breadth of the Union and was second in intensity only to the solicitude which had previously been ex hibited about the adoption of the measures, which had caused its assemblage. The question which that Convention was called upon to consider, were discussed by the pub lic press—by our public speakers—in private conversation —indeed in every mode known to the political canvass, with unusual warmth and marked ability. It is certainly no re flection upon previous political struggle in our state to say that on no former occa sion, was there more talent, learning, re search and patriotism brought into requisi tion, than by the respective friends and aiL vocates of the various policies indicated in the course of the canvass. The representa tives selected under these circumstances as sembled in convention; a body of as wise and patriotic men as ever before convened iu any State in the Union. They came fresh from the people fully entrusted with their wishes, and empowered to speak ao thoiitatively for them ; and in the name of their constituencies, they placed upon the re cord of our States the enlightened judgment of an honest and patiiotic people. It is un necessary for me here to speak of the action of the Convention in detail. It is of too re cent occurrence, and, therefore, too familiar to the people to require a recital of it. Not only will it be remembered what was the ac tion of the Convention, but should likewise he borne in mind that it met the approving voice of the people throughout the State. The universal sentiment of approval whieh greeted the representatives upon their return to iheir respective constituencies, was ten dered the most striking and temarkabla by the feeble and occasional muttering* of the few restless and discontented spirits who xviihheld their sanction. Who supposed at that time that theie would have been stray ed in a few months a political organixatioa in the State based upon a repudiation of this wise, just, and enlightened judgmeutof tbs people. If the people of Georgia are prepared to reverse a decission so’iccently and solemnly made, and madly to rush the ship of State in’ to the gulf of disunion, in obedience to tbs summons of a neighboring Slate, then it is manifest that lam not the man to select for their Chief Magistrate. For, while I concede that the South has cause of complaint against the North for their con* duct in the past, in connection with the question of slavery, yet i must, in can., dour declare that there is nuthing which in tny judgment, will justify us in dissolv ing a government formed by Washington and Lis immortal compeers, and which the committee are right in pronouncing ‘ the freest, happiest, and best in the world.’ h will be a dark day for liberty throughout the world, when this step ifc taken. The effect produced throughout th Union by the action of that convention is not only grateful to our feelings of State pride, but should not be without it# influence upon our minds, when we are invited to a reconsideration of the decit ion which was then prononneed. With our sister States of the South, and with the patriotic friends of the Union every where the action of tliak Convention was hailed c ult exhilimii of unhotagoded ap plause. The hmrst encomiumsrhixere passed upon the (tisdom intelligence suM|| patriotism of its atttnbers, as exhibited iu their firm and unyielding devotion to the rights of the South, the constitution of the country and the Union of the States. Georgia, already proudly pre eminent among her sister States, was thus elevat ed to a yet higher and uobler position.— As one of her citizens, I give to the ac tion ot her Convention my warm, cor* dial, and unreserved approval, and am prepared to give to the maintenance of her decision my best efforts. She has declared, in the most solemn manner, that * she can, consistently with the honor, abide by the general scheme of pacifica* non.,’ In that declaration I fully con* n.r. When I give to this action of her Convention my unqualified approval, l do not feel that my native State has re quired me, as one of her citizens, to sub mit to an act of degradation. / will cast upon her the ungrateful reflection that she has taxed the allegiance of her cili* zens, to the extent of requiring at their humiliating submission to a con* condition of degradation and inequality among her sister States, li is ski.hlar different feelings that 1 regard Iter action, / look upon her in the proud position w hich she occupies in this confederacy of of States, and feel m blush ol shame man* thng my cheeks a* / read her history i the pas,-realise ler present pre-emi nence—and look forward to the bright prospect winch the future opens before • lf hou d * hoW!>Ver Ae time ever ar rive when the conditions of her remain mg in the confederacy * re degradation Vr wr, . resrst, wtjj y,|| amanz w%kb