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Office on Suintcr Street, ) Over the Post Office. j VOL. f THE SOUTH WEST GEORGIAN, Is published every Friday Morning by CHARLES B. YOITOBLOOD. in advance, for one year, $2 00 It not paid in advance, 3 00 IBP” Payment any time within Th>pp Months frcim sihe time of subscribing will be considered in^dvanee. No notice to discontinue tftc paper will the regarded until all arrerages are paid. Six months Subscriptions will be received on the name terms in proprtion tjte yearly Rates of Advertising: One Dollar per Square (of (Twelve lines, or for the first insertion and Fifty Cents for each -week thereafter. ‘V? > IBf No personal Commtimcation will. be ndmit'- •tedekeept as an advertisemehtj paid for in advafice at double the rates of advertising. All Advertisements not-lunitoi wkibi handed in, will be published till ordered ont and .cliarged no-* •cerdinglv. “ - Provisional Cards. Professional and Jlusinnss ‘Cards wflh weMßaer-Swl at the following rates: Twelve lines or less, three months, ■ |Q “ sdfmoptM%tA -* \-r% Bft “ ‘.twelve mouths, 10 o<f No advertismenti t'hiß./ihQaeter will be ad mitted unless paid for in ndvanee,, *■ ’ - N. B. The bill for all advertising is due when the publication ceases. A Reduction of 10 pet cent, will be made wlieh paid for iivhdvanee. , . law for Advertising. SaiSes of Land .AND NVoboes, W Executors, Ad ministrators and Cttardians, are required by law to be advertised in a public gazette, forty days pre vious to the day of side. ‘ and e, ’ These sales must be held on the first, Tuesday ip the month, between the hours of ten iath,e forenoon, and three in the afternoon, at the t'ourtbbuac in the county in,which the property is sitnatedj * • ‘ -V Sales of. Personal Property nfost be advertised in like manner forty days. , :• . ■ Notice to Debtors and Creators of an Estate must be published forty - days. Notice that application will be made to (be Or dinary for leave to sell Land and lyegroes,. must, b<r priMfthed weekly’for Two months. • Citations- for Letters of Administrn|iop, thirty days ; for Dismission from Adminisi,ration,jnoitthlv six months;-for Dismission from’bfihnrifainship, * weekly forty days. 1 . ... . Rules fob'ForeglosiSg of-Mortcagf.; monthly four months; for establishing lost papers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling titles from executors or administrators where a bond lias been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. The haw of Newspapers. 1. All subscribers who do not,,give express No tice to the obntrary, are considered ns wishing to continue their subscriptions. 1 2. If subscribers orderth'e discontinuance of theft papers, the publishers may’continue to send .them until arrearages are paid. 3. If subscribers negleet or refuse tailing their papers fooir. the offices to which they'are Sent, they are held responsible till theft Tulls are settled, aha their papbrs ordered to he .discontinued. v ‘ 4. The Courts have decided that refusing to take! a newspaper or periodical from the office, or rrmo v isgaad leaving it. uncalled for, is-pro/yi/y evi dence of rNTBSTIONAT FRAUD. - . — •*” f ■ ‘‘jaV -J * General Pierce and Slavery. General Pierce pronounces lb - report e r ti u , Independent Democrat r3i.“: yf Dtr n er ■ an t :•'ire inis:-’ yfr** Aierely untnudlul’’ but “grQfcdy dlyfalse.” ’ T!i£ issue uptm-tliis jpw>ifVr* •% on<y.j of veracity, js between General Pierce, the speaker,,nn<l.Mr. Foss, the reporter, fh* latter supported by, Mr. Qoqjiale; editor of ’ the Manchester Democrat, and by statements of other local journals. Whether Mr. Pierce has forgotten words uffied in’flie course ..of de bate, or whether the rdporte'r wilfully misrep resent him and swears ljilsely ’to support tire, misrepresentation, is a question in which we have no direct concern. Ifejnnst be settldd in New toampshiVe. . The “pretended report” passed without con tradiction at the time, apparently because it escaped General Pierce’s observation. That it attracted notice at the time, and on flit’ sj u, is evident from the letter of Mr. lb F. Aver, who states in his letter to Mr. Hibbard that he saw “the reports copied by the Republic. when they first appeared,” and conversed “in regard to them with several persons” who heard the speech. The anomaly remains unexplained, that reports which are alleged to be late in the town in which the speaker lives without any attempt to oorrcct their mis representations. , * *. ‘ Passing from these particular reports, Geft-- , eral Pierce proceeds to strengthen his deni al by a reference to his general pqWlfir wn* duct “My opinions and of them, Ike says,'“have been everywhere the- same.” “My action aMmy Hump*; i sshire touching this matter have - been -at alt ( -'times and under all circumstances in entire*’ -‘accordance with pay action and language at a Washington,” Mr. Pierce is willing to stand fcy the record ; an<j Itt ite£>jaitulate certain facts connected -with his “actidp and lan guage” in New Hampshire, that we may test , .the value of his present declaration. It ft oft record that Mr. I’jerce was a member of the St*te Convention in June, 1846, and that in 4hat capacity be Was one of a committee who reported a resolution reaffirming the senti ments and opinions of the Northern Democ racy in relation to slavery, and setting forth that they deplored its existence, and regarded it “as a great moral and social evil.” It is on record, again, that’ on tho 20th November, 1850, General Pierce attended n meeting at Manchester, New Hampshire, avd delivered * speech in which he asked, * Who did not de plore slavery V’ and in which, replying to his own interrogatory, he said, “TAc men who would dissolve‘the Union did not hate or de plore slavery more than he did.” And'yet \ again it is,on record that the State Conven tion which sat late in 1860 had Gofierhl Pierce as onhof its members, ami that the convention unanimously adopted a resolution declaring “that the holding ‘of human beings in bondage is a curse to any.country ; that we arc ■opposed torslarery, op white, in all its form*, ‘and . under whatever circumstances.” Now here are threo instances selected not from journals persbnallyjiostile to General Pierce, butfrgm quarters known to be personally friendly to him. And each instance affords strong col lateral testimbny in favor of tlie accuracy of Mr. Foss’s report of the New Bostoirspeech, ] and against General Pierce’s averment that his “opinions and the avowai.of them” have uniformly agreed with his opinions as express od at-Waghinttmi.’ The presumption is thatr the- General Pierce who “deplored” slavery in 184&, an(J “haled” 1850, may also have ‘doatbed” it-ms-lSaa. The probabilities, Varo against General Pierce on ahother ground. The Manchester Union Democrat, a, friendly'priut, in its .■ out line (ft his Nelv Boston spSec h, reports that he .spodfh. of slavery, as .having been introduced iifio this couriiry..“ggaitist the morai sense- of l/ie'teorld ;’ 1 and'Jlic Nashua GaiSlic, wdnchjis ’ also friendly, reports his-vindicaf ion of the l’u 'gjtivdiaw as resting upon the fact that it “cw -1 braces no single principles more obnoxious to -.‘the North than the Fugitive Stave law of * ‘ nod. ” . y To give full w eight to his present letter, it is necessary, then, tliat General Pierce should show that the records of the State Conveutions have been falsifcd to iiis prejudice—that his awft organ, the Pair jot, pub- Cdncord, h£ts Wilfully misrepresented him—and that tyvo friendly journals entered into a conspi'.vtcy • with two abolition journals for the pfacing hiiri m,a fateeposi tiou before the country. Even this is not all that is neeesnsry. The records qf ‘ a||fe^ofiy > earsihe that State-, tookiadwudage of every opportunity to reaf firm their hostility to slavery, and their un abated determination to enforce tlie Wilmot proviso. They did this at their public meet ings, in their State Conventions, in their Leg islature, and through their delegations in Con gress., l|o-far&B;we know-, iris md,alleged that at any .portion of ths period General Pierce wais aCtanimce with his party in tlie State. , On ‘the contrary, itdslyuiwn that lie ’ acted with ffiem ; and -though that, for of indis idtral members’ tis ‘Jlte' 1 partybe ft in yet fepnsteaiaed To .feel thjit he shares the res*, qi-’tSe actioii of the party in its .■ S .■;*>•’ -.. -:h ‘. . .in it . tin f.-- n jtoa.<isi9Wß|r- •- ‘lt; is,- (im: it f igojg, i j’ “/ (ft SenlinpaifS 4 opifiniciM Ju .the‘New. f, pe(fc^-ni-2t cqpSist.ent yi^jh ’ (Jqfieral - desire to carry “out the law'., ■ feport ditikes General Pierce to say that the Fugitive law must he adhered to because it is tlie fulfilment of the compact made by jpiir fathers ; .apd so far jt mnkoß • him the antagonist of the ultra Ahlitirtili-t. . ‘Pbe irnportantead(fiH9h.is‘'.Tliat in ceßtiejibu,’ withal' is I lee hum bin | incuts. We” r:i llll <rt ia l - ii-pected of having (feWe lnm injustice in reference’ to these per 'libiis of his public life. In our notice of his public character, written on the day after his nomination at Baltimo;e, we expressed an opinion that he was sound upon tho slavery question. We formed Vhe'opiuion upon. Co ngressional documents, and at oneagave hipi thq full benefit ofitv - It has sjiice ”trauspirl that,* in our hurried search, we emitted his vote against the’act “authorizing Edmund Brooke ■to remove to the District of Columbia Cwo •slaves, owffied by him prfor to-hjs remorel 1 ‘from Virginia,'’": *” \’ ‘ “Vqtes in the Senate and House ofßepre- arb good ite far as they go, hut they ate hot sujlrriont to rebut evidence of ('.ontrary votes and specifies in another sec tlon of the country. .The question just now ’i% got what General Pierce said and how he voted at-Washington, but what he said and whatiubdidln New Hampshire ; and on tliat question we still contend that the balance of testimony is against him. It is against him alike on the specific issue raised by tlie New Boston, speech, and bn tho general issue touching his “action and language” in tlie i Notth. In saying this we have no intention to im pugn the honor and sincerity of General Pierce. The apparent frankness of his letter is something in his favor, and we are willing to believe that his personal character ns a man—apart from the politician—is not loss so. But private excellence is not a reason 1 for stifling inquiry into , public conduct, ncjr is fetter that is apparently frank sufficient to ; overthrow a chain of reasoning based upon i OGLETHORPE, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1852. admitted’facts and strengthened by thievery-’ day probabilities of life, It is more easy, more rational, ;uid not necessarily unjust to assume that the incidents on which we dwell as parts of the case have the recollec tion of one who daisy suffers from the “her culean tasks” of a Presidential The memory may fail, hut the records live ; . and the records in this iqatter are at variance with the lettyr. \ k Forgotten Chapter In Gck Pierce’s History, \ > Tim Nashville (Tenn.) “Republican Ban ner,” has been examining Gen. Pierce’s nii | nor votes in the House of Representatives, and the following statement is the result of the in vestigation. It forms a noticeable addition to thqjiistory of the conduct of the Demo-- cratiweaddidatQ upon larger questions; as al ready pfesentoil in detail through tho “Re public.” Gen. Pierce,-it will be Seen, sus tained his reputation’ by voting ngtiiust the old revolutionary soldiers-and their .widows, ,agd also against tivelplddndian fighters,’ His fi tends ..havy probably these votes in view when they land him ns an econoirfist: The facts which, wo are now about to bring to light, and wjijch are fully verified by the public records of the comrtry, will no doubt very much astonish some of tho friends, of the lately “unknown” Democratic ‘candidate for. the Presidency. We will takejlioui iu chro nological order, as \ve.find them recorded. — First, then, as he appeared in 1833 AGAINST THE INBIAN FIOItTERS. I the House of Representatives, December 27, 1833, (see House journal, page-130,) Mr. Chilton movpd the following resolution for the.benefit of tlie old Indian fighters: Resolved, That a select committee be ap pointed whose diity it shall be to inquire into the'expediency of so extending thy provisions tSf tlic act of Congrcss passcd 7th Juno, 1832, granting pensions to certain chjsses of troops therein named, as to eiftbrace in its provisions those who were engaged in tho.wars against the Indians subsequent to the close of the revo lutionUry war, and down to the treaty of Greenville, with leave to report by bill or oth erwise. Mr. Blair moved that the said resolution do lie on the table; which motion was reject ed; ayesso,-nays I&7— Franklin Pierce vo ting in Ihe affirmative. ’ Mr. Bomllin moved to strike out all of the resolutidn-after the word “Inquire,” and in sert “into the inoral and political effects of the pension laws-of the United States, mtd bow far the same ought to he modified or repealed.” Gji motion of Mr. Everett, the cousidera tionoutlie tesoltitlon and amendment Was post poned. > , They were subsequently taken up, and do batod on the following days—lsth, USth, 17th, ,g2d, 23d, 29th, 30th and 31st January, 1834, i lks.T< ‘• nary 6, 7 and B—without any defi-. rtiftkacimn hein “had upon them. Having been taken yq; again on the 11th February, (see page 317,) Mr. Chilton Al]en demanded the previous question to cut off debate and Mr. Bouhliin’s amcudiu,cnt. The call for the pre vious questions was sustained, and the main quest ion was pu t and the .resolutions adogtedi ycqs nys 86 —Franklin Phtface w.VqSr Amongst those voting ill the afljfinatiy&lil opposition of Mr. Pierce, we find the follow ing distinguished-mimes: J. Q. Adams, (l.jj ton Allen, John Dell, John llluir, Rufus Choate, Thomas Corwin, David Crochet, j&.’ IP". Dickinson, bulwark Everett, Millard I ‘if 1 - more, X ‘lt. Foristcr, A-.'G. Hawes, Richard M % Jidinspu, Gove Johassn, Luke Lea, James K. l’olk, James Siandifr, Samuel. Bunch and W. igi Inge. Those in italics helong to tly,’ Tennessee and ( legation. ‘ * . J The committee ajipointcd umler the resohi- Reported, on the 25th-February, a bill to effect “1 ts object. (|see jingo 358.) AC'iiyif 1832, which was prpjiosed to he extenduil, gives to surveying officers, non. commissiqAed officers, mttsiftans', soldiers and Indign spies of the old continental line,or State troops, volunteers, or muffin, who hare served <U otic more terms two years during the war of the Revolution, and have not been provided for by the act of 1828, the amount of his full pay in said line, according to liis rank, hut not in any case to exceed a captain’s pay, during his natural life, those who have served a less than six months proportionate pay dining life— from tlie 4th of March, 1831. Next, as lie appeared in 1836 AOAINST THE OLD RE VOLUTION ERF. At page 360 of the House Journals of Con gress for 1836, it will he found that the hill No. 353 was introduced “to extend the provis. ions of an act entitled an act for the relief of certain surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution.” At page 1,045, same Journal, it will be found that tlie question being put as to wheth er this bill should be put upon its final passage, the vote stood: yeas 89, nays 56— Franklin Pierce voting in the negative. At page 1,040, will be found that, a motion being made to lay this hill upon the table, the vote upon the motion to lay on the table stood: yeas 68, nays 111— Franklin Pierce voting in the affirmative. Oltt tOIKTRt'S GOOD IS OlttS. At pages 1047-48, it will be found that the plain question being upon the same hill, “Shall tho BUI jiassl the votes: yeas 109,.nays 75 Fraimin Pierce voting in the negative. AGAINST THE WIDOWS. Thc aclof 1838 gives to widows of officers, &c., entitled to pensions under the net of June ,7, 1832, married prior to tlie % expiration of the last period of said officers, j&c., service, and “before the Ist January, 1794, for five years after the 4th of March, 1836, the annuity or pension which might have been allowed to their husbands iu virtue of said act if living at the lime it was passed. In 1841 a hill passed tlie House of Repre sentatives to extend the act of 1838 above ntentiqned, and when it reached the'Senate it was resisted.by Mr. Pierce. The Senate de bates for 1841,'as published in the “Congres sional Globe,’-’ page 1J7,-show’ that General Pierbe made a spcech.ou tfie 25th July, 1841, in which he thus states his position on tfid passage, of that. act. In reply to Mr. Bcrrten/ he said: ‘ “That Senator, ( < Mr. Berrien,) it seemedto him, could not have been apprised of the-firo gress of revolutionary pensions, lip- rose now to state what that progress had been, and to show from history, from legislative ac tion, from documentary evidence the danger which must inevitably arise from a list of pen, sions for civil service. He could Hot adduce , more conclusive evidence that lie took his stand upon principle in this case, than-by ad 'verting to his course at the lust session of Congress, when a bill, from tlie House of Itepz resentfttive, extending the law of 1838, was under consideration. With a single exception ho stood alone among the members from New England in resisting the passage of that law.’ The act of 1836 gives five years, half pay. to widows or orphans of officers, non-com missioned officers, soldiers, &c., who have died in the service of the United States since the llOlh April, 1818. It also extends the benefits of the act of June 7,1832, to widows or children of officers, Sgc., who have died since the 4th of March, 1831. And now we are irresistibly inclined to ask the reader what conclusion be is di iven to as to the liberality, the magnanimity, and the lofty patriotism of .General Franklin Fierce? What does ho think of his appealing to tax payers against .the few remaining old pa triots who bought our liberties w ith their blood, and the w idows and children of-those who had lost ‘their lives, and could not longer pro tect or provide for those deafer to them than life, who at home suffered :is much as theHol diers in the field so gloriously.defending thoir Country? “We di lose the chapter, and pause for a reply. , lion. C, J; Faulkner. This gentleman is a Whig member of Con gress ‘from Virginia,’ and is one of the Whig “Secretaries,” who refused to support Scots, and xvas tor FjllmCre. He delivered a power ful speech in Congress on the 2nd tuf.,'tt'hlch we have before uS in pamphlet form, and from which we take the following closing paragraphs; There Was, it seems, one fatal objection to his (Mr. Fillmore’§) noininatiorf, nud-tliat ob - jeetion is alike.fatal to the nationality -of the whig party, lie had approved the Fugitive sjtave Jaw-, and he had, it/ the dfsehitege el liis oifieial'ffuty, reqiiii ed'it. to he faithfully 1 xi eu ted. Fffr tfeV he waJ sacrificed. Yes, fell it i"ftjpTath; it in. the'street, of Askelpr ’ *fliatjftlln)qfe'was decrnedNinilvoiiable by the whig, party bOeansj he lu-td tipjirovod, and caused to-be executed; the fugitive slave law. For the submission of Ids judgment, to the of Ids country, and for his rebel lion to tlie “hlgfior those mighty iq tin of the .\ortii—S c naYd (J inron an and Vin ton —array their disciplined battalions against him. lii vain did the whig*: of the South strug gle jn his behalf; in vain did they, four days and nights exhibit an unbroken font, and any to their northern, allies. We present a man from your section*’ whose only offence —if offence it be—is, that, lie has obeyed the constitution, and accorded to ns our rights. Their appeals were spurned. The decree had gone forth: Let him die. Let his fate he an example hereafter to all northern statesmen who dare to pander to a slave catching poli cy. Can there ho unity or nationality in a party wherediscord reigns upon such vital in terests? Is this a question upon which south, era whig! can agre to disagree with their northern allies ? Is is sufficient to tell mo that the platform recognizes the bind ing efficacy of that law? 1 have already shown, from the mnnner of its adoption, how little confidence can lie placed in it as a rule of party action; and besides, mere paper roso lotions, when they stand alone, are airy, un stantiounl wotliingnem. ‘1 hey are salt without its savour—bodies without souls. The nomi ination is the living, breathing, nrinmting principle that, imparts life to the object, and nssures us there is a reality in what we see. Tlie whig party might have been national ized, it might have been made powerful.— Had the compromise resolution been adopted under circumstances to give satisfactory as surance of its sincerity; and the distinguished representative of the principles embodied in thd resolution been triumphantly placed upon its pedestal; and had the northern wliigs ral lied to his supported the polls in a manner to testify that they had the hearts to honor and support, a man who had the firmness to main tain the constitutional rights of the south; then, indeed, a confidence might, have been inspired in their patriotism and fraternal sym pathies Unit M’ould in some measure have atoned tor years of hostility and warfare upon our institutions.’ But die opportunity is past; the nationality of the whig party is gone;’ sec tionalism rmlst forever predominate in its pre sent organization. ‘Scott nmy succeed, lie may become President. But success or de feat will now he alike fatal to it. Its inevita ble dertiny is to have ifs northern wing here after dnsht bed in tliis great abolition free-soil parts of that section. IpMition pf Webster on the Territorial f Question. The Georgian of yesterday lias shown Jiow easy it is to misrepresent the views of Mr. VV muster in regafd jo tlie territorial question. By extracting particuhy passages from his speeches, unaccompanied by the qualifying circumstances under which they were deliver ed, and a statement of his whole position, it is no difficult matter to make him, or, indeed, any other man, appear in the light of a.hitter opponent <qf the South. That he has uttered opinions on the subject of slavery which we, cannot, endorse, is frankly ‘admitted: Mr. Pierce ha 6 avowed similar sentiments, ex cept that he lias gOne much further in his ex pressions of hostility to our institutions, as m o shall take occasion'to show hereafter. So far, however, as relates to the new slave States tef be carved out of Texas, and to all the ter ritory now owned by the United States, the position of Mr. Webster is all that any Sou thern man can desire. Th’is-ywe 6hall jiro eeed to demonstrate. 1. Mr. Werstekls opposed to the acquisi tion of foreign territory to form now Stutes, whether the territory he free -or slave. In proof of this, m’o submit the following extract from a speech of his, delivered in the Senate in March, 1848, in regard to die Mexican wav. (See Oon. Globe, page 632,) “This war was waged for the purpose of creating new States, near the Southern por tion of the United States, out of Mexican ter ritory, and with such population as might he -found resident therein. I have ofipos'ed that against the acquisition of territory ,tq form new States. And this, sir, is not a mutter of sentimentality, which I am to parade before mass meetings, or before my constituents at home. It is with mo no matter of declama tion', Yegrhf, or expressed repugnance. It is matter of firm, miCliiingahle purpose, to yield to no-tprec sis circumstances that have occur red,’ok that I mhy consider likely occur; and, therefore, I Say, sir, that if I am asked to-day ’ whether, for the sake of peace, I Mill take a treaty.that brings tM r o new States into this Union .on its Southern bonndnry, I say no— distinctlyum! and I wish every man in the United Stales to understand that to be my judgment and my purpose. 1 have said on the southern boundary, because there the pre scht proposition takes its locality. 7 would say the same of the, western, the northern, the eastern, or any other boundary. I would re sist to-dat/ and tothe enXj here, and everywhere, any proposition to add an yfor vigil territory, on ihe south or west, north or Cast, to the Stairs of this Union, as. they are now constituted and held together under lie CormitldJon. Ido not want the colonies of Engl anil on the north. I as little desire the Mexican pojivlution on the Couth;’ To say, therefore, that Mr. Webster is op posed to the acquisition of slave territory on ly, is to misrepresent him. His hostility is precisely the same to the acquisition of free territory. 2. Upon the foreign jirlnciple Mr. Web ster resisted the imiioxation of Texas (slave territory) and our recent acquisitions from Mexico (free.) Yet he is determined to act up to tlie Resolutions by which Texas muis brought into the Union. Those resolutions contain the following provisions: “New States, of convenient size, not ex ceeding four in number, in addition to the said State of Texas, and having sufficient pop ulation, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, he formed out of the territory flioreof, which shall be entitled to admission nnder the provisions of tlie Federal Constitution. — And such States ns may he formed ont of that pnrtipn of said Territory lying South of 36 deg. 30 min;, North latitude, commonly known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall he admitted into tlie Union, with or without slavery, ns the people of each State asking admission may desire; and in such State or States as shall he formed out of said Territory North of said Missouri Com promise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime,) shall ho prohibited.” It his great speech delivered tlie 7th of March, 1850, Mr. Webster quotes the fore going provision, and jiroceeds to ask , “Now what is here stipulated, enacted, se cured? It is that all Texas south of 36 30, which is nearly tlie whole of it, shall he ad mitted into the Union as a sluve State, it u-a# a j Terms—s£ oo in advance, } s:t OO at the end of the year. slave State, and therefore came in as a slave State—and that neM- States shall be made out of it., and such Stales as arc formed out of that portion of Texas lying South of 36 30 may come in as a slave States to the number of four, in addition to the State in existence, and admitted at that time by these resolutions.— * * I kuoM’ no M ay, I candidly’ confess, in whjch this Government, acting in good faith, as J trust it always trill, can relieve itself from that stipulation and pledge, by any honest course of legislation whatever. And, there fore, I say again that, so far as Texas is con cerned, in the M’liole of Texas South of 30 deg. ‘3O min., which, I suppose, embraces all the territory capable of slave cultivation, there is no land, not an acre, the character of which is not established by law, a law which cannot be repealed without the violation of a contract, and plain disregard of the public faith.” Mr. Webster therefore stands upon the re cord pledged to tho admission of four addi- Jjonal slave States from Texas. 3.His position is not less satisfactory in re gard to the Territories of New Mexico and Utah. In the speech from M’liich n’e have just quoted, he said: “And I will say fur ther, that if a resolution, or a law, were now before us to provide a territorial government for New Mexico, I would not vote to put any prohibition into it whaterer.” But this is not all. The hills organizing terrritoal govern ments for Utah and NeM’ Mexico (a portion of the Compromise) contain the following provision: “And provided further, that when admitted as a St ate the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall he received into the Union with or-without slavery, ns their Consti tution flirty prescribe at the time ot their ad mission.” “This provision, it will be observed, and the act for the nddmission of Texas, upon the same subject, are identical; and Mr. Web stivß, ns a Law-abiding Man, as well as a Compromise’ Man in the highest and best senior, is ns fully committed to tlie one as to the other.” Such, then, is the position of Mr. Webster. He is opposed to all foreign acquisitions, whether of free or slave territory. He is pledg ed to the admission of four slaveholding States to be carved out of Texas. He is pledged also to the admission oT Ncm- Mexico and Utah as States, with or u ithout slavery, as the people inhabiting them at the time may desire. He is also a fiiend of the Compro mise and-of the Fugitive Slave Lam\ So fur, therefore, as relates to the present territory of Ihe Uip ted States, his jiositioii is invulnera ble. It is only in regard to future and foreign acquisitions that he can he opposed—and .those M'ho oppose him must first become the advopatesof suelr acquisitions. j* More Capers. —A. H. StepbrtfiCono of the “cinitnifkerous politicians” of that “can tankerous State Georgia has fulfilled the jire diction M’e made some weeks ago, and come out for Scott and Graham. So, at least, tho telegraph s&srs. He is the same person Mho got tip file pronunciamento against Scott short ly after his nomination, Which was signed by himself and Toombs, and in which was stat ed the idea that lias since been used as a strong'holt inthe democratic quiver, that Gen. Scott took the nomination with tlie platform, :is a man M ould accept an estate, M ith its in cumbrances. We have no doubt Stephens justifies his last change by arguments quite as ingenious as those on which lie placed his previous movement. The ambition ot Ste phens and Toombs seems to. he that of little hoys making sand hills —to create merely to destroy. They arc constantly leading off holiest folks into some separate and indepen dent organization, which they are first to abandon, leaving dupes to get out of the scrape as well as they can. It is a marvel, and shoM-s how deeply infatuated jicoplcmay he made by politico—that such loaders should ever have any followers. — N. O. Delta. (ffT You have been misled, Mr. “Delta.” Mr. Stephens is still dead against Gen. Scott —dead against the Fm-soilers who support him—dead ogainstGen. Pierce—dead against the abolitionists who support him—blit per fectly alive in Lis advocacy of die election of Dni.iel Webster! Parson Brow Blow on Pierce. The eccentric editor of the Knoxville (Tenn.) IFAig, Parson Brownlow, has been one of the great guns of the Democratic press since the nomination of General Scott. He has boe'H cited from week to M eek as author ity for the statement that 10’OCO Tennessee Wliigs will follow his example and vote for Fierce. The Whig of the 7th instant, how ever, shows that the Parson is not to he re lied upon in this particular, for, after reciting certain of Pierce’s votes in Congress, he re marks : “We cannot rote for, or support, such ‘an unfelling and cold-blooded Yankee as ‘this.” “Cold-blooded Yankee” Thct, lie it re membered, is Parson Bbownlow’s epithet ns applied to General Pierce. The Union has of late replenished its columns ireqtienlly with phrases coined by our reverend eotempo rary. Will it remember this ! NO. 20.