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Tribute to Henry Clay.
A recent number of the Richmond Enquir
er contains along letter from Thomas Ritchie,
Esq., late the veteran editor of that paper, re
lating many interesting incidents of Mr. Clay’s
life, and especially ofhiS agency in establish
ing the great compromise of sectional difficul
ties which was the crowning glory of his well
spent life. Mr. Ritaliie has been on terms of
intimate personal friendship with Mr. Clay
wheil both were young; but political opposi
sion engenered asperities of feeling,-which, foi/
many years, had interrupted their social vl
tercourse, till 1850, their patriotic feel/ng (
prompted them to co-operate in seeking to
avert the dangers which seemed to menace
the safety of the Urtion. Mr. Ritchie says:
“On the evening of the 10th of February,
General Bayly and myself waited on Mr. Clay
at his room, in the National Hotel. It was
one of the most remarkable interviews which
ever took place in this city. He received us
with the most winning courtesy and kindness.
He treated me as if no unpleasant relations
had ever existed between us. He expressed
the profound interest which he took in the
leading questions of the day, and the anxie
ties he felt about the Union itself. He regret
ed that I had formed so unfavorable an opin
ion about his resolutions, and said that he had
fiiSen ‘hurried’ into their presentation by the
‘strong'Appeals 1 had addressed to Congress.
“We then proceeded to a critical analy
sis of his resolutions of Compromise. We
commented on the policy which it was prop
ef ’fo pursue in relation to California. We
devoted some thne to the recognition which
be had virtually given, in his resolutions and
speech, of the Mexican Law, in respect to
slavery in New Mexico. I contended that the
South would never acquiesce in this feature,
because the recognition of the validity of the
Mexican Law, by the act of Congress, was
equivalent to the Wilmot Proviso. Upon
this point there was a great deal of ingenuity
and learning exhibited on the part of General
Bayly, as well as Mr. Clay, in which Gen.
B. sustained our view. So frank was our
Conference, and with such courtesy did he
dCmean’ hint self, that Mr.-Clay even received,
I with the utindst patience, the observation I
threw'out, that as it was necessary to strike
the Mexican Law from his resolutions, I had
been thinking how that object was to be ac
complished; and that I would respectfully sug-
Rest to him to follow his own precedent du
ring the Missouri controvesy, and move a coni
mittee of thirteen to whom the whole subject
should be referred, and settled at once—nev
er again to be disturbed. On the question of
Texas, Mr. Clay conversed with great frank
ness. ll,e saw there was great danger of
collision between the government of the Uni
ted States and the people of Texas—and he
spoke at some length of the boundaries which
Texas should possess, and the amount which
should be paid to her. Upon the passage of
a law for the restoration offugitive slaves, he
was most emphatic and decided. It was an
essential part of the system—and it would he
idle to attempt anything unless it were effec
tually to be provided for, He touched upon
the sale of slaves imported into the District
of Columbia. And in faetthere was no branch
of the subject on which the three persons pre
sent did not freely express their opinion, my
friend General Bayly taking a most actjye
and efficient part in the whole conversation.
There was but One sentiment among (hem on
one point—and that was, it was neuesary to
settle the whole subject at once mid forever,
in order to secure the peace, the union, and
the permanent prosperity of our country.
.“As I rose to leave the room, I asked Mr.
Clay if he did not understand him as saying
that the whole question was to be settled at
once, by a fair and liberal compromise—
“ Everything or Nothing?” He cordially as
sented to this idea. I then frankly asked him
whether, if nothing else cQuld be effected to
serve the Union, would he agree to the adop
tion pf the Missouri Compromise? He as
frankly replied, substantially, and nearly in
the words as follows:—“As far as I am per
sonally pqncpfned, J can have no objection
to the Missouri Compromise liqe, bpt I do pot
think it will be agreed to, npr do I spe what
the South is to gain by it If, however, it can
be agreed to, and if it be satisfactory, I will
, acquiesce in it for the sake of the public tran
quility.” After finally telling him than I
would see him again, if -it were necessary to
renew the conversation, we, took ,our leave.
“I peyer hayp seep any one conduet himself
with more frankness and dignity than Mr.
Cjay, during the “whole of this interview. I
left him, deeply impressed with his love of
couutry, his devotion to the Union, and the
conciliatory spirit in which he was attempting
to secure it. How superior did lie rise, above
all private feuds apd party-considerations!—
W ith what indefatigabld zeal, and with what
indomitable spirit, did he pursue the great nb
| ject he had in view! Rut bis numerous speech
es, elaborate a weji as impromptu, bear wit
ness to his. energy, ability, and devotion to
the Union. The labors of the day, and the
vigils of the night, were consecrared to the ob
ject—until at last his constitution’began to
give way, and the foundation was laid ofjhat
fatal disease, which has sent him to the tomb,
a martyr in the public service.
Yet Mr. Clay was as fortunate in his death
as he,was in his life. He died amid all the
consolations of religion, with the respect of
his country and the severe regrets of many a
man who had been once his political enemy.
He died after having seen the Compromise,
to which he'had devoted the last years of his
life, adopted as the platform of both convep
tiam&of both political parties.”
/ / From the Southern Banner.
J*ill you Return as Slaves to your Soqth
’ ern Rights Masters.
The attempt made by a small portion of
the Union democrats recently assembled at
Atlanta to surrender the great body of their
Union Democratic brethren to the’ dominion
of the secession faction, imparts to the above
question a grave am) absording interest. Ip
characterising the proceedings at Atlanta, as
a surrender to wrong and oppression, to which
no freeman should think, for a moment, of
submitting, we are borne out by the whole
history of the transaction.
1. The very object for which the meeting
was called, as indicated in the card of the
Union Executive Committee who called it,
was to re-unite the two divisons of the demo
cratic party of Georgia upon the sole basis of
“ conciliation and compromise.” The words
of the committee are.
“By the time that this proposed meeting
shall assemble lye shall know in what spirit
our movements for conciliation and compro
mise will be received by the friends and sup
porters of the Electoral picket now in the
field.”
Evidently alluding to the proposition which
had just been made in the letter of Gov. Cobb
for a re-organization of the electoral ticket ip
such a manner as that both divisions of the
party might be fairly represented upon it, and
leaving the palpable inference upon every ra
tional mind, that unless this just and reasona
ble proposition should be acceded to on the
other side, the Union democrats should put
forth an electoral ticket to which they might
rally in vindication of their rights and honor.
The failure to put up a Union democratic
ticket after the other Fora compromise ticket
had been rejected, was, therefore, not the
feast to which Union democrats were invited
at Atlanta. Unless we greatly underrate both
their spirit and their good sense, they wil) re
fuse to partake of it at the ballot box in No
vember.
2. It was intended as a practical surrender
OGLETHORPE, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, OGTORER 8, 1852.
from the known fact in the history of elections
that the mass of the voters never remain neu
tral, and, having no ticket in the field to rep
resent their peculiar sentiments and feelings,
very naturally resort to the one or the other
of those which are before them as a mere
choice between evils. The practical result of
the omission to put forth a Unioneietora) tick
et, will, therefore, be to throw the Union demo,
crats upon the necessity of voting the present
secession ticket, or of refusing to vote at all.
No man enn doubt to which one of these al
ternatives the proceedings at Atlanta lead.
3. It was a surrender not only without au
thority—in direct contradiction to the very
object for which the meeting was called; but
it was a surrender by a mere handful of men
who had no light to commit the great body
of the Union democracy to such an act of
degradation. 8o far from turning out to be
the “Mass Meeting” of the party, called by
the executive committee, we have not heard
the whole nujnber of persons present estima
ted higher than two hundred and fifty nor less
than titty. It was about upon a par with the
Sco)t meeting, which assembled there a few
days before, and upon the most favorable cal
culation, fifty in number less than the great
mass meeting of three hundred which we learn
recently- met at Boston to nominate Daniel
Webster for the Presidency. We adduce
the smallness ot the number to prove that
they had not the warrant of numbers to over
rule the spcific objects for which the meeting
was called, and this vve aver from the record
to have been, first a “compromise” ticket be
tween the two wings, and secondly, in fail
ure thereof, to nominate,one for which Union
democrats might vote consistently with their
rights as members of the democratic party of
Georgia, entitled to a fair representation upon
ticket in support of the national democratic
nominations.
4. As if to make the surrender more glar
ing and unjust, we are informed that the meet
ing “condemns the policy of the Southern
Rights wing of the party in refusing to com
promise the electoral ticket.”
Thus it is that, after having met for the
avowed puspose of affeetjng a compromise
ti jket, and after having so reasonable a de
mand rejected by the secessionists, they come
to the conclusion to pocket the wrong, and
either to vote for those who inflicted it,, or to
piece the great body of theirpolictical friends
under fho .rnofal necessity of doing so! •In
stead of carrying oitt the noble maxim of Gen.
Jackson “ask nothing but what is right and
submit to nothing that is wrong,” they have
improved both upon his wisdom and his spirit
by stopping in the middle—they have dared
to ask what is right, but being refused, have
concluded that it was best to submit to what
is wrong, when it was in their power to have
protected themselves against their oppressors!
The question presented at the of this article
for the consideration of tlie great body of
Union democrats, now recurs. “Will they
return as slaves to their Southern Rights mas
ters?” who in a separate Convention, and a
time when the two wings of the party were
at war upon questions growing out of the
Compromise, put forth an electoral ticket of
their own exclusive choicq—composed exclu
sively (with but one single exception in Mr.
Flournoy? of men of their wing of the party;
and which they obstinately refuse to remodel
upon the principle of compromise or mutual
concession, the only principle of party re
union that can be tolerated by.freetnen.
A New Hampshire Democrat’s opinion of
lien. Pierce.
The Manchester American 4’ Messenger
brings to light a precious document written
some years-since by tlie celebrated Isaac
Hill of New Hampshire, who knew Pierce
well, and who gives him, we doubt not, his
true character, faithfuly delirieated. Itshould
be rtad in connection with the hold and bare
faced statements made by Pierce to Judge
Tarpely about bis New Boston speech, and
by which lie fully sustains the character
given him .by Hill:
From the Manchester American A Messenger.
Isaac Kill and Frank Fierce.
Perhaps no nmn for the last twenty-five
years, until the nomination of Gen. Pierce,
was so extensively known in New Hamp
shire as Isaac Hill. F'or years lie w’as the
king supreme of the State, and dictated from
his editorial sanctum at Concord the creed of
the party.
Forty years after he entered Concord an ob
gcurejourneyman printer, he entered it again
amid the acclamations of its citizens, as tho
Governor elect of the State. During that
time, he had been a member of both houses
of Congress, of tho legislature of this State,
of the Governor’s Council, and had held the
second auditorship of tho Treasuary at Wash
ington. It is not for us to commend his
principles in the main, but we early learned
to respect the man for his generosity, his fear
lessness and candor.
In his New Hampshire Patriot, lie some
times uttered some truths respecting the then
“Col. Pierce,” which it may be refreshing for
some people to know. Ho declared that tlie
“degenerate ex-Senator’s whole political in
fluence was based on tho character of his
OIR COCKTRY’S GOOD IS 01RS.
father.” In a subsequent number he inser
ted an article from which we make an ex
tract :
“All we have to say is, that if the honest
farmers, mechanics and workingmen of Mer
rimack and Hillsborough counties are willing
to take their political opinions from (Frank
Pierce) who does more than make merchandise
of the laws, and oppress and ruin his neighbor
for the sake of gain, we will say that their
and our fathers fought against foreign tyrants
only that their children might choose a worse
tyranny under demagogue lawyers at home.”
In the same number is an article which we
present for the edification not only of New
Hampshire but those of all parts of the Union.
Mr. Hill was replying to a charge made by
“Col. Pierce” that ho had sold the State of
New Hampshire to John Tyler, who is now
resting in the bosom of the Democracy.
“Frank Pierce !—lt is understood that
Frank Pierce, in his addresses to the people,
makes Isaac Hill pretty much the burden of
his song. Wlmt would Frank Pierce have
been in New Hampshire if he had not been
helped by the influence of Isaac Hill ? This
man, who had repeatedly disgraced himself
and his State at Washington by bis drunken
sprees, and who, although no President of the
New Hampshire Temperance Society, with
in the last few weeks has proved that he has
not forgotten his old habits ; this man who
resigned his office of Senator for a few months
before the close of the session for the purpose
of taking up the business of pettifogging and
increasing law suits and expenses of litiga
tion at the capital of tlie State, (see his writ
in another place ;) this man who condemns
redical tests in some places and supports and
defends redical tests in other places ; this
man, who helped John P. Hale and Charles
Lane to plunder the Treasurer at Washington
of thousands of dollars; this man who has
subscribed his name to hundreds of election
eering letters by writing <fF', Pierce,” as a
Senator of Congress, repeating a lie every
time he thus writes it, that he now is what he
is not; this man has recently in effect, repea
ted the charge from a lying tongne perhaps
for the hundredth time, that the opposition to
Henry Hubbard in this State originates in
the promjse of Isaac Hill made at Washington
to sell the State of New Hampshire as a
consideration for a contract for blanks,
wrapping paper and twined”
This must suffice fbr the present. Hav
ing observed how contempoary Democrats
estimated the present candidate for the Presi
dency, and not having seen the encomiums
copied into Mr. Barstow’s Life of him, we
have taken the liberty to supply the deficien
cy by extracts. IY/hese shall lie appreciated
we will fuynish more of the same sort.
The Fierce Democracy in Coalition with
the Abolitionists.
We call particular attention to the follow
ing article which we clip from the New York
Courier 4’ Enquirer. Let every Southern
man ponder well upon the‘facts here brought
to light, and them ask himself, in all sinceri
ty, if he can consistently sustain a party so
daugersqus to the interests, not only of the
South, but-of the entire confederacy:
Most of our readers will remember the
declaration publicly -made by the Mayor of
Lynn, soon after the Boston Fugitive Slave
riots, that he would never nsehis official pow
ers to protect those who should undertake to
execute the fugitive slave law within his ju
risdiction. It. was virtually a manifesto to
all rioters and lawless men that, so far as his
municipal authority could apply, they were
privileged to break the laws of tlie laud with
impunity. He even went farther, and person
ally labored to infuse through the community
a spirit of insubordination. He presided over
a public meeting in which a resolution was
passed that “obedience to the fugitive slave
law is wrong,” and a pledge made “Jo akl nei
ther directly or indirectly in its execution.”—
Such recreancy to official duty justly excited
the indignation of all law-abiding men, and
covered the name of George Hood with en-.
during reproach. The individual has been
nominated by the Pierce and King Democrats
of the Salem District as Representative to.
Congress.
This case is a specimen o,f the political
profligacy of tho democratic party of Massa
chusetts. That party is ready to form any
alliance, to adopt any expedient, to go any
length, for tho attainment of power. Its
coalition last year with tho abolitionists,
through which Charles Summer, the most
dangerous of nil agitators, was sent, to the
United States Senate, was one of tlie most
flagitious transactions in our political histo
ry. And yet venal ns it was, the same trans
action will, if possible, lie repeated this year.
It will be done less directly, but not less un
scrupulously. A Presidential election is at
hand, and the acting of the party in Massn-.
chusetts affects important interests elsewhere
which it was not necessary to take into ac
count last year. Therefore it is, that in con
vention they have gone thro’ the formality of
approving and ratifying the Compromise;
and yet their party machinery is all so set
to renew their coalition with the Abolitionists,
whenever the occasion demands. Their can
didate for Governor was last year a free-soil
democratic candidate for Congress; their first
candidate for elector at large voted for Mr.
Sumner last year, as did also several mem
bers of the newly appointed State Cmmittee;
and the first candidate they have nominated
for Congress is the nullifier referred to above.
The most strenuous and artful exertions are
being made to defeat the Whig State ticket,
and prevent a Whig majority in the Legisla
ture; and judging by the general tone of both
the Democratic and the abolition papers, it
is taken for granted that, if this is eflected
another alliance between the two parties will
be made, by which the democratic nominee
will be chosen Governor of the Legislature,
and a free-soiler sent to the United States in
place of John Davis, whose term expires on
the fourth of March next. Such is the
present aspect of the canvass in Masssacliu
setts.
From what part of the Democratic lines
throughout the Union do we hear any de
nunciation of these movements ? All over
the South, the Democratic presses are pour
ing forth most unmeasured obliquy upon Gen.
Scott because of his free-soil friends: and yet
nowhere.from Maine to California can thore
he found the slightest concert of action be
tween tlie wliigs and the free-soil parties,—
lour Sumners, your Chases and your Wades
are sent to the Senate through, the agency of
the democrats, and by means which the Wings
reject with utter contempt. The Whig par
ty send to Congress none but represntatives
of their own political principles. If agitators
are found within the walls of the national
capitol, Whig are not responsible for it. If
the free-soil party of the North is to acquire
an importance disproportionate to its inhe
rent strength, it withby means of leagues
formed with it against the Whig party. Jn
this way alone, can it ever become formida
ble. What confidence then, is to be reposed
by the South in a political organization that
is capable of such things: What are profes
sions of fidelity to the Compromise worth,
from politicians who are read}’, under cer
tain circumstances, to ply every effort to send
men to Congrest who will make it their sole
vocation to make war upon that Compro
mise? In the name of nil that is rational
and consistent, in the name of every principle
that goes to make up a principle, and every
principle that goes to make up a character,
we ask, what gives cohesion to the bond of
union between the Pierce and King men of
Massachusetts and the Perce and King men
of South Carolina, unless it bed common ea
gerness for common plunder?
Mr. Stephen’s Speech.
According to previous notice, the Hon. A.
11. Stephens addressed a large portion of
his fellow-citizens in this place yesterday, upon
the subject of the approaching Presidential
Election. Wo have pot room this week for
an extended notice of this speech, us we are
about putting our paper to press. For more
than two hoprs Mr. Stephens, entertained
one of the largest audiences that ever assem
bled in this place on a similar occasion. Tlie
speech of the Hon, gentleman we have no
doubt has produced a profound impression
upon every one who heard him. He survey
in a calm and dispassionate manner the posi
tion and prospects of the two great national
parties of the country, and all united in the
expression of the opinion that it was remark
able for the perfect fairness and honesty with
which the subject was treated- Mr. .Ste
phens gave Lis reasons for not withholding
his support from the nominees pf the Whig
and Democratic parties, and recommended to
his fellow citizens tlie Independent Ticket for
Webster ani> Jink ins, because the nomina
tion of that ticket is a declaration of revolt
against these irresponsible conventions and
party tyranny. Wo will endeavor to give
our readers the outlines of this speech in our
next.—\¥c siting ton (Jazftte.
The Dead Bouse* ol’ St. Ber
nard.
In the summer of 1831, Alexander Dumas,
the celebrated French author, after ar, attack
of.cholera, quitted Paris for a tour in Swit
zerland for the benefit of his health. He lias
recently published a rnninisceiiee of this tour,
under the general title of “The Glazier Land.”
In it, he has noted down the impressions
made upon his mind by the most remarkable
places be visited, and the most singular char
acters witli whom lie came in contact. Every
chapter affords scope for extract, but wo se
lect the following accounts of the “Dead-
Houses of St Bernard,” which, though often
described by travellers, have never before
beee given in so brief a space, with so many
graphic circumstances, and such vivid power:
Wo continued our walk without further ob
jection for tho space of half an hour, dragged
along by our mules, and knee deep in snow,
till all at oneo Le Sussy. cried out, “A house!”
We all abandoned the tails of the mules, and
ru'hcd forward to see it, wandering why our
muleteers had said nothing about it.
“Perhaps you don’t know what house tint
is?” said the guide in-chief.
“Were it the devil’s house, we’ll enter and
rest ourselves for a moment”
Entrance was not difficult, for there were <
) Tchiis~sS OO in advance,
i $3 OO at the end of the year.
I j neither doors nor windows. We called: no
one answered.
“Ay, call,” said the guide: “if you awake
those who sleep here, it will be strange.”
In fact, the calrin seemed quite deserted.—
However, if afforded some sort of shelter, and
we resolved to rest a few moments, and shako
the snow from our garments.
“If there is a chimney we couldmake a fire,”
said one.
“And if we had some wood ”
“Let us grope for the fire-place;” and De
Sussy extended his hands. “Comrades!” lie
exclaimed, “a table!” But these words were
followed by a cry, half fear, half surprise.
“Well, what is the matter?”
“There is a man lying on the table. I
have hold of his leg.”
“A man!”
“Well, shake him, and rouse him up.”
“Hallo! friend, hallo!”
“Gentlemen, said one of the guides, advan
cing to the opening of the cabin, “no jokes
here, if you please. This is no place for them.
It would bring misfortune upon all of ue—
you as well ns us,”
“Where are we, thou?’’
“In one of the dead-houses of St. Bernard !”
and lie withdrew his hand from the ojiening,
and rejoined bis comrades, without uttering
another word. But the greatest orator could
not have produce a more startling, effect on
us than those few words. We all stood pet
rified, as if nailed to the spot.
“Well, friends, let us have a look, at all
events,” said De Sussy, at last, and he took
out the match box. Tlie match crackled in
the darkness, then a feeble light dawned
through the gloom, by which vve observed three
corpses—one laid on n table, the others crouch
ed in opposite corners of the cabin. Then
the match went out, and all was obscurity
once more.
The operation was renewed, only this time
we all made rolls of paper, and lit them at
the transcient blaze. Then commenced Hn
examination of the place, holding in our linnds
other matches ready to light.
One must have stood in our position, face
to face with those ghastly phantoms, to com
prehend our sensations at tlie moment—seen
the livid distorted features, the hideous grima
ees of deatii, by the flickering light of our im
provised torch—have felt as we did, that at
any momenta like terrible fate might be our
own—to umlerstandjully why tlie cold sweat
stood on each brow; and wc fled from tho
appalling scene more rapidly even than wo
would have hastened to repose and shelter.
Dumas subsequently visited the Dead-
House of tlie Hospice,” his account of which
is as graphic and no less impressive than tin*
above:
We traversed the forty paces that led to
tlie dead-house of the Hospice,of St. Bernard.
And what a spectacle presented itself to our
eyes, we looked through the huge ojien win
dows of tho vast sombre vault, a sight more
singular or more horrible could not be imag
ined. We beheld a large, low hall, lit by a
single window, the ground covered with a bod
of dust a foot and a halt deep—human dust!
This dust, which seemed like tlie dense wave*
of the Dead Sea, that supports the heaviest
objects on its surface, xfas strewed with a
multitude of bones—human hones! And up.
on these bones—some erect, some crouched
against the wall, grouped with the strange in.
telligence of chance, each with the expres
sion or in the i.ttitudc that death had suprised
them, on their knees, or with outstretched
arms, or heads lifted to heaven, or the fist
clenched and face bent down—were a hund
red and fifty corpses, with set teeth and w ide
open eyes, and in tlie middle of them a wo
man, a poor woman frozen to death in tho
act of suckling her child, and looking now, In
the ghastly circle that surrounded her, like a
statue of maternal love.
The chamber contained all this human dust,
bones, and corpses; and at the window of
this chamber, in the full light of the bright
sun, were a group of young, fair, female
faces, in which flashed the life of scarcely
twenty years, contemplating the livkl forma
in which life had been extinct for ages.
Strange contrast! one will ever haunt my
brain—ever! that poor dead mother suckling
her dead child!
Webster and Jenkins. —Judge Hill ad
dressed the people of Atlanta, en Saturday
last, in support of Webster and Jenkins.
The Rome (Gn) Courier predict* that there
w ill he n large accession to tho ranks of the
supporters of Webster and Jenkins in. the
Cherokee county, inasmuch ns the Southern
Lights people would not consent to reorgan
ize their ticket.
A dispatch from Boston, dated 20th inst.,
says't
“The friends of Mr. Webster rallied in strong
force at Art Union Hall this evening, and a
Webster Club was organized—Gen. John 8.
Tyler being chosen Presklent. George T.
Curtis was tlie most prominent among til*
speakers.
Thirteen hundred emigrants arrived at
New York on Tuesday, from Europe, in font
different ships.
NO. 24.