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VOLUME IV. Xj^Qx^ Offlcial Qrgan of the Patrons of Husbandry. THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE IN CONSTI TUTIONAL CONVENTION. First nay's Session. Th 6 Convention, called for the pur pose of revising the Constitution of Georgia, assembled at the capitol, in this city, on Wednesday, 11th inffttbnt. Every delegate except two, was present. The following is ' a list of the dele gates, arranged by Congressional Dis tricts, in which form they will serve on the several oommittees: First Congressional District—A. R Lawton, J L Warren, J M Guerard, John Screven, W T Thompson, Waring Russell, A. G Smith, Stephen F Keller, H G Home, W R Gignilliat, W P Con ley, C C Grace, M L Mershon, J R Bachlott, W A McDonald, Neil McLeod, J C Deli, VV D Bran nen, H H Perrv, W B Jones, J B Heath, Seaborn Hall. Second Congressional District —Green Whiddeu, J D Knight, J Bryant Creech, B Cliauncy, Isaac H Haud, J B Twitty, Henry Gav, James L Seward, Augustus H Hansell, R R Jenkins, Ben E Russell. John E Donaldson. J S Clifton, Nel son Tift, John A Davis, L C Sale, David Goff, B P Burnett, S L Williams, B L Stephens. Third Congressional District—} M Spence, D P MeCrimmon, David Sapp, O P Swearingen, R W Anderson, M N Mcßae, George F Cooper. T M Furlow, Joseph Y Scott, A H Grier, J C Ellington, John H Itespass, W S Wallace, J L Wimberly, Isaac W Stokes, T L Guerrv, D B Harrell, William Wells. Fourth Congressional District —JohnT Glover, Jotiu T Longiuo, Hugh Buchanan, L H Feather stone, W A J Phillips, K D Bender, W A Little, Porter Ingram, Francis Fountalne, J W Hewed, J D Wliaou 8 W Harris, R L Rowe, S M Aubry, X L Hardy, L G Willis, W R Gorman, WI Hud son. J M Mobley. Fifth Congressional District —L J Gartrell, N J Hammond, P L Mynatt, John Collier, Ben E Crane, J T Spence, L M Tyo, R R Rogers, L J Wynn, M D Stroud, A VV Holcombe, B F Tharp, J M Davis, Eli Warren. B W Sanford, A D Ham mond, L A Ponder, W H H Bush, J A Hunt, T J Barrett, F D Dismuke, C 8 Westmoreland, E A Flewellen, John Diekey. Sixth Congressional District —F C Furman, Thomas F Newell, Thomas J Simmons, W A Lofton, W H Ross, John H McCallum, J C Key, A S Hamilton, J T Coney, James M. Pace, O 8 Porter, E B Rosser. T A Gibbs, Thomas G Law son R B Nisbet. E C Grier, Franklin Chambers, E J Coats, P W Edge. Seventh Congressional District —W T Wofford, John H Fitten. Abda Johnson, A K Wright, D B Hamilton, Nathan Bass, S Harkins James B Brown, E E Fields, N Lowe. J W Robertson, A G Mclntosh, G W Roberts, T G McFarland, R M Paris, J 0 Fain, W J Head, L N Trammell, W K Moore. Sam Carter, J G Denton, N J Tumlin. Eigh'h Congressional District— Paul C Hud eon, H It Casey, W H Mattox, W G Brady, D G Phillips, J G Cain, Adam' Johnston, George R Sibley, Robert H May, Charles J Jenkins, J D Mathews, W G Johnson. Miles W Lewis, Co lumbus Heard, D N Sanders. George F Pierce, C W Dulioee, J N Mercier, J H Hicks, Georgo F Bristow, John 8 Johnston R L Warthen, II N Hollifield. W M Reese, Robert I ombs. Ninth Congressional District —B A Camp, JJ J SbepparJ, M Graham, M Bryan, Pope Barrow, Andrew Jackson, Wier Boyd, A F Underwood, C J Wellborn, J G Stephens, W T Day, E J Henry, David Garren, W W Scott. S G Howell, R D Winn, Oliver Clark, T G Underwood. S II Moso ly, D O Osborn, Augustus Reese, Joshua Hill. The Convention was called to order at 12 m., by General Gartrell, of Fulton. On motion, Hon. T. L. Gaerry, of Quit man, was unanimously cbosen tempo rary chairman. He assumed the chair with brief and ■ appropriate remarks. After roll call the Convention went into permanent organization. Amid great applause, General Lawton, of Chatham, nominated Ex-Governor Charles J. Jenkins for President of the Conven tion by acclamation. The motion pre vailed with unanimous voice, and a committee of three was appointed to notify Governor Jenkins of his elec tion, and conduct him to the chair. Governor Jenkins assumed the chair amid enthusiastic applause, and pro- ceeded to address the Convention as follows: ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT JENKINS. Gentlemen of the Convention —We have as sembled to execute a most important trust, confided to us by a noble constituency and in volving immense responsibilities. Government is essential to sooiety and the progress of civil ization. It exists among the nations of the world in various forms, according to their vary ing ideas of expediency. In absolute monarch ies the will of the potentate is the law of the subject, for in him abide sovereignty and gov ernment. fnsuch a social organization all ideas of limitation and 'division of powers is excluded, but among us very different ideas of social polity obtain. We hold that the people are of a right, and must continue to be, sovereign. But, inasmuch as in a population so numerous as ours, spread over so great an extent of terri tory, the people cannot, in the nature of things, govern aggregately, the disposition is to dele gate to selected members of the body politic specific powers ; aud, inasmuch as the delega tion of all tlies3 powers to a single individual, or to a certain number ot individuals, for any time would not bo safe the pedient has been adopted of dividing and limiting them. Under such polity two distinct systems, or bodies, of law are necessary; one emanating directly from the people, providing for the appointment of certain agents or bodies of magistracy to con duct the government in its ordinary course, pre scribing the mode and manner of their appoint ment, prescribing their terms of service and delegating to each class its proper fuuotions and powers, and denominated fundamental, or Constitutional 1-w, T.i.o. o.tbvr sjiActed by one of the bodies of magistracy and ffhoject to be changed or abolished by them, regulating the conduct of men iu their mutual relations, de fining and proteoting the rights of persons and property, and providing means to carry on the government established by the people, aud de nominated statutory law. Although the fundamental law should be in its nature abiding, seldom subjected to change, in the progress of events, in the onward match of civilization, experience may demonstrate to the wisest people the necessity of changing the organization, or the mode of appointment, or the tenuro of one or all of tho bodies of migis traoy charged with the government of the State —of enlarging or curtailing the powers of one or all. Numerous and cogent reasons might bo as signed, showing the absolute propriety of mod ifying at this time tho Constitution of Georgia— soma drawn from tho authority by which and the circumstances under which it was constructed and adopted, others suggested by inherent de fects of the instrument. But here and now this would be supererogatory. The Legislature haviug submitted to tho people themselves whether they will or will not convene for the purpose of framing anew their Constitution, they, in their wisdom, have determined that they will, aud have doputed us to frame one and submit it for their consideration. [Applause. | It would bo equally inappropriate for me on this occasion to attempt even a sketch of such an instrument as would meet the exigencies of the times. In the discharge of this great duty you will, with such formalities as you may desire, hear suggestions, compare views, endeavor to har monize 0 inflicting opinions, and then digest the weighty matter of your earnest lucubrations. But i trust yon will receive kindly a few gener al suggestions, some of which, if adopted, will, I think, facilitate the great work upon which you aro entering, n&now the field of inquiry and promote concession and final agreement. First, then, the interests of the State at large, the grand body politic, should be 1 egardod as paramount to local considerations. The last, coming into conflict and persistently adhered to, sometimes defeat reforms far more important than all the antagonizing interests. The essential differeucebetween constitution al and statutory law, already alluded to, should be kept steadily in view. There are principles inherent to republican government indispensa ble to its success. There are acts which gov ernment (as distinguished from sovereignty.) should be commanded to perform ; and there aro acts to which government might be tempted by the urgency of ill-digested public opinion, but which, traced to final r.sults, imperil Eublic welfare, and whioh government should e prohibited from doing. These propositions are not stated for the purpose of covering the whole ground, bit for illustration, aud these and suoh like matters, lie properly within the pale of constitutional law. Again, there are matters of law which involve no great fundamental principle, whioh depend upon considerations of expediency growing out of evor varying circumstances and which, being tested, often call for speedy amendment or abro gation. There is such a thing as legitimate tentative legislation, and where experiment discloses error, repeal or modification should be prompt, easy and inexpeusive. By leaving out of tho fundamental law pro visions, either amendatory or prohibitory, which it should contain, too great latitude is given to legislative discretion and the omission to do what should bo done, or tho doing of what Hliouid not be done, may entail irreparable in jury- _ By including in the fundamental law matters whioh are proper subjects of statutory regula tion, you may render tbe assembling of the people in convention too frequent, and bring the Constitution itself into contempt. Both theso extremes should be carefully avoided. We live in a progressive age, but progress is sometimes in u wrong direction, sometimes too rapid, again at times, in particular interests, nuduly accelerated by the adoptionof measures inimical to tho general welfare. The doctrine generally maintained as to legislatures of the sovereign States of the American Union is, that they may make all laws which they shall deem necessary and.proper for the wolfare of Hie State, and whioh shall be consistent with th Constitution of the State and not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States. Indeefl, such a grant of power is incorporated exprosHy in the Constitutions of most of the States. It FRANKLIN PRINTING HOUSE, ATLANTA, GA., JULY 14, 1877. is so in that under which we live. Now, re curring to the spirit of progress before aliudod to, and comparing the legislation of Georgia in the early days of the Republic with tho scope of that of this day, it will, I think, be found (hr. . the Legislature has, in the recent past, dealt with the resources of the State, which are the pocke s of tho people, in a way never dreamed of in that earlier day. I may montion as an ex ample the plodging of tho public faith and cred it in aid of private enterprises. Those are often undertaken without slot adequate to the end, and credit is relied upon to supply the defi ciency. Asa question between borrower aud lender it may well be left to thoir discretion ; but when the latter demands and the former sues for State endorsement, it assumes anew an! startling aspect. Barriers against such legislation were deemed unnecessary in the time of slower, but surer, progress; it may well be considered whether they are not now essential! Tho proposition that in a popular sovereignty the education of the masses is a consideration of the highest moment, cannot be disputed. There are often measures proposed in advance of legislative action which have been advocated, and their opponents and the people are called upon to cast their votes for or against those measures, by voting for these advocates or their opponents. But many of the peoplo as are not sufficiently educated to weigh argume < pro and con., vote in the dark, cast vori- by personal favoritism only, which, neverthok count in making up the majority that passes for sovereign judgm nt upon grave measures of , State policy. It is sometimes said the eduoa- 1 tion of the masses is immaterial, because in i every country, in ev- y age, grave measures are original t and carried out few highly cultivated minds, may grant this to be oct. be given to it as a practical proposition. i iu popular sovereignties those loading must be placed in position to act by the suffrage of the masses, aud if that suffrage be east without reference to the theories or the pro posed policies of opposing candidates, the ballot decides no principle, in effect airA iity. A much lower standard of education will suffice to understand measures originated and explained, than that requisite to orginate and explain them. Bat there must be, to some extent, mental invigoration and enlargement by education ai processes—there must bo instilled into the mind some general political principles, by which the soundness of theories or measures proposed, may be tested. Aud that individual who has not been educated to this point, and it is not a very high one, or very difficult of attain ment, is unprepared for the exercise of the sov ereignty in which he participate!. ThereforY the State is in duty bound to take measures which will place such limited education within reach of the masses. (Applause.) If it be true thai reli ance must be lmd, at last, upon a few leading minds, it will not be questioned that those minds require a very high grade of education. They must be worked up to such vigor aud grasp of thought, and furnished with such stores of know ledge, as will enable them to investigate, and understand, and elucidate the most /hfficult problems of political science. And how is this to be obtained? Only in the higher institutions of learning—in those designated by the compre hensive title of universities, so-called, becauso they are supposed capable of teaching every thing that may be learned. I lay it dowiias a self-evident proposition, that every {fople claiming to be sovereign, and duly exercising tho attributes of sovereignty, should, and must, if tine to themselves, have such an mstitutiou. (Applause.) Tako Georgia for an example How else is she to be provided with those leading minds, who are to guide the masses through the intricate processes of government ? Well, you say that her youths must go, for this education to, and Become pupils of, universi ties in other States of the Union, or in foreign countries ! ltefleot, that they may there receive teachings incompatible with our ideas of good government. Rut look at tho proposition in another point of view. Reduce it to its last analysis, aud what is it ? Just this, that the sovereignty of Geor gia must remain forever under the pupilage of other sovereignties. Is this compatiule with the dignity—is it compatible with the honor of the Empire State of the South ? Will it be said that Georgia has now an univorsity ? Yes, she has an university, by name, but, trust me, it is in an embryo state. Its trustees have beou earnest in their endeavors to expand it, and give it the body aud the appliances of an university. But it is a most mortifying fact that the means are wanting. Without more liberal endowment tho obj ect cannot be accomplished. (Applause.) My fixed belief is, that Georgia will not be true to hersolf until she shall havo provided an ample endowment for common school and uni versity education. I know and foil the burdens of the people at this time, and I know and feel that, with tho heavy losses of property they have sustained, and witli the tremendous financial depression which perv&deH the country at this timo, an immediate aud full endowment of theso enterprises is not to be expected. But, I believe that a system oan be devised, by which these great objects can be accomplished within a few years, gradually, without increasing the pecu niary burdens now rosting on tho people, and I think you will agree with me that the gieat ob ject is worthy of the most serious consideration, [ Applause) I utter no caution against class legislation, or discrimination against oar citizens of African descent. I feel a perfect assurance that there is no member of this body who would propose suoh action, and if tliero was, he would soon find himself without a following. That portion of our population aro coming to see, and will soon realize, that those who once occupied a different relation to them, fully roooguize tho change that has elevated their civil status, and are, in truth, their best friends. [Applause.] It is unnecessary to speak of our Federal re lations. Those ore oroatod by, and well defined in, the Constitution of the United States. All right-minded men see and know that Georgia is observing striot fidelity to them, and, there"or, used make no uow pledges, assume no obliga tion*, upon that Constitution, h ntiroly outside of these relations, Georgia has a reserved sov- erekJty and a govornmo.;t to maintain. This is th| precise field of our labors, and there is in it aßpe enough for the grandest intellect and tliAdfit ardent patriotism. Limiting ourselves usMs sphere of action, keeping steadily in view, aa"Bv polar star, the reserved sovereignty of G?ia—looking to the enlightenment of her pcßlo, tho development of hor resources, and ha* ‘.eady progress in civilization—let us en- U@M>r to frame for her a Constitution, which generations of a remote future shall regard as tin palladium of their sacred liberty aud their utixmnding prosperity. “■Wilder you, gentlemen, my most gratef il acknowledgements for the high honor you have cdiferred by placing me in this chair. I shall •ig&post happy if, at the conclusion of vonr la fFs. yo'i feel no regret at the choice you havo Wftc of a presiding officer. Moro than a quarter q( a century has passed since I have had any experience in suoh a position, timo enough to have forgotten much of the limited parliamen t-iy knowledge I may then have acquired. I ciinot, therefore, promise you great efficiency A’act in the discharge of the duty devolving Won me. I can give you the most positive as- JmrSnco of a desire and purpose, as far as iu me r.cs, to be always right, impartial, just and cour teous. You can aid mo very much, gontlemen, and economize time and money, by striotly ob '"rving the rnlos you may adopt for your own government, and condensing whatever of avgu \ont you may feel inclined to offer to your as- Loiates, as far as may be compatible with your ]?ent e of duty. J The address was listened to with [profound attention. L-Cn motion, it was agreed to vote viva for secretary, doorkeeper and mes- L.ecger. - . A resolution fixing the total pay for clerical labor of the Convention at S3O per day, was adopted. , The election for secretary resulted in the election of Mr. J. C. Nesbit, of Dade, he receiving 110 votes; Mr. H. H. Cabanis3, of Monroe, his opponent, received 7 5 votes. On motion, Mr. A. Johnson, of Hart, was elected doorkeeper by acclamation. Mr. James R. Smith, of Coffee, was elected messenger. ’ After some farther discussion, the Convention adjourned to 5 p.m. AFTERNOON SESSION. 5 O’clock. The resolution in reference to draw ing of seats was acted upon, and mem bers were seated. After considerable discussion on tbe resolution to appoint a standing com mittee on constitutional amendments, and a consideration of various substi tutes offered therefor, the resolution offered by Mr. Matthews, of Oglethorpe, was put to the Convention and adopted. The resolution is as follows : Resolved, That in order to conveniently and efficiently transact the business of this Conven tion. the president be authorized to appoint thirteen standing committees of nine members eaoli, each congressional district to have ono representative on each of said eommittees, to consider the existing Constitution of this State, and to report upon the Bame, with such recom mendations as may be deemed necossary and proper, to-wit: 1. A eommitteo on the bill of rights. 2. A committee on tho legislative department. 8. A committee on tho executive department. 4. A committee on the judicial department. 5. A committee on elective franchise 6. A committee on education. 7. A committee on public institution. 8. A committee on finance, taxation and pub lic debt. a. A committee on militia. 10. A committee on counties and county offi cers . 11. A committee on homestead and exemp tions. 12. A committee on laws of general operation in foroe in this State. 13. A committee on amendments to the con stitution and miscellaneous provisions. Resolved, That a committee on tho order, consistency, and harmony of the whole Consti tution, be appointed by the President, to consist of two members selected from each of the said thirteen standing committees, to which final committee of revision the said thirteen commit tees shall make their reports. Tho President, by general consent, appointed Messrs. Harrell, Simmons, Wellborn, Lawton and Trammell, a committee to report rules for tbe gov ernment of the Convention, On motion, the Convention adjourned to 9 o’clock, a. m., Thursday. A farmer at Mount Sterling, Ken tucky, has obtained a fine sample of sugar from tho bloom of the common poplar tree. It is granulated in ap pearance and snowy in color. metallurgy and Practical Mining 111 Georgia. [From the Atlanta Independent.] Mr. Cross, who is mining for gold in Meriwether county, near Grant ville, thinks that he has the best amalgamating process in use in Georgia, and no doubt he has. Mr. Cross’s arrangement of copper plates is undoubtedly the best now in prac tical use, iu addition to which houses an amalgamating pan, in the bottom of which is kept a large quantity of quicksilver. The tailings are con veyed directly from the copper plates to this iron pan, where they are stirred by mullers that just scrape the top of the quicksilver. The tailings are discharged continuously through plug holes in the side of the pan, and this, Mr. Cross thinks, is almost perfect amalgamation. Asa result, he gets 25 dwts of gold in the amalgamator to every 100 dwts on the plates. What must other mills lose where the ar rangement of plates is less perfect, and no means used to save gold that the plates do not catch. But Mr. Cross loses more than he saves. A thorough amalgamation would give him two hundred penny- Weights in the amalgamator to every 100 dwis on the plates. He does not claim that he get* nearly all the gold, but claims some credit for doing better than any one else does. Mr. Cross claims that his gold is coarse, so that the ore does not re quire to be pulverized as fine as some other ores, aud that it is more easily saved. In this he is surely mistaken. The ore pans well and shows a great deal of coarse gold, but there is a corresponding amountof fine gold, and the fine gold he does not save by his method of working. Some of the Meriwether ores have more coarse gold than others, but ores called very lean, are really rich in fine gold, which could be saved as easily as the coarse, by a thorough amalga mation. From ores containing only fine gold, nothing, or nearly nothing, is baved on copper plates, or by the common method of amalgamation. But if the ore is ground fine, and every particle of it brought in contact with mercury, the fine gold will be more readily taken up than the coarse gold would have been. If the ore is free from sulphur there will be uo trouble, but if it contains sulphur it must be roasted until it is entirely free. To roast the ores thoroughly, they must first be thoroughly pulverized and then roasted in suspension. This is the cheap and quick way of desulphur izing them, and in fact the only way of doing it perfectly. It is to be hoped that a mill will soon be at work in Atlanta, where these principles can be fully and satisfactorily demon strated. The writer has tried all these various methods of working ores, and writes now from a knowl edge gained by experience. A great deal is lost by not concentrating the ores. The mechanical operation, first, is picking, stamping and washing the ores. The chemical is, the roasting or calcination Separating the frag ments of rocks that apparently con tain no metallic matter from those that contain more or less, simplifies the working very much, as the gold is much more easily saved from rich ores than poor. The external aspect guides this separation, as also the feeling of density in the hand. In Hungary they use step washings aud iron gratings to concentrate, after heating the ore up rather coarse. It is a common error with miners to treat all ores alike, and it causes great loss. Where ores are to be chemically treated, it is especially necessary to make an assay of every lot worked. It is also common for every miner of free ores, to believe that if he knows how to feed a mill right, he has the whole trade of mill ing- , The mechanical work of saving gold, is just as particular as the NUMBER 20. chemical, and to know how to handle the pick and shovel, is not enough to entitle a man to the place of mill man. In this countrr there has been a great deal of money spent in look ing for veins where there were none. It is the common argument that where there is gold there must be a vein near to feed the deposit. Cir cumstances compel the belief that this is not necessarily a fact. For in stance, the Oreo contains no gold except from Pont, to its junction with the Po. The Ticino affords gold only below the Lago Maggiore, having passed through a lake of still water where gold, if carried, must have been precipitated. The Bhine gives more gold near Strasburg than near Basle, though the latter be much nearer the mountains. The bauds of the Danube do not contain a grain of gold, while the river runs in a mountainous region—that is from the frontiers of the historic of Passau to Efferding— but its rands become auriferous in the plains below. A mass of alluvial gold weigh ing pounds avoirdupois, was found in gravel pits of the creeks of Rockdale, in the district of Leb anon, iu North PayiUnn. In* Quito, a mass weighing 100 pounds was found ; in Foes get weighing fourulßfcesj wasffpw!’* by an old woman; in Lumpkin, at the Wood mine, a nugget was found weighing seventy-five pennyweights. Nuggets have been found in Lump kin weighing as high as one hundred and tweuty-five pennyweights. Near the Chestatee river Mr. David Wel chel showed me a large handful, the smallest of which would weigh an ounce—all washed out within sight of his house. There is gold in Georgia to suit all sorts of miners—alluvial, branch and vein, coarse and fine, and enough to pay the national debt. A shovel, pick and pan makes any man inde pendent in any of the gold sections of this State. Starvation here is suicide and extreme poverty voluntary. In another paper 1 will talk about asbestos in Georgia. A. H. M. The cheese factories, on the west ern reserve of Ohio, are now paying six cents per gallon for milk; and a gallon is ten pounds, or nearly six quarts. How does that compare with Atlanta milk, at forty cents a gallon, ol scant four quarts, with cows worth $25, foraging among the willows along the spring branches, while Ohio cows are worth $45, fed in rich pastures and slopped twice a day? If the Ohio dairyman can live, the Georgia dairyman should get rich. The Montezuma IVeck/y announces a general befogroent of the business men of that thriving burg over the following proposition .- “A carried a bale of cotton to town and sold it to ' B for $50.00; B sold the same cotton back to A for $45.00; and theft A sold it to C for $65.00. Now, how many dollars did A make jn the speculation ? Don’t all answer at once.” It is not given how much fib 6 bale of cotton cost A,in the first place; but let it be assumed it cost A $50.00, i the amount he sold it to B for, and 1 the question is simple. In buying the cotton back from B, A cleared s£.oo; in selling it to C at $65 00 he again cleared $15.00, making a clear profiy of $20.00. Another demonstration : A paid out $50.00 and 45 00, making a total of $95 00 ; and took in $50.00 and $65.00, making a total of $115.00. $95.00 from 3115.00 leaves $20.00, clear profit.