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lenced the abolitionists, and caught the
slaveholders. The excitement upon the
question ofinvoluntary servitude had, pre
vious to that declaration, very much sub
sided. It then received anew impulse,
throifgh the published opinion of Mr. Van
Buren ; and where or how it is to end, he
having attained his object, is a question o(
no little moment. It may be said he is not
correctly quoted. He says ;
“ Thus viewing the matter I would not,
From the iigliltt tiow before me, feel mysetl
safe in pronouncing that Congress does not
possess the power, of interfering with or
abolishing slavery in the District ol Gulutu
bia.”
Did he ant any lights? He had been
Attorney General of New York—member
of her Senate—Governor of the State—
member of the convention to revise her
constitution—Senator in tlx: Congress of
the United States—Secretary of State un
der General Jackson —Minister to Eng
land—and Vice President of the United
States; all his pursuits and avocations
had placed before him, during the whole
period of his manhood, the constitution of
his country, and in 1836, he adopts the
above extraordinary phraseology. If he
was not prepared then, it is not to be pre
sumed he ever can, or at least that he ever
intends to be. A man who will not, at his
rime of life, say “ Yes” or “ No” to a
proposition of such vital interest, with the
opportunities he had enjoyed for forty
years, cannot be won from his sophi st'ry,
nor will the acquisition of lights other than
those before him, lead to any other conclu
sion than the one by \\ hichhe has deceived
friend and foe.
6. Mr. Van Buren refused to enter into
diplomatic discussion for the admission of
Texas into the Union, though the acquisi
tion was a favorite object, which regularly
descended to him from his predecessor.
Sir, consider the conduct of Mr. Van
Buren on the Missouri question—on the
Florida restriction —on the free negro suf
frage—on the right in Congress to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia—on the
tariffs of 1824 and 1823 ; and 1 shall hold
no argument with any Southern'man who
will, with these lights before him, assert
that Mr. Van Buren is a Northern man
with Southern principles, though I may
regret they furnish such strong mduce
ments to the citizens of the South to sus
tain him.
7. Because Mr. Van Buren, while Se
cretary ofState, in bis official correspon
dence with foreign powers, spoke dispa
ragingly of the conduct of his Govern
ment.
8. He promised to follow in the foot
steps of his predecessor.
This is a good reason why South Caro
lina sustains him now.
9. For asserting that Government must
take care of itself, and the people take care
of themselves.
That is, the officers of the Government
must be paid in gold and silver; the people
may get it if they can.
10. For’asserting that Government has
rio right to regulate the currency of the
country.
11. For proposing the Sub-Treasury
echome four times, having been rejected as
often by Congress. I
12. For proposing a bankrupt law to ap
ply to corporations only.
This proposition was submitted to the
consideration of Congress when the Sub-
Treasury scheme was proposed in 1837. :
At that moment every bank in the United ‘
States had suspended specie payments;
and, had the measure ripened into law,
every bank would have wound up in
stantly, and the whole money-power would
have centred in the Sub-Treasury, under
the fostering care of the Treasury note
bill. The people would then have learned
what taking care of themselves meant.
Another reason why Mr. Van Buren is
so'ereal a favorite with the South Carolina
and 1 other State Rights men who support
him is—
-13. Because he was the coadjutor and
adviser of the Proclamation and Force
‘Cill.
\ 14. Sitting quiet and coolly, seeing the
constitution ophis country violated, in ex
punging a portion of the journal of the
Senate, and approving it.
15. Becausethe installation of Mr. Van
Buren was a sight so-odioas to some gen
tlemen that they could not look at it.
But now Mr. Van Burenv in the estima
tion of the same gentlemen, is worthy of
their confidence.
16. Because he w is opposed to Mr. Ma
dison, and his administration of the Go
wejjjmenl; and sust lined opposition to de
feat his election.
This is a good reason why Virginia
should do battle for him. 1
17. -Omitting by design or neglect,,to 1
say any thing in his late\annual message 1
about the Cumberland road. 1
Those who have that work at heart must
he delighted at his adroitness in avoiding, <
at this particular moment, evpnihe appear
. ance of responsibility. Any odium that
■ may attach to anygiction of Congress on
. that subject, he ‘is disposed to avoid.
. 18. For stilting in his annual message
, to the present Congress, that the accruing
, revenue would be sufficient for the current
r expenses of 1840; and a few weeks after
[’ wards, by a special massage, recommend
t ing the passage of ai act authorizing the
issue ol 85,000,000 Treasury notes to en
able the Government to meet accruing
f liabilities.
1 19. Virtually abindoning the Florida
war.
20. Failing to Urn out public defaulters
alter their folly or wickedness was mani
fest to the Goverrment.
21. For not discharging officers in the
employment of the Government, after it
[• was publicly kinwnthey had, by subscrip
tion of monev nd otherwise, interfered to
influence the public elections.
I 22. For denying, by his practice, the
correctness of the opinion of Mr. Jefferson
touching the conduct of public officers in
. elections*. Mr. Jefferson ordered, in a cir
cular,that the officers ofgovernment should
not use the influence of their stations to
control the elections of the country.
23. For asserting that the people ex
pected too much of the Government.
Sir, the people rightfully expect the Go
vernment will discharge its duty ; and
when it fails to do so, they have a right
to, and they will complain. It is, however,
too much to expect this Government will
do its duty.
24. The appointment of Mr. Leggett,
the abolitionist, to a foreign mission.
I hope Mr. Vun Buren’s Southern sup
porters will add this to his Missouri, Flo
rida, and other notions touching the ques
tion of slavery, for the purpose of fortify-
opinion that he is oppusedTo aboli
tion.
25. Joining in a petition for a branch of
the Bank of the United Slates at Albany,
New York.
Is that any evidence of the intentions
and wishes of the bank-bought federalists,
which the modern democratic loco-focus
now ascribe to every man who believes
the Government has no right to destroy
the banking institutions cf the c- itry !
It is, of course, conclusive evidence with
them that Mr. Van Buren was satisfied of
the unconsrituttonality of the United States
Bank ; that is, a brunch was constitutional,
but the mother bank was not.
26. Because Mr. Van Buren was not
worthy, second session, January, 1832, in
the opinion of some ofhis fast friends now,
ofthe embassy to England, and voted his
recall.— Senate Jonrnal, 507.
27. Because he said, after being recalled
from the mission to England, it was glory
enough to have served under such a chief
as General Jackson.
28. For approving the plan suggested
for the armed occupation of Florida.
29. Approving the plan of Secretary
Poinsett, for organizing the militia of the
United States, at an annual expense of not
less than two and a half millions of dol
lars.
That would be a standing army of some
moment, subject at all times to the nod of
the Comtnander-in-Chief; 200,000 militia
organized by the Government, one ol the
sources of supplying the beggared Sub-
Treasury.
30. Me opposed the raising of troops, as
recommended by Governor Tomkins, in
aid of the last war.— See Senate Journals
of New York, September 1814.
31. He voted and argued against ex
tending universal sutfrage to white citizens
of the Slate ofNew York.— See report of
the proceedings of the Convention to
amend the Constitution of New York,
pages 277, 283, and 284.
32. He voted against electing justices of
the peace; remarking that the further
power was removed from the people the
better Same report, pages 321 and
322.
33. He voted and argued against elect
ing sheriffs.— Same report, pagex 160,
322, and 336.
34. He voted against a Committee on
Agriculture, notwithstanding more than
fifteen millions of the public revenue is
paid directly and indirectly by the farmers.
—United States Senate Journal, Decem
ber 9, 1825.
35. He voted against occupying the
Columbia river', and protecting the fur
trade Senate Journal, March 1, 1825.
36. He voted to grant exclusive privi
leges to State banks.— Senate Jcvrnal,
February 6, 1827.
37. He voted against reducing the lax
on salt Senate Journal, February 25,
1827.
38. He voted against granting to the
States refuse lands, which were not worth
twenty-five cents, per acre, for education
and internal improvement Senate Jour
nal, April 16, 1828.
39. He voted against settlement and pre
emption rights.— Senate Journal, April
17 and 21, 1828.
40. Me voted against the graduation
bill.— Senate Journal, April 22, 1828.
41. Ife opposed the bill to distribute
surplus revenue among the States.— lbid.
Sir, 1 have now noticed the principal
reasons which induce the friends of Mr.
Van Buren, particularly his Southern
friends and allies, to sustain him in power,
and support his policy, regardless of the
wide spread ruin which it lias already ac
complished.
But gentlemen who have addressed the
committee, have not best) content to des
cant on the services, virtues, and fitness of
Mr. Van Buren for bis high station, but
have taken u journey to North Bend, and
have here decided they can find nothing
in the history of General Harrison to re
commend him to the approbation and suf
frage of his country, except the title of a
soldier who has won no honors, and the
reputation of a civilian without merit.
Not contented to withold the tribute
prompted by honorable minds, generous
and manly feelings, gratitude for long and
arduous devotion in the Senate and in the
field, to the best interests of his country,
they seek to poison the public ear, and
prejudice the South, by insinuating that
he is connected with those who are ene
mies to her domestic institutions. They
ask, why he does not come out and an
swer what his views are on the subject of
slavery ? Those who pretend they are
anxious to hear him on that subject do not
desire it. His opinions—uniformly ex
plicitly made known by him in the Sen
ate and on many public occasions, from
the Missouri compromise, which lost him his
seat, to the present time, without deviation
or change, in which opinions he has never
hesitated to denounce the efforts of the ab
olitionists as treasonable and hostile to the
best interests of the nation—are all before
them. ‘They know they cannot be ques
tioned. But the words of truth on this
subject they dare not utter, and therefore
they seek, by prevarication and slander,
to deceive the People, and defame a name
chronicled with the heroes and statesmen
to whom the nation is indebted lor its fame
and its glory. Sir, there is not a man in
the United States, who knows what Gener
al Harrison has said on the subject, who is
sensible of the obligations of truth and
honor, who dare say, or can be brought to
make the declaration, that Gen. Harrison
is an abolitionists, or that he has, at any
time, given the slightest countenance to
their schemes. And when such declara
tions are made, the only apology for them
is the want of information, or a reckless
determination to inflict injury, by perver
ting the suggestions of reason and the in
junctions of conscience.
Are the pretensions of Mr. Van Buren
of that questionable character, the high
goal at which he aims so doubtful, as to
warrant, in the opinion of his partisans, the
use of the billingsgate and detraction to
which they have resorted in their opposi
tion to his rival ? Or has it indeed come
to this, that no man must have the effront
ery toopposethe individual who was elect
ed by the last Administration to rule this
People ? Art: we the subjects ofour rulers,
and bound to do their bidding ?
But it is said Gen. Harrison is in favor
of a tariff. Mr. Van Buren voted for the
high tnrilfoftener than General Harrison,
and in its more objectionable form. But
he is in favor of a United States Bank. It
is less objectionable openly to say so, than
to oppose it, and then endeavor to extend
its influence and participate in its profits,
as Mr. Van Buren did'.
Sir, it has been asked, why will the A
merican People vote for Gen. Harrison ?
Go and ask the brothers, the fathers, and
the sons of those who fell at the battle of
the Thames, and who honored a soldier’s
grave at the sortie of Fort Meigs ! —go and
collect together, in pious gratitude, the bones
of your countrymen, the bleached memori
als of savage vengeance at Tippecanoe !
converse with those who survived and es
caped the havoc & slaughter of those hard
won fields ! —do that, and never again will
you hear the deriding inquiry, Why will
the American People vote for Gen Harri
son ? unless it be under indications of self
abasement and withering shame. Sir,
those who sneeringly ask that question,
have yet to learn that there is in the breast
of every American it warm, animated, liv
ing tablet beating in every pulse and glow
ing in every vein, on which is inscribed,
He, who is its discreet and wise in council
as he has been cautious, prudent, and
dauntless irt the hour of peril, William
Henry Harrison, is entitled to the confi
dence of his country.
I have spoken of facts and the conduct
of individuals as they’ have occurred in the
history of the country ; intending no dis
respect to any person alluded to, I have no
apology to offer Will any man in the
House or in the nation have the kindness
to name fine word, written or spoken, one
measure proposed or advocated, one single
act, public or private, which bespeaks for
the plresent Chief Magistrate of this nat ion
any thing more than the approbation due
to the ordinary course of any well-inform
ed, experienced gentleman ? In our days
of national gloom and despondence, his op
position to those who had the confidence
of the country, and to those measures cal
culated to chastise aggression and repel in
vasion, placed him in a position where he
could not command the greetings of active,
warm and generous patriotism. Success
fully has he glided on the current of events
participating with prodigal avidity in pub
lic confidence, yet the prosperity and glo
ry of his country present no memorial of
ardent, zealous, indefatigable devotion of
the statesmen ; no trophies won in the
strife of conflicting principles ; no monu
ments commemorate the usefulness ofhis
genius. And yet his memory is destined
to no ordinary distinction ; it will be as
signed a prominent place in the story of
the reverses and disasters of a prosperous
and confiding People; and he must be
content to abide the judgment of a nation
indebted to him more than any individual
living or dead, for a scries of reverses in
till branches of business and industry, the
progress of which he has marked with ap
athy and indifference, making no efforts to
avert the effects; or check the advancing
universal prostration of the body politic,
except by proposing the adoption of a sys
tem notoriginal with him, four times reject
ed by his country, the disastrous conse
quences of which, wherever it has prevail
ed, presage but too surely the unenviable
position he must occupy in the past, present
and future history of the sub-Treasury—
the first, the last, and the only measure he
has proposed for the good or evil of bis
country.
It cannot be unprofitable for a moment
to refer to the occurrences of the past.
The battle of New Orleans had already
proclaimed the United States a co-partner
in the universal peace which had succeed
ed the announcement at Waterloo that Na
poleon was the isolated prisoner of the
Christian world. Contending armies threw
down the instruments of death—the drum
was silent—the trumpet was hushed—and
belligerent nations involuntarily returned
to the pursuits of peace. The United
States, from 1815 to 1828, advanced with
a rapid and steady step to a degree of pros
perity, in all the various employments of
civil life, unequalled and never surpassed
in a similar period of time in the history
of man. Abundance and contentment
were the uninterrupted evidences of the
national felicity. At Lhat moment, public
attention was arrested; over this Temple
was seen to soar the genius who had watch
ed the embrvostruggles that gave it birth—
guarded with sleepless vigilance its more
than doubtful fortune through the adversity
of the past; her eye was upward ana on
ward ; a calm, benignant serenity irradia
ted her countenance, every lineament of
which seemed the chosen residence of some
peculiar and identified happiness; in her
right hand she bore a scroll, on which was
inscribed, in transparent characters, “The
Country of Washington !” In her left hand
she held a horn, from which, ever and
anon, she distributed upon these United
States the accumulated treasures of the
commercial world! But, suddenly, there
was seen to arise in the West a dark and
portentous cloud; a fierce and chilling
wind carried it swiftly to the East; on its
approach to this city, where its violence
and fury were wasted, terror and sadness
seized the guardian spirit, in the fulness of
her joy for the past, and in the promises for
the future; and, its she drew the azure
robes in which she seemed to float, close
around her, she dropped her horn! From
that moment she has not ceased to lament
the errors in which originated the difficul
ties and embarrassments w.'iich so long
impeded, and now threaten to annihilate,
the best interests of this her chosen People.
But, although there is much to regret,
there is no cause to despond - r disappoint
ment, partial distress, and general suffer
ing may run riot for a season ; there is a
restoring quality in the patriotism of the
American citizens, which, so soon as they
shall be satisfied of the folly or improvi
dence of their rulers, or shall learn the
true causes of the calamity which over
spreads the nation, inspired by a common
sentiment, impelled by a common feeling,
with one indignant effort, will hurl their
oppressors from the confidence they have
abused, and restore the Constitution and
laws to their original design—that of pro
tocting the happiness and securing the
prosperity of the country.
From the Augusta Sentinel.
GEN. HARRISON’S LETTER.
The following letter which we copy from
the Cincinnati Gazette, will be read with
interest by our readers. We commend
it in an especial manner to the Hon.
George McDuffie, to see if he can find in
it any evidences ofhis being “a weak, su
perannuated old man, utterly destitute of
the qualifications to sustain or perform the
duties of the office” of President. And
wo woultl ask the now allies of Mr. Mc-
Duffie, those who so recently regarded
him a “traitor,” hut now shout over him
as a good Locofoco Democrat, to compare
the stvle of this letttir of General Harrison
with that of the letter of Mr. McDuffie to
the Van Buren Locofoco Committee at
Milledgeville, and then declare which evin
ces the higher order of “dignity” or “qual
ifications,” the accused or the accuser. It
would he well for Mr. McDuffie to show
himself dignified, before he questions the
dignity or capacity of one whom he might
well consult as a model in purity or chas
tity of style,—before he again issues a
philippic, which, while it drew forth the
shouts of those who had so recently de
nounced him, as deserving the gallows,
excited a feeling of pity, nearly allied to
contempt, among his friends.
From the Cincinnati Gazette.
A GOOD THING.
General Harrison was among the invi
ted guests to the dinner given to General
Van Rensselaer, in Cincinnati, on the se
cond instant. Ho could not ho present,
for reasons assigned. The following is
his letter, declining the invitation. It rich
ly deserves the caption we have given to
this paragraph. It is one of those good
things which frequently Ihll from the pens
of American Statesmen, and from none
more often than General Harrison’s.—
Good taste will relish, and correct judg
ment approve it.
Noktii Bend, Ist July, 1840.
Gentlemen :—A recent domestic afflic
tion in the death of one of my sons and
the present illness of Mrs. Harrison, will
prevent me from enjoying the great pleas
ure of being present at the dinner to he gi
ven on Thursday next to my tieloved
friend and old associate in arms, General
Solomon Van Rensselaer, ft is now lor
ty-seven years since I first met this distin
guished soldier in the army of General
Wayne—he, in the capacity of Cornet of
Dragoons, and l as an Ensign of Infantry.
Associated in all the toils and difficulties
incident to a war, the theatre of which was
an unbroken wilderness; of ages nearly
correspondent ; and of dispositions and
tastes which induced us to seek the same
employments, the same amusements, and
the same fellowships, our friendship thus
formed by prepossession and knit in com
mon danger, could not be ephemeral. It
was such indeed as though we had owned
the same paternity, and had been nurtured
at the same bosom. And I tn.iysav with
Castalio ofhis brother,
“When had Ia friend that was riot Polidore’s,
“Or I’olidore a foe that was not mine?”
I will not attempt, gentlemen, to give
you even a summary of the services of
Gen. Van Rensselaer. I will not tell you
of the deep debt of gratitude which is due
to him from western men—of his gallant
bearing in the battle of the Rapids of the
Miami, and the blood which I saw pouring
from his rnanlv bosom upon the soil of
Ohio, or his still more glorious achieve
ments upon the heights ol Queenstown, en
nobled, like those of Abraham, by the
blood ol the contending heroes. All this
you know. It is to be found in the re
cords of your country, and furnishes some
of the brightest pages of its history. But,
for a moment, let rne ask your attention
to his more recent history. Aye, what is
he now ? What and who is the hero of
two wars, the conquerer of the heroic
Brock, of him by whose management, or
whose gallantry, so deep a wound had
been inflicted upon the military character
of our country ‘!
A year ago 1 would have answered you
fellowcitizens, that he was living in .hum
ble retirement, in the bosom of a large and
happy family, supported by the emolu
ments of an humble office, the gift of a
President who had himself jeopardised his
life, and shed his blood in achieving the
Independence of his country, and. knew
how to appreciate a Hero’s services, and
reward a soldier’s toils. Such,.gentlemen,
was the situation of my friend, the defen
der of Ohio Cabins from the furious savage,
the bearer in his body of the marks of se
ven distinct wounds, —when the .spoilers
came.
V hen the disbanded legions of Augus
tus were suffered to eject the happy hus
bandmen ol the fairest portion of Italy, we
have reason to believe—we know indeed—
that some werespared. The ruthless war
rior was not suffered to usurp the seat and
violate the groves which had resounded to
the songs of the greatest of poets. We
may conclude also, lhat the scarred veter
ans of former wars were exempted from
the otherwise general proscription. In
deed we must suppose that the sympathy
naturally felt between men of the same
profession, would have induced the usur
pers to spare the war-worn followers ofthe
great Pompey, although they had been the
soldiers of liberty, and the sworn enemies
of their own faction. But, gentlemen, let
me ask you now to point to an exception
in the proscription which has raged in our
country for the last twelve years ? Who
has been spared that professed any thing
which could tempt, the cupidity of the spoil
ers? My friend is the last victim. The
reason of this honorable distinction I could
tell. It is somewhat different from that
which induced the giant Polvphemus to in
tend the like honor to the King of Ithica.
But you may perhaps be anxious to know
the reason which has been assigned for this
outrage upon the feelings of the American
people. Why, it was precisely that which
has been given in all ages and in all coun
tries for all the violent and onjust acts of
tyrants: “The public good.” In this case,
“the advantage of the demoerary.” In
the midst of such abominations, how ap
propriate is the exclamation of one of the
distinguished victims of the savage Robe
spiere, “Oh! democracy, how many crimes
are committed in thy name !”
It may be proper, gentlemen, that I
should add that General Van Rensselaer
has accounted for every cent of the public
money that ever came into his hands, and
that lie dares the strictest investigation in* I
Ins conduct ns an officer. What cause
deep reflection, gentlemen, docs the case*
of my friend, contrasted with that of others
known to be public defaulters, who havo
been retained in office, present to the pat
riot aucl the frieml of Republican govern
ment 7
I conclude, gentlemen, by offering you
a sentiment. “May Solomon Van Rens
selaer he the Inst victim in our eountrv of
party violence; and mav iheservices which
tire in he the future passports to office he
not those rendered to a party, hut to the
whole people.
I tun gentlemen, with great respect,
W. H. HARRISON.
To Samuel W. Davies, etc.
ww.j’ -~n tju'w■—a—i—
- ‘ A svy-’| ■ ii/.!-/,,
-> v ' ; h
r
THURSDAY, Ji i.y 23, 1840.
To Correspondent!*.
“ A Small Farmer ,” in our next.
“ Philomalhis ,” giving an account of the
late Examination at the Ifirdville Academy, is
m type, hut unavoidably crowded out of to
day’s paper. It shall have a place in our next.
Erratum — A typographical error occured
in ear last, in Dr. A. 1). Statham’s toast, given
atDan’ourg. It should have read “ strings ”
instead of “ springs pulled in” for the last 12
years.
n-oficiT
{£r The people of Wilkes County, who
are opposed to the re-election of Martin Van
Buren and Richard M. Johnson, to the Presi->
dency and Vice Presidency of the United
-States, are requested to meet at the Court
House at Washington, on Tuesday, the 28th
instant, at Twelve o’Clock M., or so soon after
that hour, as Court shall adjourn, to appoint
DELEGATES to the CONVENTION ofthe
FRIEND of “TIP, TYLER, AND RE
FORM,” to be HELD in MACON on the
SECOND THURSDAY in AUGUST next.
All other citizens of the county are also re
spectfully invited to attend the meeting.
OLD WILKES.
Liciikiiainl Siooe and the
(President.
The admission of negro testimony, in
the case of Lieutenant Hooe of the Navy,
is without a parrallel in the history of the
country. The principle contained in it, is
such as no Southerner can admit, without
jeopardizing his own happiness, and sacri
ficing the only ground on which he can
stand with safety and honor.
The facts connected with the ease, are
simply these : Lieutenant Hooe was ar
raigned before a Court Martial for trial—
it may be that he was guilty ofthe charges
which had’ been brought against him ; it
is no part of our duty to relieve him from
thatsituntion—certain testimony was intro
duced, to which Lieutenant Hooe did no*
object, merely because it was legal. Them
was, however, certain other testimony in
troduced, to which he did object, -with the
request that his objections should bespread
upon the record. This latter was thy ne
gro testimony ; the admission of which we
reassert, under the circumstances, to be
unparalleled ! The objections of Lieuten
ant Hooe were over-ruled by the Court—
the evidence in point was admitted, and he
was found guilty. Appealing from'lhis de
cision, he turned to Mr. Van Buren, and
urged that he would set aside the proceed
ings ofthe Court, upon the ground of ille
gality in l he testimony. To this request
the President replied, that he saw “ no
thing in the proceedings,” “ which re
quired his interference.” This is a simple
and unvarnished statement of facts.
The only question to he decided in this
case is, whether or not the testimony of
the negro witnesses was legal ? Upon this
depends the whole argument. If it was
•legal, the course of the President was the
proper one—if it was not legal, the pro
ceedings of the Court should have been set
aside. The legality of the testimony de-1
pends entirely upon the lex loci. If thej
lex loci admitted the evidence, the dispute!
is at an end. The question arises—Did it ]
admit it ? We answer—No ! It will be
recollected by our readers, that the Court
Martial was held in Florida, where slavery
exists. Now, the laws of the Territory
render negroes incompetent to give testi
mony ; consequently, the negrotestimony r j
in the case ofLieutennnt Hooe, was unau- ]
thorized by the laws of Florida, and, as a-1
matter of course, was illegal; consequently, I
tile President ofthe United States, by refhs-j
idg to set aside the proceedings, has noiJ
duly connived at the violation of the lawfl
.of a respectable Territory of this Union—B
fbut has done great injustice to the charac-J