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fUei. is so mm h truth and just- I
uess m the following article, and it
if* a iposite to the present time,
Si; a we take pleasure in transferring
it. old as it is, to our columns. It
vv.'l ae noticed that it appeared in
%h*- Journal previously to the pass
es of the Act of July last, reducing
ii <i duties on in ports; and it’at that
,ti e tlic remark was true to the then
existing Tariff, that “it was nothing
Ktikc so ruinous as was represented,”
\vitb Tiow much more force <loes it
not apply to the recent Act? We
ore Os anocrets, and are not afraid
(to trust the people; but like Thomas
II aynes. retain our confidence in
[‘The great democratic principle,
A vhich lies at the foundation of our
■government. With the editors of
the Journal we believe, that “if one
< xerf,” (hat have been manifested hy
onr ad Jjfcguries, “had taken the field
for |?ree Trade at the same time, !
-tlr.—ballot boxes w Would long ago
have vindicated our rights” ; and
with dr. Forsyth, that “with half
Aj the time that had been employed—
hair of the industry and talents that ;
had been exercised in producing and
maintaining the excitement south of
the Potomac, a revolution might be
accomplished in N- York, N. Jersey,
Pennsylvania and Ohio, without
whose a'd the high Tariff party is in
a hopeless minority in the Union &
in Congress. Ours is a government
of the people. Upon their intelli
gence and virtue we relv with a con
lidencn equal to oiir devotedness to
I'fjjjfHjblicßn government. And though
they may he seduced into error for a
we believe in the omnipo
tence of truth, anti are therefore dis
posed with Jefferson, to tolerate
error while those are left to combat
it. In such a government* a revnlu
jfV>hv other than of opinion, should
Sever he countenanced, so long as a
■kftwHtlori of opinion is not hopeless.
Bjfl [Snv. Republican.
Hithe(jPd>Joiir'< of June 7,1832.
Fe ‘'Tariff- Parties ra<re. In
of the strife the Secretary of
freasury, an upright man, is
is opinion. lie an
losition to repeal the
I enact anew one
rthe middle ground
•ecrrOjET tn'nfe~p'reju
idling the interest of
ich ns he thinks can
Ft, consistently with
the Union and the
le. The Ultras on
the proposition out*
this is perhaps the
isonableness. Now
s on either side ; the
r better than Rome,
illingr to burn down
’ Rome to save her from destruction,
while in a calenture of delirious fury,
doing their utmost to raise
a whirlwind of civil commotion, it
seems to us to be the solemn duty of
everv sober, temperate friend of
peace and union, to come frankly
fnnvard and place bis weight, if it be
fenfVn ounce, where it will help to
steady our course, to calm tbe tu
mult, and keep the peace between
tbe exasperated antagonists. Not
that we have much apprehension of
octuai violence. A civil war m these
stated, while education is kept up e
yen to what it now is, we consider
next to a moral impossibility. The
injury to be dreaded, is that of dimi
nishing a love of the Union, and a
faith in its continuance. We yield
to none in our devoted and irreconci
ieable oppositions to the protective
policy; but let us view the matter
calmly and candidly. Our brethren’
Njfiftit IVoffh are no doubt sincerely
of opinion, that protection is a sound
principle of government. The books
are full of it; and their leading men
were educated in it, They have, it
is true, a present interest oil that
side of the question ; but does that
circumstance render them the less
sincere? The Tree Trade doctrine,
we must admit, is of more recent
date. It is not more than fifty years
from the closet; it has not been ex
tensively admitted, much less acted
on i:i Europe, for more than half
that period ; and in this country it
has not been much discussed till ve
ry lately. Indeed it is not even yet
fullv and familiarly before the pub
lic. The protectionists consider our
doctrine as anew heresy : we know
• *
theirs to he an old superstition ; and
when was a superstition subdued, in
a day ? Is it wise and rational for
us to rush on, with the fiery zeal of
new converts to a new creed ; and
peremptorily demand of the other]
members of our communion, that
they shall totally and at once renou
nce, and abjure their faith? Or
does it better become the brethren j
whose fathers mingled their blood j
for independence, to wait and abide]
hc gentler, Sfirer process of truth & !
reason?—Changes in public opinion
are generally slow, and it is best they
should be so. The sciences are the
growth of centuries, and that of po
litical economy is perhaps as slow in
its pi ogress us any ; it is indeed yeti
in its infancy- Mankind are accom
plishing their freedom, but they do it
by a step at a time. The freedom
ofconciencc the freedom of the press,
the liberty of speech, and of the per-
son, have been successively achiev
ed by the diffusion of truth, and the
persevering zeal of their advocates.
They have now taken in hand the
freedom of industry, and as sure as
the earth exists they will accomplish
it. As sure as truth is stronger than
error, and light brighter than dark
ness, it will he made manifest to the
civilized world, that the freedom of
industry and the freedom of trade is
the right of all. This controversy
has yet been discussed but on one
: side; much has to he sure, been said,
and ably said in Congress and in
books, which not one in ten of the
people see ; but wlio shall say that
our side of the question, wl ich by the
wav is much the easiest argued, for
its truth lies on the surface, who can
pretend to say, that the justice and
policy of free trade have been ever
vet brought home ns they ought to
the attention of the great body of the
people? The fact is, that not one in
five of them have yet thought much
about it; much less reasoned upon
it seriously. Wc have been lying on
our oars, while our adversaries have
been ten years in action. They have
congregated and resolved, and mov
ed in organized concert. They have
written, they have calculated; the
press has inundated the South and
West with their essays and their
pamphlets, till they are in our very
. kneading troughs. The answers
have been faint, aid slow, and few.
We venture the assertion that if one
half of the industry, zeal and con
cert, had taken the field for free trade
at the same time in the same way,
- 4k* Ujid wo n L I/1
have vindicated our rights It was
easier to prevent than it is to remedy
the evil; hut the proper means being
used, the same boxes can yet do it.
The payment of the National i)*bt
is certainly the time when the fet
ters of industry ought to be knocked
off. We have however slept while
the Aristocracy have put in so many
rivets, that we now discover we can
not unclench them crtirely.—Then
let us get off what we can. Our
supineness has indeed postponed, hut
it has not prevented our emancipa
tion. Let us then neither pine it>
despondency nor rave in despair;
hut let us continue our trust in that
which delivered us, and is now deli
vering the world from bondage. Let
the sober part of the Union stand
calm and steady—gain all we now
can to the cause of freedom, and let
her final consummation he accompli
shed as all her other triumphs have
been won—by the force of truth and
reason. They are invincible in the
end; the only question is the length
of the process; and that cannot be
long, for our cause only requires we
think tube adequately considered by
the psople. The prerogative of ca
pital is essentially aristocratic, and
tends to the few. The rights of in
dustry are essentially democratic, &,
concern the many ; and how can we !
doubt the result, of the contests he- i
i
tween those parties? Reason aided ;
by free inquiry, first conquered brute !
force. She then vanquished Super
stition, and Ims now encoutered Ca
pital. That, she will drive from the
throne, as she has her predecessors.
And let it be forever remembered, that
thi battle must be fought whether we
arc united in one nation or divided
into tvwntij.
But we may be mistaken in all
this, as far as can vet be seen. Per
haps reason, is to be less active and
efficient with the aid of the press,
than she was when opposed by it.
Perhaps the spirit of investigation is
to be bss vigilant in this republic,
than it has been in former despot-,
isms. Our nation of independent
freeholders may prove more tfactible
to indirect influence, and less resol
ute to act for themselves than the
tools and slaves of European Gov
ernments have been. In a word, it
may l>Cj that demonstration will hot
yet do its office here. If this on ti ml
be found to be so; and if it hence
turn out that a combination ofCapi
talists banded together, can bribe a
majority of the nation for a time, we
can at any time cut the cord ; but
shall we so distrust ourselves and our
cause, as rashly to conclude that it
must always be thus, and madly
break or endanger, or weaken our
happy Union, the envy of the world;
or shall we enjoy the unequal bles
’ sings of the Union and look to those
causes that have given us all we
have, to supply the little that is wan
ting; shall we cast away the young
fruit df all our fathers toils, because
it does not ripen in a day, or shall
we by zealous and persevering cul
ture hasten its maturity. What is
Mr. JelFeison’s advice in such a
case:
“We must have patience & long
er endurance then with our brethren
while under delusion ; give them time
for reflection and experience of con
sequences ; keep ourselves in a situ
ation to profit by the chapter of acci
dents; and from our com
panions only when the sole alternat
ives left, are the dissolution of our
Union with them, or submission to a
government without limitation of
powers. Between those two evils,
when we must make a choice, there
can be no hesitation. But in the
mean while, the States should be
watchful to note every rriateria! usur
pation on their rights, to denounce
them as they occur in the most per
emptory terms; to protest against
them as wrongs to which our present
submission shall be considered, not
as acknowledgments or precidents of
right, but as a temporary yielding
to the lesser evil, until their accumu
lation shall overvveigh that of a sepa
ration. * . * *
This is the course which 1 think
safest and best as yet.”
There are several other topics to
which we have felt inclined to advert,
but we have already transcended our
usual editoriaflimits. Among them
are,
1. That Georgia in vindicating
the integrity of her own laws and
territory, affords no precedent no
for S.-Carolina to arrest the laws of
the Union.
I p n'lTjfVli Hr
which the Colonies bore
Britain, had any resemblance tcjf .
in which S. Carolina stands t<9 16
Union—and
3. That the present tariff though
a fraud op the Constitution, and a
practicial oppressive wrong to the
South, is nothing like so ruinous as
is represented.
We publish below the memorable
“Veto” of Vice President George
Clinton, on tho bill to renew the
charter of the old Bank of the United
States. Ilis opinions, particularly at
this Crisis, will be read with deep in
terest. This document, like the
President’s Message, evinces the
same fearless devotion to what its
author deemed the principles of our
constitution—the same moral cour
age which shuns no responsibility,
and that noble-ambition which pref
ers imperishable fame to trancicnt
popularity. It will be seen that the
more important doctrines of Vice
President Clinton and General Jack
son, relating to the form of the hank, j
its violating the r ghts of the States ‘
and its constitutionality, are essen
tially the same. But, how different
were the circumstances under which
these distinguished men were called
upon to decide the question ? If the
venerated G. Clinton felt it to he his
duty to put his veto on the old Bank
of the U. States, how much more
powerful were the reasons which o
perated on the mind of Gen. Jack
son. The charter of that bank had
but a few months to run—the pres-
though by law expiring in
1836, does not in fact close its con
cerns till 1838. No important char
ges were preferred against the old
bank. It was not accused of over
trading for electioneering purposes—
of starting its own candidate for the
Presidency—-ofloaning large sums
to members of Congress while the
question of renewing its charter was
pending—nor of subsidizing editors,
and attempting to destroy the inde
pendence of the press. The public
had not then tipe proofs to sustain a
ny such charges against the old Bank
of the U. States.—Notwithstanding
the comparatively high character of
that institution, when the Vice Pre-i
sident was . called! ujjon to decide ]
whether its charttM
ewed for another u
awed hv the
addressed the sejßE
Gentlemen; j|
which I am caUK
I has cx4j£pd
[solicit me indulge!
whilst I
which influence my
Permit me tor
question to be d4fc|
pend simply
lish, unde
but upon
ontmnal
) -i/.;-. /;■
not I-. 1
e m
to
and 1^
not r -
States nor - ~.
nerally
It cannot be
may pass all
laws for carrying into
powers specially granted t<9|j
vernment or to any
officer thereof; hut, in doijHo|
means must he suited
ate to the end. The ‘
ate corporations i •fT not
granted ; it is a high attribute c
vCreignty, and in its nature ni
eessorialor derivative by imnH
but primary and in<
1 cannot belie
tat ion of the
ny degree, deleat ■< ■ v.|
ry, it does appear to ‘wSShShE
positc exposition has^^^^^B
tendency to
fords just and serious
In the course ot a IhBBHH
found that GoverniuhHHl
strengilfened by
doubtful powers;
energetic execut
are i ucontest i
faiis to
trust, whilst ’
pert anil co
If, h o\ve
the
ernment m'-’ j
Ito the nit® ‘
which it®
tution 3
for ic.ixal
in J
event anTm®®HHH|
ism and good sense oijßjjl
ty, it will be wisely
I will jot trespass upc®§
ence of the Senate any *k
to say, from the best exarm
have been able to give the'&
am constrained by a sense .j
to decide in the affirmative
that the first section of the
stricken out.
From the Southern Patriot .
State CoNvExNTioNi— We yes
terday asserted that an act ofNullifi
cation, whether passed by the Legis
lature or in Convention, would have
no legality, as in either case judicial
functions would be assumed, which
are not given by the Constitution of
the Statu, either to a convention or
the Legislature. W e have affirmed
that such an act would not be bind
ing, either to the Judges or the Peo
ple. It would be flat usurpation. In
this opinion we are sustained by com
petent Judges of the Laws and Con-,
stitution. The Mercury expresses
astonishment, whether affected or.
real we know not, at our propositiij^j
Let the question be made, and^M
independence of the Judiciary
erved, and vve hazzard notln^^S
saying that the judgment
whether the Legislature or
vention pass an act of
that it is illegal and not JgH|®||R|J
the citizens of South
will be. recollected
Judges have taken
port the Constitution
States. If the State v
conflicting with that
Judges must disregai® ‘ l
the illegal usurped au
er that be the LegisliSj^§4®|
volition.
It will not do to say that
in Convention can do
The people have, by various (SB
sions in the State Convention,'Vß
themselves under voluntary restrajO
They have checked tlemsefaes ®
saying that a convention shall noU
called by less than two
Legislature. They have
a Judiciary, which has
setting aside Acts of thsjO
or thllßßlli
lishod Courts
this is an actj
the
wffiedjlnjj
tlifU powcngH
liar) vd®
cent®...-
at® I'm-'.-*.'!
ch®
Ik®