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PAGE TWO
Public Opinion Throughout the Union
MR. BRYAN’S CANDIDACY.
Mr. Bryan has taken pains latterly
to make it clear that while he will not
stand in the way of the nomination
of any other presidential candidate
who may be the choice of his party,
he himself is perfectly willing to take
the nomination and will not decline
it if tendered. His rather definitive
abandonment of the government own
ership issue was obviously intended
to increase his chance of preferment,
and now Chairman Garber, of the
Democratic State Executive Commit
tee of Ohio, after consultation with
Mr. Bryan, deems it proper to put
the Democrats of his state on notice
that the Nebraska leader will accept
another nomination for the presiden
cy. Mr. Garber, however, wishes to
avoid falling into the error of the
Taft boomers, who have precipitat
ed an acrimonious contest by pushing
the Taft candidacy too early in the
season, and so he declares that >
Bryan does not want the nomination
tendered a year in advance, or i
any other year than that in whicu
the national convention meets.
Yes, Mr. Garber makes it plain that
he is announcing the Bryan candi
dacy for the progress of heading oft'
the anti-Bryan movement, which he
characterizes as “semi-frantic agita
tion.’’ He seems to think that such
a movement is an element of party
danger, in Ohio, at all' events, which
he would avert by concentrating par
ty sentiment on Bryan.
That the anti-Pryan movement has
attained sufficient proportions to war
want a counter move on the part of
the Nebraskan’s partisans would
seem to be legitimate inference from
Chairman Garber’s announcement to
the Ohio Democracy, following so
closely, as it does, on Mr. Bryan's
repudiation of the government own
ership issue. But the visible signs
of the anti-Bryan campaign are not
weighty or numerous. Its most prom
ising aspect appears in the “good
Southern man’’ idea, which has been
industriously propagated by North
ern agencies, and finds some response
south of the Potomac. Several good
southern men have been brought forth,
and their merits canvassed, but with
out producing any marked impression
upon the country. At least one ot
these suggested candidates would not
attempt to dispute the nomination
with Bryan, and it is probable that
others are like minded. It is worth
noting, in this connection, that the
economic policies for which Bryan
conspicuously stands are popular in
the South, and that they are rapidly
finding application in state legisla
tion. So it is probable that the anti-
Bryan movement in the South, as in
the North, represents a conservatism
that is not likely to count for much
in deciding the next presidential nom
ination in either party, or in settling
the issues of tbo campaign. •
Mr. Bryan’s nomination, in fact,
is as good as settled, in the opinion
of most people, even of those who
want him least. It is the fashion in
some quarters to picture him as an
incubus lying heavily upon the De
mocracy, of which it will be possible
to rid the party only by a series of
defeats. But, after all, who has a
stronger party following than Bryan,
for wl.at Democrat could poll a larger
vote than he? If the Democracy has
any real incubus weighing it down,
it must be looked for elsewhere than
in the personality of William Jen
nings Bryan.—Washington Herald.
MR. HEARST’S ALTRUISM.
The reason Mr. Hearst and his
friends urge for the organization of
the Independence League is that the
Democratic party is hopelessly con
taminated with corporation influence
and cannot be wholly relieved of the
taint of the money power. A ma
chine operated by Mr. Hearst alone
will be one of unadulterated patriot
ism, altruism and benevolence and
for the sole good of the common peo
ple.
Mr. Hearst himself is a very rich
man. Outside of his newspapers he
has some millions invested in mining
properties and various other enter
prises, but notwithstanding his wealth
he lives only for the public good, and
is free from the corroding evil that
attaches to riches in general. As
August Belmont, and some other rich
men who have money invested in
wicked institutions like railroads,
call themselves Democrais and con
tinue to exercise more or less influ
ence in the party councils, the pure
and unsullied Mr. Hearst has shaken
the dust of the historic party from
> his feet and set up an organization
of his cwn that will afford refuge
for the oppressed and in which the
pure of heart and unsullied in polit
ical morals can find wholesome ex
ercise of their virtues.
The history of the Independence
League in New York shows that when
it was in position to command the
surrender of the Democratic organi
zalion that result was facilitated by
a mysterious alliance with Charles E.
Murphy, whom Mr. Hearst a short
time previous had been jUbposing to
put in stripes for alleged political
corruption. The campaign was man
aged by one “Fingy Connors” of
unsavory political reputation, and
some of its chief supporters were
men who since then, as members of
the New York legislature, have been
blocking Gov. Hughes’ war on the
insurance grafters.
No political party has ever arisen
in this or any other country that in
all of its constituent elements was
wholly above reproach, but no one
for that reason will doubt Mr.
Hearst’s capacity to create and con
duct such an organization. The im
maculateness of his own life inspires
confidence and the Murphy and Con
nors association in New York is but
an episode that must be overlooked.
—Nashville Banner.
THE SAME AS TEDDY.
Tom Watson said that trouble was
ahead for the president of the South
ern Railway, and in less than two
weeks Gov. Glenn, of North Carolina,
had him arrested for failing to obey
the law giving the people a cheaper
passenger rate. —Gwinnett Journal
WATSON’S WftftKLlfl JEFFERSONIAN.
STARVING IN THE WORLD’S
' RICHEST CITY.
Cases of death from hunger are
so common in New York that only
those attended by peculiar circum
stances receive mention. The latest
of which the public has knowledge
involved the death of an old woman
in one of the parks. Too proud or
too timid to beg, too honest to steal,
this friendless and deserted being
went daily to one of the park benches
and sat there in wistfulness and agony
until the end came.
New York is the richest city on
earth. Yet, if this be any criterion,
it is likewise the poorest. Its wealth
consists in great buildings and cred
its, but not in human kindness. It
has an abundance of the external,
with a poverty in the hearts and souls
of its people. Outward profusion
and inward barrenness! A scram
ble for the shadows and a neglect of
the substance of life! This must be
true, for otherwise these numerous
cases of starvation could not occur.
We have lavish systems of charity,
but the trouble with all of them is
that they make the recipient sacrifice
his or her self-respect. Strange as
it may seem in a materialistic age,
there are people who think more of
maintaining their own souls’ good
opinion than they do of life. It may
be a false pride, but it exists, and we
must take it into account. —N. Y.
American.
THE COUNTRY MERCHANT.
When Tom Watson made the fight
for rural delivery in congress the
argument used against it was that it
would result in the discontinuance of
thousands of small postoffices, destroy
the trade of the small country store,
and all those interested in that trade
joined in the cry against it The same
argument is now used against parcels
post, such as almost all other coun
tries have long since adopted.
The free delivery now extends
from sea to sea and from the lakes
to the gulf, and none of the predicted
disasters have followed. The same
thing would result from the estab
lishment of the parcels post. The
country merchant knows nothing of
the fundamental principles of politi
cal economy and joins with the trade
unionists in restricting the creation
of wealth.
The trade unionist would restrict
the number of apprentices and the
amount of work each man should do.
The country merchant would restrict.
the amount of sales by restricting
the number of men engaged in the
business. Both are equally wrong.
In one breath the merchant will as
sert that competition is the life of
trade, and with the next advocate
the restriction of competition, never
realizing that he is contradicting
himself.
No interest can run successfully in
opposition to human nature. The
merchant denounces the farmer who
buys goods of a mail house, but he
himself would refuse to buy goods
of a wholesaler located in the state
if he could get the goods at a lower
price of a bouse in some distant city.
He expects the farmer to be actuated
by philanthropic motives, while he
must be left to act from the instinct
of gain.
Such a theory as that will never
result in profits. Any restraint is
detrimental to the whole community,
whether it is accomplished by a big
trust, a railroad or the small country
merchant.
It is rather a strange combination
to find the small country merchant
lined up with one of the greatest
of trusts, the express companies, in
fighting a parcels post system. The
union is unnatural, but that is the
state of affairs. It has been the
opposition of the small merchant and
the express companies that has killed
every parcels post bill that has been
introduced into congress. Such a
system would, without doubt, increase
trade and at the same time prevent
the extortions of the express compa
nies. It is, therefore, not at all sur
prising that the express companies
fight it through the senators they
have sent to Washington, but it cer
tainly would not be detrimental to ‘
the country merchant. When taken
in connection with the telephone sys
tem and rural delivery it would, no
doubt, increase the sales of the coun
try merchant.
It is doubtful whether the mail
order houses sell goods any cheaper
than the country merchant, but if*
they do, it is because they have ar
ranged with manufacturers and goods «
ordered from mail order houses are 1
sent direct from the manufacturers
to the purchasers. The country mer- J
chant can make the same arrange- }
ment with manufacturers, and then (
on account of cheaper rents and lower <'
taxes can undersell them. He would'
have to also adopt some of the mod
ern business methods, chief among
which would be judicious advertising.
Then, with the farmer’s telephone,
rural delivery and the parcels post
system, he could do more business
than he ever did before.—-The Inves
tigator.
THE STEEL CORPORATION.
Verily, there’s nothing like the
enormous profits of the big Steel
1 rust, which shows unprecedented
net earnings of $45,503,705 for the
past quarter, which enable the cor
poration to set aside $18,500,000 af
ter providing for all fixed charges
and for the regular dividends on its
enormously inflated capital stock.
Ihe statement is hailed in some
quarters as showing great prosperity
in an industry that is called the ba
rometer of trade. It shows more
i Lan that, however. It furnishes fur
ther evidence of the urgent neces
sity of a revision of the iron and
steel schedules of our tariff law. The
trust can easily afford it and stil?
realize ample returns on its watered
capital.—-Boston Herald.
Ibo latest census yives Canada a
population of 6,504,900. There is an
increase every time an American
bank discovers that a trusted employe
has disappeared between two day*.