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Republicans to disarm the National Commis
sion. You helped the railroads snatch away
from the Commission a most effective weapon
which had been put into its hands by Judge
Reagan of Texas.
Why did you do it?
The editor of the Jackson News, appeals
to the Congressional Record, and challenges
the accusers of Mr. Williams to find these
votes which Mr. Watson criticises.
Like the Act of Congress which increased
the salaries of members, there was no record
vote on these propositions. Statesmen who
wanted to emasculate the Rate bill did not
want their names down on the record. So
the vote was by sound of voice, and not by
Ajes and Nays entered of record.
Consequently, the editor of the Jackson
News might feel safe in denying that Wil
liams voted as Watson said.
But Mr. Williams wouldn’t.
The Hon. John Sharp Williams will never
deny, over his own signature, that he voted
precisely as Mr. Watson charged.
The worst of it for Mr. Williams is this:
He knows that had the people of Mississip
pi been aware of those votes two weeks ear
lier, he would have been beaten out of his
boots.
In view of these facts Mr. Williams’ duty is
plain. He owes it to himself and to his state
to let his people be heard again.
As a proud man, he ought not to let the
matter rest where it is. It looks too much
like getting valuable goods under false pre
tenses.
He owes it to himself and to his people to
put this question to another vote.
But he will never do it.
HE IS AFRAID TO DO IT.
* * M
Tom Hardtoick of the 1 enth.
A little bit of a fellow who looks like a
sassy school-boy butting into the affairs of
grown men, Tom Hardwick of the Tenth Con
gressional District is today the brainiest man
in the Georgia Delegation.
He has demonstrated a juster claim to be
ranked as a statesman than anybody in the
bunch.
Honest as the day is long, quick as a hair
irigger pistol, brave as a Highlander, loyal
as Douglas, “Hardwick of Georgia” will
some day be the acknowledged peer of any
Democratic leader in the Union.
The beauty of it is, his Democracy can also
be spelled with a small d —not only on the
hustings and at home, but among the lobbyists
of Atlanta and along the tell-tale pages of
the Congressional Record.
* * *
Georgia’s Gobernor, and then again,
Her Legislature.
It has been known, all along, that Gov.
Hoke Smith would have a big job on his hands
when our blessed Legislature met. “The old
gang” was well represented in the batch of
Solons which gallantly rode to Atlanta on free
tickets and settled themselves down in the
seats of the mighty. “The old gang” dies hard,
at all times; and, in the state of Georgia, it
makes a peculiarly desperate struggle to keep
from giving up the ghost.
Consequently, Governor Smith had a diffi
cult task. His friends knew this; and they
knew that whatever he got from this Legis
lature, he would have to fight for.
If we were asked to pass judgment upon the
net results of the work of the Legislature
as a fair sample of what Governor Smith
could have done had his hands been free to
work his own will, we would be compelled
to say that the results are disappointing. But
that is not the proper point of view, from
which to measure the value of the Governor’s
work. , '
We must bear in mind that the Legislature
was not in sympathy with him, and that what
>ver he sot wu just that much wrested from
Watson’s wbkkly jwfftrsontan.
unwilling members.
Judged in that way, the Governor’s work is
seen to be magnificent.
The disfranchisement bill, alone, is a monu
ment to his courageous persistence in the
determination to make good the pledges pf his
campaign.
The Candler-Overstreet bill, enlarging the
powers of the Railroad Commission, is an im
mense advantage gained over “the old gang,”
and over the Yankee corporations that are
plundering the state.
That the Hardeman Resolutions failed to
pass, is a cause for profound regret, but the
Governor is not in any way responsible. *The
Wall Street law-breakers will continue for one
more year to trample our Constitution under
their feet, by continuing the control of the
Central by the Southern—but one year will be
the extreme limit of the state’s forbearance.
Mark it well Mr. W. W. Finley!
Mark it well, Mr. Barbour Thompson!
You two men are violators of law!
BY THE GOD THAT RULES! YOU
TWO CRIMINALS SHALL YET BEND
YOUR ARROGANT HEADS TO THE
ROD OF PUNISHMENT. _
Os course, one of the chief reasons why
so many things which ought to have been
done were not done, was the length of time
consumed by the Prohibition bill. Thirty days
taken out of a session limited to fifty, was
the high price which had to be paid for that
piece of legislation—a price exacted by such
obstructionists as Joe Hill Hall.
A speaker who wanted to squelch such fel
lows as Hall could have found away to do it —
but Speaker Jack Slaton was not the man to
do it.
Incidentally, we have been shown the un
wisdom of limiting a Legislative session to a
fixed number of days.
On the whole, a great beginning has been
made.
We cannot expect to do everything at once.
But we have made a good start; and we
are not going to stop a moment. We are going
to push right on. We are going to redeem
this state, in spite of all that “the old gang”
and its Wall Street bosses can do.
And when the job is finished, the people are
going to send Hoke Smith to the Senate, in
order that he may help such heroes as LaFol
lette redeem the democracy of the Union from
the Special Privilege which is eating its life
out.
* * *
MR. WATSON’S APPOINTMENTS to
make speeches, or to .attend public meetings
will always be announced in the Weekly Jef
fersonian.
Unless you see it in this paper, you may
know that the publication of such an appoint
ment is unauthorized.
* * '*
Judicial Nullification.
The Amendment to the Constitu
tion is no longer good law—for corporation at
torneys and corporation courts. They have
set it aside, Ichabod, Functus Officio, Dennis,
Tekel Upharsin, Mud, Requiescat in pace,
and similar legends are written all over it—by
corporation lawyers standing within the bar,
and corporation lawyers sitting on the bench.
In the year 1793, the state of Georgia was
dragged into the Federal Courts by a man
Hamed Chisolm. The Supreme Court of the
United States held that the Federal Courts
had jurisdiction of suit, by individuals against
states, and proceeded, to deliver judgment
against the state of Georgia.
Whereupon, the State of Georgia treated
the “decision” with the contempt it deserved.
The other states of the Union made common
cause with Georgia; and the net result was
the adoption of the 13th Amendment to the
Constitution. The intent and meaning of that
Amendment is, that citizens shall not sue
states in the federal courts.
Judicial power of that kind; not conceded to
the central Government, but is reserved to
the States.
For a hundred years, that principle has been
recognized. Every lawyer who has read his
books, knows that the 13th Amendment grew
out of the attempted usurpation of power by
the federal Judge in the Chisolm case.
Yet, Pritchard, of North Carolina, and Jones,
of Alabama, are now trying to do the very
thing which the states were so determined to
prevent that they put their determination- into
the shape of a Constitutional Amendment.
When Judge Pritchard, at the instance of
an artificial person—The Southern Railroad—
enjoins the State Commission of Virginia, and
attempts to prevent the State of North Car
olina from enforcing its laws, he violates the
13th Amendment to the Constitution of the
United States.
When Judge Jones of Alabama, at the in
stance of the Louisville and Nashville Rail
road, restrains the State from enforcing state
authority and law, he violates the 13th Amend
ment.
These two Federal Judges are now doing
precisely what Chief Justice Marshall decided
could be done, but which the states—deter
mined that the Federal Judiciary should have
no such revolutionarv and despotic power—
CHANGED THE CONSTITUTION TO
PREVENT THE FEDERAL JUDGES
FROM DOING.
With their monstrous decisions confusing
the right to net profits with the security of title
—these corporation judges have grafted on to
the law of property a principle hitherto un
known to the history of jurisprudence; and
now, by enjoining states at the instance of
railroads, they have made the 14th Amendment
to the Constitution SLAY ITS ELDER
BROTHER, THE THIRTEENTH.
If these two men, Jones and Pritchard, es
cape impeachment, they will not get their
just dues.
And. Alabama allows herself run over by
the railroads and their lawyers, we shall be
greatly surprised.
States do not have to beg Federal Judges
for permission to make and enforce Jaws.
States are vested with ample powers to pro
tect themselves from corporation greed as well
as from judicial usurpation.
AH the state needs is a Governor with a head
on his shoulders, and a heart that is in the right
place. > «»
I would like to see August Belmont of the
L. & N.. or Finley and Thompson of the South
ern, or Ryan’s crowd on the Seaboard try that ‘
game on the State of Georgia.
. I venture to say that when our Extra Ses
sion comes on, and something is done on this
Railroad situation, railroad lawyers, off and
on the bench, will think twice before thev tack
le Hoke Smith with their ready-made injunc
tions.
The reason why the lobbyists are fighting
so desperately to prevent railroad legislation
in Georgia is. THEY KNOW THOSE LAWS
WILL BE ENFORCED, Federal Judges to
contrary, notwithstanding.
* * *
Death of the Tribune.
Elsewhere will be found a card from J. L.
Cartledge which explains itself. It will be
read with interest by many of our friends.
Nearly 20 years ago, a one-horse farmer
had something he wanted to say in the Augus
ta Chronicle, and the paper wouldn’t let him
say it.
Have been right there myself—be jabbers!—
both in prose and poetry, and I know just how
it feels. Had rather hit my funny bone, any
day.
This one-horse farmer was not a submissive
(Continued on Page Twelve.)
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