Newspaper Page Text
PAGE TWELVE
HARRY FISHER’S LUNCH.
(Continued From Page Nine).,
important reform measure was done to death
by Maj. Hanson’s Senator, T. B. Felder.
The Southern Railroad was doubtless charg
ed a good, stiff price for that lunch, but it
could afford to pay the bill without a mur
mur—no matter how steep the charges.
Harry Fisher’s lunch gave the big, rich law
breakers one more full year to LAUGH AT
THE GOVERNOR, TRAMPLE UPON THE
LAW, AND PLUNDER THE PEOPLE.
H M K
WHERE IS THE PARTY “AT”?
What are we to think when that ancient and hon
orable arch-democrat, Henry Watterson says things
like this? v
“I do not say that party government is a failure,
but I do say that party government, claiming to be
the representative of public opinion, is a humbug, it
is a mischievous humbug.”
In other words, according to Mr. Watterson’s view,
party government no longer represents the people,
nor have the people any longer any party govern
ment What is it, then? It is an assumption of the
reins by all the people, regardless of party lines, of
party principles and party platforms.
Members of the legislature boldly proclaim their
disregard of the Macon platform by word and vote;
its binding force is nil; its solemn pledges are naught
if they chance to cross the personal convictions of
the very men who made it. “The party has spoken,”
they say, “now let it retire, for we have the floor.”
One former populist nominee for governor against
the democratic candidate comes forth as a leader in
behalf of state prohibition legislation, in open defiance
of the dictum of the Macon convention; another
is a prospective appointee to supreme court honors.
“Open the Georgia treasure house to the prohibition
leaders; give them of its bounty,” is the promulga
tion that follows.
Let’s look for a moment over in Mississippi. Fol
lowing the senatorial primary we find the success-
SUMMARY OF NEWS.
(Continued from page five),
scale of wages Jias not been reduced.
“In other words, the real sources
cf the people’s vzealth have not yet
been affected, and the ability of in
dustrial concerns to pay dividends is
not measured by the market price
of their stocks.”
“Married Life Hell,” P. 0. Depart
ment Hears.
Amusing answers are pouring in at
the postcffice department at Wash
ington from government employes re
plying to a dozen questions, including
one as to their “marital relations.”
One veteran says his “marital”
condition is very “timid.” Another
man, who is younger, gave the com
prehensive reply that his married life
was “hell!” The majority answer
ed, “Very good.”
Still others think the question
should bring forth a story of their
domestic woes and pour out their
souls. One said his relations we r e
“all right, but my wife is dead.”
Another said they were “very good;
my wife is at the point of death.”
Yet another insists that “his mari
tal condition is very good, since he
has been a widower for ten years.”
Standard Oil Says It’s a Victim.
The Standard Oil Company issued
a thirty-two-page pamphlet. It was
addressee! “From the Directors of the
Standard Oil Company to its Em
ployes and Stock Holders.”
Two of the printed pages, headed,
“A Word in Advance,” are devoted
to declaring the company’s innocence
of all charges made against it and ac
cusing the Federal Administration of
unfair taotiee and Federal officials
with carefully timing their broadcasts
against the company so as to provoke
hostile public opinion. The statement
says, in part:
“The directors of the Standard Oil
Company desire to emphasize for the
half million people directly interested
in its welfare the assurance of the
company’s • absolute innocence of
wrongdoing in any of the prosecu
tions lately instituted against it in
the Federal courts. Particularly is
this, so in the recent Chicago and Al
ton Railroad case made notorious by
the sensational fine of $29,240,000 im
_ posed on the Standard Oil Company
of Indiana.
“It should be known as widely as
possible that this is no case of rebate
or discrimination, but simply of the
legality of a freight rate. It should
be known that the verdict was ob
tained by the government upon the
most hair-splitting technicality, aided
by the rigorous exclusion of evid nee
that would have removed all pre
sumption of guilt.
“The case has been taken on ap
peal to the higher courts, to which
we must look for that calm judgment
which will rescue the rights of the
citizen from the field of public clamor
and from the domain of vindictive
politics.”
Five Hundred Hurt in Battle.
In a pitched battle between 10,000
persons who attended an outing given
by the Tammany Jefferson Club—
Louis J. Haffen’s organization—and
2,000 policemen, waiters and long
shoremen at Witzel’s Point View
Grove, College Point, L. 1., more than
500 persons were injured. The police
obtained only a few names. Revol-
WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
ful candidate, John Sharp Williams, charging that
Vardaman was in league with the former antago
nists of organized democracy in the state, and admon
ishing the people that the closeness of the contest
indicated that the old line democracy had better look
out, or “the goblins would get it.” At Yazoo City,
following his nomination, Mr. Williams said he first
looked upon the contest as a friendly competition be
tween two democrats, but “I soon began to be unde
ceived and to discover that there was an effort being
made by my competitor to play to the populists.”
Continuing Mr. Williams said:
“This was shown by his introduction of Tom Wat
son as a man ‘easier to criticise than to answer.’
I did not hear his introduction, but I have been told
that was substantially the language of it. This
was followed by a letter of eulogy to Watson, which
was published by Watson in his magazine, and then
by words of eulogy written concerning my competitor
by Watson.
“The intent of all this was obvious, but I continued
to hope until after the primary that it would fail of
results, believing that the men who had come back
to the democratic party to participate in its party
election had come in good faith, and would decline
to be led by Tom Watson, the leader of the national
populists, or the leader of any other party. The
result, however, showed that I was mistaken. My
competitor received the fifteen or twenty thousand
populist votes of this state almost en masse. They
took their marching orders from Thomas Watson.
“There is one great benefit that has been attained
by this lesson taught by the late primary. The plan
of Tom Watson and his adherents to capture the
democratic organizaztion in this state by holding the
balance of power between democrats came so very
near being successful that the plan itself has been
exposed and the eyes of democrats who love their
party have been opened. They will not be caught
napping again.”
Yet further on there is just a suspicion of doubt
in what he says:
“Yet here are fifteen or twenty thousand men
participating in a democratic primary in the state
of Mississippi who receive and acknowledge march
ing orders from Tom Watson. What are they going
to do when the presidential election comes and Mr.
vers, knives, blackjacks and all sorts
of weapons were used.
Farmers Need Not Whine and Want
No Petting.
The Executive Committee of the
Central New York Farmers’ Club met
at Utica, N. Y., and passed resolu
tions denouncing the proposed calling
of a convention to take cognizance
of the condition of farming in this
state. The resolutions declare
within a few years there has been
a strong drift from citv to country;
that farm lands are not depreciating
in value, but are slowly rising in
price; that farmers receive from one
fourth to one-third mo r e for all pro
duce than thev d ; d ten or fifteen
years ago, and that there are no
abandoned farms in this state.
Plot to Crush Labor.
Following the suit of Prpsident Van
Cleave, of th° National Manufactur
ers’ Association, for an injunction
against the use of the “unfair list”
bv the American Fpderation of Lnhor,
President Gompprs said at Washing
ton that probably the Federation
would bring a counter suit agm’nst
the Manufacturers’
eharcnng that bodv with consnirgey.
“We havp learned.” said Gomp
ers. Mr. Van Cleave has heen
instigated bv direction of the Manu
facturers’ Association, wHch met in
New York recentlv. and decided to
raise a fund of $1,500,000 to crush
out organized labor. •
“If Van Cleave exnectg us to sur
render the rights that cost centuries
of struggles by the peopb, he is mis
taken in his men. We know we are
within our legal rights and we pro
pose to exercise them regardless of
Bryan is nominated by the democrats and Mr. Wat
son by the populists? From whom are they going
to take their marching orders then?”
And all this sounds very much like some of the
warnings shouted from the housetops in Georgia
last year—but in Georgia Mr. Watson had his way,
and he is today, as everybody knows, the master of
the political situation. And the most hopeful sign
about it is his expressed determination to hold the ad
ministration to its pledges of reform —or to know th®
reason why!
These are the conditions with which the organized
democracy is confronted today, when Mr. Watson an
nounces, in effect, that the time has come for th®
substitution of the Ocala platform!
And so we, why try to hide thefacts? Why,
ostrich-like, shut out from view the inevitable, if
somewhat painful, sight of party disorganization?
In Mississippi the successful leader of the party
in the national house denounces Watson’s political
activity in stirring up discord in democratic ranks,
and repudiates the concerted effort of former antag
onists of the party to control party action by going
back to its ranks for the purpose of punishing those
who have battled for the organization.
In Georgia exactly the opposite policy prevailed,
and the people approved. There can be no doubt
about that!
Therefore, if Mississippi is right, Georgia is
wrong.
If Georgia is right, Mississippi is wrong.
If we are to have a party on the plan outlined
by Mr. Williams, then there will have to be some
shifting of positions in Georgia.
If, on the other hand, the Georgia position holds
as a<national policy, then where does it leave the
democratic hous® leader and the senator-elect from
Mississippi?
In the meantime, while all this is developing, Mr.
Watterson is denouncing party organization general
ly as a “mischievous humbug.” And in the light of
th® mad riot of the Macon platform, and of the con
vention which The Macon Telegraph characterized
as an "orgie,” the public will be inclined to think
that Mr. Watterson is about right!—Atlanta Con
stitution.
personal consequences.
‘ ‘ I am strong in my conviction that
when it comes to the test of surren
dering my rights as an American cit
izen or surrendering to an injunction
of the courts, I shall not hesitate to
exercise my rights.
“The men behind the injunction
proceedings are pitting their millions
of money against human hearts and
minds, and in the long run the hearts
and minds will win.” G. N.
SCHOOLS'FOR FARMERS.
Among the farmers of Alabama
the work of the summer institute at
Auburn increases in interest and val
ue every year. The methods taught
are both practical and scientific. In
fact, these terms are rapidlv becom
ing synonymous in this enlightened
age.
The age of skepticism among far
mers as to the value of scientific
knowledge in agricultural pursuits has
about parsed awav and the success
of the efforts of Auburn has much to
do with this important fact, espe
ciallv so far as the Alabama farmer
is concerned.
It has alwavs been conceded that
there is no more honorable calling
than farming; and certain it is that
men occupied in cultivating agricul
tural products cannot possess too
much knowledge relative to the best
methods of raising and caring for
all crons.
Scientific farming not onlv pays
directlv, but it makes life more in
teresting on the farm—hence the
farm more attractive to young men.
whose minds are kept ever active in
concert with an exercise of muscle.—
Age-Herald.