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PAGE FOURTEEN
That Capitalist War Tund.
Discussed By Men Who Think and
Act.
i ■ e
James Duncan, First Vice-President,
American Federation of Labor.
As Labor’s Independence Day
(this year September 2) brings
thoughts of emancipation from cruel,
unjust, or unfair conditions, it sounds
like a travesty to find in Mr. Van
Cleave’s address to the National As
sociation of Manufacturers that he
had need for a fund of a million and
a half dollars to be distributed over
three years “to fight industrial op
pression.” Could it have been the
slip of a word? Perhaps, qfter all,
he meant the word “effect” instead
of the word “fight.” If his sesqui
million fund is used at all, it will be
to “effect industrial oppression.”
Stripped of verbiage, Van Cleave
wanted the fund to thwart the prog
ress of organized labor, and if those
he represents are making profits suf
ficiently high to warrant their con
tributing to such a fund, they have
not much of an argument with which
to go before the public and claim its
serious consideration. Superficially,
he reminds one of the saying immor
talized by the Bard of Avon and em
phasized by Puck, “What fools these
mortals be!” and causes one’s mind
to revert to the historic event wheir ft
certain character perched him on his
throne where the tide rises and falls
twice in 24 hours and commanded the
waves to keep back. Van Cleave with
his $500,000 per annum for three,
years will find himself in that posi
tion, for if he had many times that
amount to be used as he has in mind,
he could no more hold back the swell
of trade unionism than can water
be held back with the rise of the
tide.
The Manufacturers’ Association is
a protection organization. It has
many muck rakes. Each is expected
to bring its proportionate results. To
this end the first million dollars of
this corruption fund, if it is raised,
may be applied. Van Cleave’s outfit
wants unlimited immigration, espe
cially from the countries of the
world where education of the poor is
low. It must have a surplus of that
part of its “property” which new ju
dieialism calls “labor.” This is
free trade, but not the kind which in
terferes with the protection on which
this patriotic (?) organization sub
sists.
Van Cleavism demands “free
trade” in labor, but * ‘protection”
through Congress for its product. It
stands for the employment of child
ren in mill and shop and practices it
in every direction excepting where
estopped by organized labor.
This commercial machine owns
every sweat-shop in our land.
Has it ever demanded free schools,
free school books, free bath houses
or play grounds for children ?
Has it ever been known to advo
cate anything for the uplift of down
trodden humanity?
Has it ever voluntarily reduced
employes’ working hours that they
might breathe fresh air or, through
study, enrich and broaden their intel
lects?
Has it ever been knowm to stand
for anything except its commercial
WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
god, the almighty dollar, or to coal
esce for any purpose other than to op
press a portion of the human race?
Thus portrayed, it is as dung-hill
to diamond to compare the alleged
principles of the Van Cleave outfit
to the accomplishments and aspira
tions of our great labor movement.
To recount the thousand and one re
forms, the latter has accomplished,
would take too much space. It will
suffice to say that, if Van Cleave
raises the fund he asked for, and uses
it for the purpose intended, trade
unionism will increase its activity
four-fold. If anything will spur the
average toiler into wholesome protec-*
tion of his interests, it is applying
the goad; therefore, unfair employers
will find us routing oppression here,
closing a sweat-shop there, again,
through the logic of events, securing
new anti-child labor laws, betimes
successfully placing on the statute
books of a state an act for free and
compulsory education and anon re
ducing the working hours of those
who toil more than eight in twenty
four, with the sure concomitant of
an increase of pay.
We stand for equality before the
law, justice under it and for the
cause of humanity and fear no cor
ruption fqnd, nor its sponsors.—-
American Federationist.
Jerome Jones, Organizer, American
Federation of Labor.
In raising a fund of a million and
a half of dollars to fight organized
labor the National Association of
Manufacturers has taken the wrong
course. Co-operation, not hostility,
is the wise policy. Organized labor is
as much a logical product of modern
industrial conditions as organized
capital. If one is bad, so is the other.
If one is to be fought so is the other.
But both have their good points—
and both are here to stay.
The w r orld must make the best of
this condition of human progress
and deal fairly all around. Let us
take for granted that Mr. Van
Cleave is a fair and honest employer,
and is always willing to grant to his
men an increase of wages in propor
tion as his business prospers or .
cost of living advances. Does Mr.
Van Cleave believe that such a spi
is prevalent among the employing
classes generally in this day and time ?
Do *not the material facts bear
out just the reverse of such a spir
it? And then we do not attribute
to the employing class a greater spir
it of avarice than is found in man
kind generally.
But what can Mr. Van Cleave hope
to attain that will be beneficial to
the country if his policy is carried
to a conclusion?
We take it that these men are pa
triotic citizens—at least we so cred
it them—and that it is not their pur
pose to plunge this country into a
state of anarchy.
Labor organiaztions are the natur
al outgrowth of the present economic
systeiy. The working people seek or
ganization just as naturally as the
wild horses of the plains go in groups
and form a circle for their protection
and that of their young.
Labor unions are founded on law
and order and the highest attributes
of civilized thought and progress.
If it were in the power of Mr. Van
Cleave and his associates to carry out
their evil designs two events would
follow that would bode no good to
this country.
First, the American workmen as
such would no longer be free men at
liberty to barter and sell their labor
at the best advantage, and by best
advantage is meant, not a personal
advantage, but at a figure that would
enable the men to meet all the require
ments necessary to live 7 *and rear a
family that would be a credit to the
country in which we live. The Van
Cleave idea would soon make unnec
essary the erection of public schools
that we now point to as one of the
glories of our country and age. In
fact, the public schools are largely
responsible for the rapid growth and
progress of labor unions, and if Mr.
Van Cleave and his associates would
make their attempt at destruction,
sure they must first destroy all hope
of the children of the workers gain
ing a public school education.
If by Mr. Van Cleave’s method we
are reduced to the stage of bare exist
ence what good has he accomplished,
for surely this must be the object
sought. His very proclaamation sug
gests this.
If the labor unions are not fulfill
ing the mission for which they were
intended, namely, to benefit the work
ers of the various crafts —to increase
wages when the business of the coun
try justifies such a step, and decrease
the hours of toil when the country’s
prosperity justifies the action—why
does Mr. Van Cleave want to put
a stumbling block in the way of their
progress ?
If the labor unions are not becom
ing a powerful and potent factor for
the good of the working class—and
that seems to be the head and foot
of their offending—why do Mr. Van
Cleave and his fellow patriots pro
test?
The simple truth is that the work
ers are coming into some of their
rights—nothing more, nothing le«s—
-and it ill becomes such an American
as Mr. Van Cleave to do aught to
hinder or abridge in any manner any
policy that makes for the uplift of
American citizens.
If it were possible to seriously im
pede the progress of labor unions
such action would only encourage a
malignant fever of discon lent that
could prove a fertile field for dis
turbers of industrial peace.
These manufacturers are surely
sowing the seeds of future trouble.
Let them and their descendants take
heed. Among the grain may be found
many tares. A good book, which has
stood the test of time in the ages,
has writ in it these words: “As ye
sow, so shall ye reap when the harvest
time is come.”—American Federa
tionist.
THE DEATH OF STUART.
Veterans who have followed the
gallant “Jeb” Stuart will read with
interest the following account of his
death written in 1882 by the wife of
Gen. L. L. Lomax for the Philadel
phia Times:
“It has been said that Lee was
the brain of the Confederate army,
Jackson was its arm, but Stuart was
its soul. The great calvary leader
was a part of the history of an age
that dazzled the world for a space,
going out in darkness. The carriage
of a noble person, the manners of a
kind heart awakened interest, enthu
siasm, wherever he was seen. His
deeds, his exploits illuminated the
gloomy scenes of war —all that was
chivalric gleamed as light about the
name of J. E. B. Stuart. In the sad
dle he was the picture of the war
rior; _ out of the Saddle, the
man in him was devout at
times, full of prayer; at other times
gay with laughter, light of heart, full
of song, full of music, which was a
passion with him.
“Stuart fell in a skirmish near
Yellow Tavern, in 1864. ... At
Ashland they were led to believe that
Sheridan was moving on Richmond.
General Stuart divided and placed
his cavalry on three roads leading to
Richmond, with directions to watch
the movements of the enemy and en
gage him at all hazards, in order to
prevent his entrance into the city,
and with the understanding that the
Confederate cavalry should reunite at
Yellow Tavern. Stuart accompanied
the march of the! brigade. Upon
reaching the vicinity of Yellow Tav
ern he found a strong picket of the
enemy in front, which he succeeded
in driving before him. He shortly
encountered two brigades of Federal
cavalry drawn up in line to support
the picket. This was morning, and
the fighting continued incessantly
with varied success until high noon.
It could be seen by the Confederates
that the enemy had been re-inforced.
From high noon tin three o’clock the
fighting, which had been severe, seem
ed to stop by common consent. Field
hospitals were established and the
men rested. At three o’clock it was
announced that the enemy was ad
vancing in stronger numbers, a larger
force than had hitherto been seen.
The artillery was immediately placed
upon an eminence by General Stu
art’s order for the purpose of com
manding the approach of the Feder
als. The cavalry was hurriedly
mounted and moved to the support of
the artillery.
“Upon that eminence may brave
men were lost, and the star of a great
and glorious leader went down. As
soon as the artillery opened fire the
enemy could be distinguished by the
naked eye preparing to charge in full
force. Every' effort was made by
the little brigade to meet this charge
gallantly, but it was thrown back
again and again by overwhelming
numbers.
‘ ‘ Stuart held his position by the
artillery, never leaving his post ex
cept to rally the men or lead them
back to the charge with flaming
sword. Nothing could have surpassed
the supreme courage displayed by
him. He was cool and clear as his
command went forth clear and de
termined. Stuart fought without re
spect to numbers until a shot cut
him down where he stood battling for
the guns. Crash on crash pealed
forth. One malignant shell touched
the ‘bravest and the tenderest.’ The
first intimation the men received of
the truth was to see him dismount
from his iron gray horse, hold it by
the reins, his black plume tilting to
one side as he staggered and fell
down among the ranks of the enemy.
The enemy seemed unconscious of the
presence of the cavalry hero, who had
been a target for their bullets and