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at large have an instinct for discov
ering the new thing, and the Hughes
method is unquestionably new. Join
ing the stiff orderliness associated
with extreme conservatism to an un
compromising radicalness of idea, dis
regarding alike the appeals of friend
ship and of party, using no weapons
except those drawn from the arsenal
of reason—here is a man of whom
anything is possible, even the perma
nent lifting of American public life
to a high level.
“The young man of today will do
well to watch the life and doings of
Charles E. Hughes.
“Among the number of letters
sent me asking for information from
all over the country regarding th ?
new discovery * German Grains,’ for
the cure without drugs of indiges
tion, etc., there were some who failed
to give addresses, and if they see
this they will understand why th
New York end of this paper did not
comply. ’ ’
Looking at the proposition, isn’t
your first impression that this agent
is “out for the money”? After
reading his New York article, are ’
not left with the opinion that he gets
a graft from the man so nicely and
voluntarily complimented? Then, is
it right that cleverness in such away
should be so generally recognized
when the numbers must pay ttrer
price, and it is the price, after all,
that is at the end of the string?
THOMAS EZRA M’DONALD.
WHAT ONE OF THE LEADING
ENGLISH PAPERS THOUGHT
OF “THE STORY OF FRANCE.**
We give the communication in the
exact shape in which it reached the
author:
Telegraphic Address
“Publish, London.”
Telephone Number, 2686.
Macmillan & Co., Ltd.
St. Martin’s Street, W. C.
Messrs. Macmillan & Co., Ltd., beg
to forward the accompanying cutting
from Progress, of June, 1902:
“The Story of France,” by Thom
as E. Watson (London: Macmillan
and Co., Limited; two volumes,
21 -) In every sense of the word
this is a great work. The subject
dealt with is a great one, and the
treatment of it is both exhaustive
and masterly. We iegret that tpace
will not allow )f cur giving even
the baldest outline of the work; but
we ought to say that it deals with the
history of France, and of its fasci
nating, though eccefitric people from
the earliest times down to the Con
sulate of Napoleon Bonaparte. The
author must be a man of extraordi
nary industry, for the work bear’s
evidence of the most exacting re
search, and of every care having been
exercised so that it should be full,
accurate, and entirely reliable. But
Mr. Watson is a good deal more than
an industrious man, or he could not
have produced a work so emphatical
ly fascinating and useful. He is un
doubtedly a born historian—over
flowing with knowledge of his sib
ject, and possessed of the nejessary
qualifications to enable him to im
part that knowledge in a clear, con
cise, an impartial, orderly, and emi
nently readable manner.
KEEP HER OUT.
Emma Goldman, whose hate for the
United States is professedly as high
as the sky and as broad as the ocean,
will not be able to get back to this
country, it seems, unless present
plans and determination are
changed. She has been permitted to
go where she pleased heretofore, not
withstanding her admittedly danger
ous intellectual qualities and her vi
cious and bloody advice to the de
luded ones who follow her teachings;
but now that she is out of the coun
try, she may not be permitted to re
turn.
Every half way decent American
must hope in his or her heart that
this is true, and that the government
is prepared to stand firm, and with
legal right, upon its decision. That
she was at least indirectly responsi
ble for the fanatical act of Czolgosz
is hardly to be doubted. Whether
she was or not, however, she has trav
eled this country around, glorifying
that cruel and inhuman deed, and
holding its perpetrator up before her
dull-witted and generally vicious au
diences as a martyr.
She is a dangerous —an extremely
dangerous—woman. She has the fire
of a great orator, the skill of a prac
ticed demagogue, the love of noto
riety fully developed, and the deter
mination of a crafty and powerful
leader. She is not wanted in this
land; it is no place for her. What
she has done cannot be recalled. But
she can be prevented from doing fur
ther damage—and it is our hope that
she will be. Keep her cut! —Wash-
ington Herald.
AS WORKINGMEN MUST SEE IT.
(Continued from Page Seven.)
He has learned that if he steals
SSO, he goes to the penitentiary; but
that the man who steals millions is
admitted into “high finance” and i
heralded as a foremost American.
He has found that if he violates the
injunction of a court, he goes to jail,
and his home is sold to pay the
court’s cost; but that when the
poration magnate violates an injunc
tion, he gives bond and goes free.
He has learned that when a cor
poration is the complainant, federal
judges are not only prompt to a
sume jurisdiction, but only too often
they assume also the spirit of the
prosecutor.
He sees the leading business men
of the country placing pride of pelf
above pride of self. He sees them
proclaiming and exemplifying the
heresy that the dollar is the stand
ard of success, and that this success
is the standard of character, of
worth.
He hears himself patronizingly
asked to accept a “full dinner pail”
in lieu of a full share of civic rights
and full opportunities in life.
He has discovered that the devot
ees of “high finance” have two sys
tems of arithmetic. When they buy,
they estimate the cost of labor, ma
terial and machinery, by the formula
of 2 and 2 makes 4; but when they
capitalize to sell stocks and bonds,
it is 2 and 2 make 22.
He is told by the railroads that the
rails made and sold by the steel
trust —at exorbitant, protective tar
iff prices—are defective, and are con
tinually breaking, thus causing rni’
road wrecks, and daily and honrb
endangering the lives of thousands
of people; and he is told by the rail
roads that the tariff protected steel
trust monopoly turns out these <le
WATSON'S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
fective rails so as to save money—
the money going to pay dividends on
hundreds of millions of watered
stock. But no one in authority has
even suggested that the steel trust
rail makers are criminally respon
sible.
The government itself tells him
the railroads, congressmen, senators,
and men of large wealth have con
spired to defraud the people of thou
sands of acres of valuable mining and
timber lands, but he sees one of these
very senators at the head of the pros
ecution of the mine union leaders of
Colorado.
He sees corporation lawyers ap
pointed to federal judgeships. He
sees corporation lawyers in the fed
eral cabinet. He sees cabinet offi
cers go direct from the administra
tion to become intimately associated
with Wall street leaders of “high
finance.”
He has been given ample evidence
that even the United States Senate,
the highest law making body of th?
nation —and the body that confirms
the appointments of all federal
judges—is controlled, when necessary,
by senators elected to represent rail
roads, trusts, tariff beneficiaries, and
other special privilege recipients.
Then, too, he has learned that
newspapers are selling their column
even their editorial columns, to those
w T ho fatten on special privileges, and
who rob and oppress the people—•
“lawfully.”
Seeing and knowing these things,
he feels that there is something rad
ically wrong in the system of econ
omy that brings forth, and in the
government that permits, such an
unjust and dangerous distribution of
Berckmans* Trees
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Fruit and Shade Trees, Evergreen
and Deciduous Shrubs, Conifers,
' Roses, Palms, etc.
Our stock is free from disease or insects.
Special Department for Landscape Work
We are prepared to make surveys and plans for
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P. J. Berckman Co. inc.
FRUITLAND NURSERIES
Drawer 1070 AUGUSTA, GA.
Established 1856. We do not sell through agents-
the profits of the products of labor.
And he asks: Who has done most
to breed a class spirit in this coun
try? Who has done most to breed
contempt for and defiance of law?
Who is seeking to enforce the prin
ciple that “vested interests” are su
perior to human rights? If this
country is drifting rapidly toward
socialism as the only means to se
cure “equal and exact justice to all,
special privileges to none” —who is
responsible for it?
Again he asks: Is there no other
punishment than fine—no adequate
punishment—for the stock juggu
the stock waterer, the trust highbind
er, the trust fund speculator, ths
criminally negligent trust manufac
turer, the corrupter of the publie
press, the briber of local, State and
national legislatures, and the exploit
er of special franchises granted for
the public welfare?
He asks, in conclusion: If there is
not enough intelligence, moral cour
age, honesty, manhood and patriot
ism in the United States to put an
end to special privileges, to corpo
rate corruption and abuse of power,
to plundering the people—no mat
ter by what name it is called —and
to make all men equal before the law,
then is not socialism inevitable and
preferable?
Will the present current of reform
cany the shop if state safely be
tween the growing demands of or
ganized labor for socialism, and the
lawless rapacity of the privileged
class, intrenched behind wealth and
politics—until even the humblest citi
zen can say with truth and with
pride: All men are equal before the
law?—Thornton West, in The Public.
PAGE FIFTEEN