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PAGE TWELVE
ON A TARE.
(Continued from Page 9.)
In Tompkins these 6 yards of bagging and 6
ties actually weighed 21 poiftids—at ten
o’clock, of a Saturday morning, October 20,
1907.
At least, that’s what a man told us over
the ’Phone.
Sober man —charakter, good middling.
Now, the cost of the bagging and ties is
sl.lO. In Tombkins, mind you.
That’s what the man said over the ’Phone.
All right—pow let’s figger.
The farmer buys the bagging and ties at
sl.lO and sells them as 21 pounds of cotton at,
say, 12 cents per pound, or $2.52.
Is that right?
Well, it looks so, to us; but we are not
swearing to anything.
Apparently, the farmer has cleared one dol
lar and forty-two cents on that bagging and
those ties.
So far, so good.
But the farmer lost 30 pounds of cotton
worth, at 12 cents per pound, $3.60.
Is that right?
Be keerful. Steady! Now—hie on!
The farmer gained one dollar and forty
two cents, but lost three dollars and sixty
cents.
If this doesn’t leave the farmer with a net
loss of two dollars and » eighteen cents, then
the Jeffersonian has gone crazy.
We were afraid, all along, that these Dem
ocratic editors would get us so mixed up that
we shouldn’t be able to tell B from bull’s
foot.
And they’ve done it.
P. S. The error in the calculation of our
Texas friend consists in not counting,the whole
30 lbs. as a loss. He bases his figures on the
assumption that the farmer gains the weight
of the bagging and ties and does not lose
them, at all. In fact, the farmer gains them
by paying for them, but he loses them utterly,
and without compensation in the 30 lbs.
knocked off.
•tn*
Foolish.
Why should the Atlanta Journal endorse
/‘such a foolish thing” as the Credit Cur
rency Plan of the National Bankers?
Says the Journal:
“It is believed that it will offer the safest
and most elastic system that has yet been de
vised.”
It is believed—by whom? A more undem
ocratic scheme of High Finance was never
proposed. A more shameless piece of class
legislation was never conceived. A completer
trap, to catch the average business man in, was
never built. It marks a most infeolent en-
THE GORMAN INFAMY, AUGUST
28, 1894.
“Much has been written of the ef
fect of the tariff upo ntrusts. More
fittingly might we write upon the ef
fect of the trusts upon the tariff.”
Never had the people spoken so
emphatically and unanimously for
tariff reduction as in 1890 and 1892.
Grover Cleveland was elected and the
republican majorities swept from
both branches of congress. Prof.
Wilson, who had charge of the tar
iff revision, was wise but conserva
tive; like a physician who believes
inebriety can best be cured by slight
ly diminishing the daily drink, he
provided for slight reduction in du
ties, such as could not unsettle es
tablished industries. If his bill could
have become law, and continued in
force, it would have conserved un
told millions in the hands of con-
WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
croachment of favored corporations whose
very existence is in defiance of the democratic
principles of Jefferson and Jackson.
It marks another step in the greedy usur
pation of the Pet Banks, who demand the right
to do what the Government alone should do. *
It enlarges the baleful power of those gigan
tic institutions to inflate and contract the cur
rency at will, thus fixing and unfixing prices
to suit themselves.
Its sinister purpose is to throw the country
on to a bank-paper basis, wherein nobody
will know good money from bad.
And the insatiable graspers who evolved
this precious plan actually have the brazen
impudence to demand, that in case they don’t
pay those credit currency notes, the Govern
ment shall take your gold out of the Treasury
and use it to pay off the bad debts of the
National ,Banker.
And the Atlanta Journal declares that “it
is believed” that this profligate plan to ex
ploit both the people and the Government is
“the safest and most elastic system that has
yet been devised.”
Does the Journal believe it? Let the Jour
nal come out, fairly and squarely. Let us
taboo the side-step.
KUH
Editorial Notes.
e The Tallahassee Sun, one of the best weekly
papers in America, appeals to Gov. Broward
to call an extra session.
The Sun mentions quite a lot of things that
need to be done, right away. The catalogue
bears a striking resemblance to the inventory
of the things which we Georgians thought
we wanted, last summer.
Don’t want ’em now, though. The Atlanta
Journal —which has been to Europe—tells us
that an Extra-session would be “foolish”; and
that settles our hash.
John Spooner was the Senator who shame
lessly represented the Corporations in the U.
S. Senate. He is now representing them in
the Federal Courts of Georgia, asking that
the Governor be enjoined from acting as Gov
ernor. The Yankee corporations that are bleed
ing the Southern people, are trying to nullify
our statutes as they have nullified our Consti
tution. They are asking a Federal Court Judge
to say that a Governor can’t be Governor, un
less he says so. They are asking the Federal
< Judge to say that a State shall not exercise
State functions, unless he says it may.
, Beware John Spooner!
You are sowing the wind—take heed lest
your greedy, lawless, heartless Yankee Cor
porations reap the whirl-wind!
What do the Wall Street Corporations im
agine will be the state of Public Opinion if
they keep up this defiant and insolent fight
sumers and producers instead of
piling their earnings in the coffers
of multi-millionaires. But such was
not to be its fate. The cormorants
of the senate swept down upon it and
plucked from it its every provision
for the relief of the people. Every
protected interest log-rolled with the
others to protect its plunder. Pres
ident Cleveland refused to sign it
but allowed it to become law because
it was by a shaving less bad than the
McKinley tariff.
It is remembered principally for
its sugar* and free wool clauses. The
wool industry. had become terribly
depressed (wool brought but 20 cents
in Boston) under the McKinley and
preceding tariffs. (See table of
pricee, p. 225.) This tariff was in
force too short a time to have any
effect whatever on the price of wool
but ignorant men were made to be-
lieve they had had four years of free
trade from the day of Cleveland’s
election.
Manufacturers of woolens and stu
dents of statistics agree in the belief
that if the kinds of woo! needed to
mix with ours could be imported free
ly, manufacturers of choice woolens
'Would establish themselves in this
count) v (many -did plan to do so
when it was expected the Mills bill
would become law) and the demand
for American wools and their prices
would b? greatly increased. This of
course takes time, hut before this
tariff went into effect it was known
that the next congress would repeal
it, so any virtues it may have had
were of no effect.
The sugar clause is fully discussed
in Part V of this work under tiie
Sugar Trust. »
Much was In aid in 1892, 1893 and
against the states, against the law, against
the common people?
Have these men allowed their infernal greed
to blind them to the furious passions which
they are arousing? Doesn’t every man who
keeps posted know that the railroads are mak
ing more money than ever before?
Doesn’t every man of common sense know
that these Confiscatory Pleas are mere protests
against public regulation of public utilities?
The arrogant, despotic Wall Street Kings
resent the idea that such a puny thing as a
State should dare to interfere with their con
trol of their roads. That’s why they fight.
n
Underneath everything else that is where
the issue is joined in a fight to the death.
We, the people, are determined to make
these Wall Street Magnates understand that
the railroads are our public roads, and that
they shall be operated partly for our benefit
according to the law of Franchise duties.-
On the other hand, the Wall Street Kings
are inspired by the old Vanderbilt spirit of
“the Public be damned,” and they don’t intend
to submit to any real state control.
That’s what the fight is about.
H
Before a Republican Judge, John Spooner,
the great Republican lawyer, who has been
employed by the three Republicans, Morgan,
Hanson and Scott, who—through Hamp Mc-
Whorter —have been bossing the state of Geor
gia, is contending for an order against the
Governor which would, in effect, put a great
Sovereign State at the mercy of any foreign
Corporation. Governors could not move a
hand, Legislatures could not pass a valid stat
ute, without running the risk of being enjoin
ed, halted, made powerless, rendered ridicu
lous, by any little one-horse corporation that
didn’t happen to approve of our state govern
ment.
Wouldn’t it be strange if these federal Re
publicans could go “marching through Geor
gia” at that high-stepping gait?
•t
Every state in the Union should be study
ing the situation in Georgia and Alabama.
The Wall Street marauders mean to use the
Federal Judges to prevent public control of
public utilities.
That’s the issue. Get ready to meet it.
n n n
Honor Foil. •
A few of the true and earnest friends who
help the two Jeffersonians:
T. J. Ricketts, Maxwell, Ga.
Dr. J. T. Dickey, Sycamore, Ga.
S. B. Hunt, Powder Springs, Ga.
R. L. Durham, Farmington, Ga.
J. F. Durrett, Temple, Ga.
C. G. Woodall, Sandersville, Ga.
W. F. Dunahoo, Winder, Ga.
1891 of the “threat of free trade.”
Now free trade can offer no possible
threat except to those exacting extor
tion. But it is certain if you prom
ise 70,000.000 people that they may
next year buy more cheaply, it does
tend to lessen present purchases. It
may be true that a patient’s fever
is increased by his anxiety for his
physician to arrive. But it could
hardly be an argument against the
practice of that school of physicians,
unless it is the practice to be late
in arriving. The enormous rates of
the McKinley tariff and the promise
of lowdl* prices soon brought business
to a standstill. We did little but
wear out our old clothes, carpets, fur
niture and implements. The lower
rates on imported raw materials
might have encouraged manufacturers
but they knew the rates were to be
repealed before a single factory could