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PAGE FOURTEEN
BISTORT OF PROTECTION.
(Continued from Page 3.)
to mean revenues should be reduced
by so enormously increasing the du
ties that competing products could
not come here at all. Such was the
interpretation by the committee and
by congress of the Republican victory
of 1888. Remember this was a minor
ity victory achieved against the voice
of the people by a base gerrymander
only. The people had asked for bread
they were given a stone, and a red
hot one. They dropped it with a
shout. One hundred congressmen who
had voted for the bill were defeat
ed for re-election, McKinley himself
among them.
The census of 1890 was taken that
year. Its conclusions were not be
fore them, but there were careful sta
tistical estimates and, as assumed
statesmen, they should have known
the condition of their country. When
published it showed that in ten years
the manufacturers had not only made
an annual profit of 21 per cent to 36
per cent, but had increased their cap
ital by 141 per cent and by virtue
(or vice) of the tariff were able to
report their product as $9,370£L07,-
624.
Half the people of America were
still upon farms. More than half the
remainder were directly dependent
upon the farmer; there is never a dol
lar comes to their counties except
from farmers’ products sent out. The
total product of farms, “sold, con
sumed or on hand,” was but $2,430,-
397,454. Not enough in total to pay
the men on the farms but three-fifths
of average wages paid to shop hands,
with no interest on their investment.
Now can any one attempt to tell
how these farmers and their depend
ants, carpenters, blacksmiths, teach
ers and professional men are to buy
their three-fourths of 9 billions of
manufactures 1
The only possible direct effect of a
higher tariff was to stop incoming for
eign goods (reducing revenue) and by
the same amount stopping sale of
farm products abroad and to enable
manufacturers to combine and de
mand higher prices and —wait. All
this they did. None could buy—fac
tories were idle; men were idle;
merchants were idle; railroads idle;
farmers despondent. If they hired,
crops would not pay hands.
President Harrison swung his far
famed hat and shouted himself
hoarse, “Wait I Wait!! Wait!!!
Give the McKinley tariff a chance,”
Cleveland was again elected with
nominally a Democratic house and
senate and on November 7 the press
of the country, owned by protected
monopolists, began to shout, “All this
depression is due to Democratic free
trade.” Harrison remained presi
dent until March without revenue to
run the government. (Yes, McKin
ley reduced the revenue.) Harrison
and his secretary had the plates en
graved tor new bonds to borrow
money “in time of peace.” By a
questionable borrowing, from other
funds he pulled through till March
4, and left Cleveland the odium of
issuing bonds to supply expenses of
government under the McKinley tar
iff. “Wait!” said Harrison. We
waited. On March 4, 1893, Grover
Cleveland raised his hand and swore
to support the laws upon the statute
book. He did. In natural course con
gress would not convene for more
Ilian a year after the election. .No
WATSON’S WEEKLY JEFFERSONIAN.
tariff legislation could be enacted un
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til months later in 1894. But everv
protection paper in the land ranted,
“We are under free trade now. How
do you like it?”
We meet men on every street cor
ner to this day who say, “We had
free trade under Cleveland in 1893.
How did you like it?” Thousands
have repeated this until they believe
it. Half of the Democrats even will
shake their heads and say, We did
have pretty tough times under that
gold-bug’s rule. They forget to add
it was while under his oath to en
force the McKinley tariff. We have
suffered from war and pestilence,
from drouths and holocausts, from in
temperence and turpitude, panics
from lack of money and from worth
less money, but never, nevei’ did
wrong headed legislation cause
such distress, desolation and despair
as was caused by the McKinley tariff.
All in time of peace and when all
forces of civilization, of nature, and
of art were conspiring to add to our
wealth which a few millionaire mo
nopolists said we should not enjoy;
and rather than see us possess it they
conspired that we should not pioduce
it. Do you doubt if capitalists would
conspire to reduce the production of
capital for a time? Think of what
they had at stake. If they could dis
credit Democracy and tariff reform
a Dingley tariff might follow with all
the opportunities it would offer them
to absorb the wealth of the world. —
From “Farmer’s Tariff Manual,” by
Daniel Strange.
Brother Jeffersonian. Get up a Club and send it in at once.
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« KEEP HER OUT.
Emma Goldman, whose hate for the
United States is professedly as high
as the sky, and as broad as the ocean,
will not be able to get back to this
country, it seems, unless present plans
and determination are chained. She
has been permitted to go where she
pleased heretofore, notwithstanding
her admittedly dangerous intellectual
qualities and her vicious and bloody
advice to the deluded ones who follow
her teachings; but now that she is
out of the country, she may not be
permitted to return.
Every half-way decent American
must hope in his or her heart that this
is true, and that the government is
prepared to stand firm, and with legal
right, upon its decision. That she was
at least indirectly responsible for the
fanatical act of Czolgosz is hardly to
be doubted. Whether she was or not,
however, she has traveled this coun
try around ,glorifying that cruel and
inhuman deed, and holding its per
petrator up before her dull-witted
The $2.00 Offer
was never Intended as an agent proposition on which commissions could
be charged. The purpose of the offer was to encourage the voluntary
subscriber to subscribe to both Jeffersonians at the same time.
From this date the $2.00 price for both Jeffersonians will be for
the voluntary subscriber. In other words it is a net price. No com
missions at all can be paid on that price for both Jeffersonians.
October 9, 1907.
and generally vicious audiences as a
martyr.
She is a dangerous—an extremely
dangerous—woman. She has the fire
of a great orator, the skill of a prac
ticed demagogue, the love of noto
riety fully developed, and the deter
mination of a crafty and powerful
leader. She is not wanted in this
land; it is no place for her. What
she has done can not be recalled. But
she can be prevented from doing
further damage—and it is our hope
that she xsill be. Keep her out!—
Washington Herald.
Nothing jars a man more than to
get the mitten from his lady love aft
er he has busted several pairs of
suspenders while stooping to tie her
shoe laces.
“The Hughes boom is almost
strong enough to stand alone,” says
the Florida Times-Union. In fact,
it seems strong enough to stand the
indorsement of men whose support
would queer anything else.