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70 The Methodist Advocate. ATLANTA, GA., MAY I, 1872. E. Q. FULLER, D. D., Editor. Him K. W. rOFFIN, AHistant. CORRESPONDING EDITORS! A. Websteb, D.D., (8. Car. Conference,) Orangeburg, S. C. Rev. Wm. O. Matton. (N. Car. Conference,) Jamestown, N.C. Rev. .Tames Mitcheli., (Virginia Conference,) Leesburg, Va. Rev. O. O. Fishes, ( Washington Conference.) Baltimore, Md. N. E. Cobleigh, D.D., (Hoiston Conference,) Athens, Term. Rev. .T. Bbaden, A.M., (Tenn. Couferenco,) Nashville, Term. Rev. A. 8. Lakin, (Alabama Conference,) Huntsville, Ala. Rev. James Lynch, (Mias. Conference,) Jackson, Miss. L. C. Matlaok, U.D., (Louisiana Con.,) New Orleans, La. Rev. G. W. Honey, (Texas Conference,) Austin, Texas. The Evils of Schism, The efforts for the reunion of various bodies of Methodists ought to impress the Church with the greatness of the evils of schism. To say nothing of the ancient controversies upon this question, or of the divisions in the Church of former times, the present is full of instruction and warning. None can fail to see that if American Methodism had remained united in one body as zealous for the truth, as pure in doctrine and as correct in morals as it now is as a whole, its power for good would be vastly augmented and its achieve ments at this time would have been greater than have resulted from its various isola ted movements. If American Methodists, numbering more than two millions of com municants and from eight to ten millions of a supporting population, were banded together under one government, in one consolidated body, adorned and vivified with pure morality, liberal in charities, educated and fired with a holy purpose to save sinners and bring the world to Jesus, what might they not do to hasten the day of millennial gladness? The power wasted by parties among us con tending one against another, can never be known. We do not presume to intimate where the guilt for this loss rests, but it lies somewhere. Multitudes who might have been saved by this awakening, have gone down in darkness, while the branches of Methodism have been striving against each other instead of uniting their forces to meet sin, the common enemy. Blame must attach to some, where such evils are the result of deliberate action. It is not enough to say, by way of apology, that schismatics were honest in their errors, or that they did not intend harm to men or to the Church, for while this may ex cuse in some measure individual mistakes, it does not justify the wrongs which are now apparent. Want of forbearance with one another, at least, was without excuse. The Church is divided, and through these divisions vast sums of money have been necessarily used not to the best advan tage under other circumstances. Moral force has been frittered away—thousands have backslidden from God through con troversy, and tens of thousands more have been left in the gall of bitterness and the bonds of iniquity who might have been brought to Christ, by the contending parties. And the end is not yet. It is vastly more difficult to unite than to divide. Avery common man, sel fish, stubborn and ignorant, may divide a Church, but who shall heal the breach? Is there wisdom enough, charity enough, and goodness enough in Methodism to unite it in one body? Doubtful. A little fire may kindle great matter, but who shall quench the blaze? Weak men have not unfrequently been largely in strumental in the separations of our Zion, but where are the strong ones whose hands shall bind us together again ? Must we continue through the ages divided, jeal ous, contending? God forbid. If the fathers could have foreseen this day, the freedom, the charity, the activity, the op portunities of this age—could they have foreseen the need, the power, the field of a united American Methodism, they would have plucked out an eye or severed a hand or a foot rather than the Church, or than to have allowed divisions in Methodism. Some way could, perhaps, have been de vised to have averted the evils which all see and admit, if these evils had been ap prehended as they now appear. How easy to have saved the Albright move ment to the M. E. Church, greatly to the advantage, probably, of the whole Ameri can people. Had the leaders of the Prot estant “reform” been more patient and the fathers more charitable, or the Wes leyans had more faith in the Church, the future and in God, these separations might have been avoided. How deeply pained the Church now is that the Afri can M. E. Church was ever a necessity. If any division among American Meth odists was justifiable this was, and yet might it not have been possible to have met the issues which caused this body to break off, and at the same time to have held together, vastly for the benefit of both the white and colored races in their present relations ? The division in 1844 in the interest of slavery was worst of all in motive and results. Those who set up the independent standard, from opponents, became apologists and finally defenders of the great American curse and fell into rebellion against their Gov ernment and became partakers in war, bloodshed and the ruin of the country. The evils of schism in Methodism have been appalling. No one can dwell upon them without a shudder. Where is the remedy? May God mercifully heal the breaches of His people and give them so much of love and wisdom that the sin of schism shall no more be laid to their charge! _ The Christian who never smiles needs re-conversion. The Newnan Convention. In another column will be found a report of the proceedings, resolutions and memorial of this important gathering. This report shows a maturity of judgment and practical sense creditable to any body of men. We do not fear to lay this action and the report of it (without “editing”) side by side with any paper coming before the General Con ference. It is to be borne in mind that this Convention was a voluntary movement on the part of our colored brethren. No white man was consulted nor did any one assist in arranging for or shaping the action of the Convention. The only influence that white men brought to bear upon it was against the conclusions reached, and mainly from without the Georgia Conference. The Convention was more largely attended than could have been expected. About sixty delegates (ministers and laymen) took part in the deliberations of the body, and a large congregation of members of the Church and friends (and some leading white citizens, perhaps not in either of these lists) were in attendance. It was made up from among the most experienced, judicious and intelli gent of our ministers and members, and the memorial and resolutions represent the ma tured judgment of our colored people in Georgia, and we believe generally, where not manipulated by white influence. Whether these men should be allowed to speak in their own behalf, and whether they are to be trusted with important in terests of the Church, we leave every one to judge for himself, from the record which they have made. This proceeding has not grown out of any feeling of unrest or denial of rights on the part of the colored preachers or people within this Conference. Here the colored presiding elders consult with and'are con sulted by their white brethren in the matter of the appointments of the preachers with freedom and without distinction. For the past three years not a dollar of missionary money has been appropriated without the consent and co-operation of the colored members. This Conference has also a regularly constituted Church Extension Board, composed in part of colored men, and not a dollar has been appropriated from that fund for three years only in the regu lar way, and with the approval of the col ored members of the Board. Can this be said of any other “mixed” Conference in the Church? Further, from the organiza tion of the Conference till this day there has not been the least feeling of hostility, or a .jar of the friendship between the two races in the matter of appointments or in the use of the funds of the Church ? Why, then, do these brethren ask for a separate Conference? They give the true and prin cipal reasons in their memorial and reso lutions. Do these reasons justify their course? They do if men are ever justified in seeking to (io good to their fellow-men, because good and this only can result from J|ieir policy. The first proposition in their memorial must carry great weight of influ ence with all reflecting minds. There is no better method of developing self-reliance and strength of character than by judi ciously placing responsibilities upon those to be benefited. It is this course on the part of the Georgia Conference with its colored members that has brought them to realize the importance of the principle which they set forth. They know very well that their position is in advance of the “mixed Conference” theory. Their second proposition is, perhaps, equally important and clear, though it can scarcely be more so. On the question of “caste” they as sume ground as easily defended. They would make white and colored ministers and members peers in Conference and Church relations, claiming for both equality of privilege, order and office. If this be “castness,” what is freedom? We thank these brethren for their cor dial approval of the course of The Meth odist Advocate. This indorsement is as voluntary on the part of those who give it as was the sacrifice of our blessed Master for sinners. We have not done so much as to lift a finger to gain it except by faith fully pursuing the course approved. Con scious of being in the right, we have not sought the indorsement of any man or men, but trusted to the enlightened judgment of the Church and to the future for a vindica tion of our positions. Still, the hearty ap probation of so large and judicious a body of men is highly gratifying at any time. This Convention will result in great good, even though its primary objects be not im mediately secured. For the first time in the history of our Southern work, the col ored people of the Methodist Episcopal Church in a Gulf State have met, delib erated, and acted in their own behalf, inde pendent of white control or influence. In Georgia they have thus become more ac quainted with each other and better har monized as a body. This Convention has been worth to them as much as six sessions of a “mixed” Annual Conference in this respect. With loyalty to the Church un surpassed by any, and uninfluenced by per sonal ambition, they have assumed a posi tion of independence, dignity and manhood which will add greatly to their force and usefulness. They have proved themselves men. We were never more hopeful than now of our colored work. THE METHODIST ADVOCATE. MAY 1, 1872. The Land Scrip. The grant of land to the State of Georgia from the General Government for an agri cultural college or colleges has been given by Governor Smith to the State Univers ity, at Athens. The grant was intended for the people, without distinction of race or color, and the Government will certainly see that it is so disposed of as to be within the reach of all. As might be expected, the colored people are asking admission to the State University, and the doors of that institution must necessarily be opened to them if the grant is retained by it. This gentle knocking at the door of the Univers ity has startled some of the politicians. The Newnan Herald in alarm says: The Atlanta Sun says, at a Radical meet ing held in Atlanta, Tuesday night, it was resolved to send fifteen negroes to the Col lege of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, at Athens, when it opens in May, and demand their admission to the privileges of the same. The Southern negro will have to be taught a lesson yet, such a lesson that he will remember, and one that will forever obliterate his desire for equality with the whites. All such acts as the proposed con duct of the fifteen are only piling up wrath against the day of wrath. The colored people are learning rapidly, being “taught a lesson” frequently by their Southern “friends.” Some of these “friends,” however, seem incapable of learning even by experience. So long as it was supposed that this grant could be monopolized by a few of the former aris tocracy of the State, the course of Gov. Smith met with general approbation from the party in power; but the possibility of a colored man’s entrance into this old and honored institution changes the aspect of the case. But why blame these fifteen col ored students? Was not the grant given by the Government for all of the people of the State? The bestowment of it upon, and the acceptance by this institution, must be taken as evidence that the authori ties of the State either prefer to provide for colored students in the State University rather than out of it, or that they deliber ate!} 7 intended to rob them of their rights in this grant. In either case they do wisely to claim justice in their behalf. Why was not the fund divided, and half of it given for the use of the colored people? Why the wrath of the Herald , and the “day of wrath” so often threatened ? We see noth ing to be so terribly wrathy about, unless it be in this deliberate theft from the colored people, if they are to be excluded from the State University. The Herald should re member that the colored people of America can not be robbed with impunity, as in the days of the “peculiar institution.” The fair and honest and wise course to take in the case is to divide the fund or provide equal facilities for the colored students by legislative appropriation. One of these methods will have to be adopted or the “day of wrath” may not be unmixed in its visitations. That day need not be, and will not, unless provoked by politicians of the Herald stripe. We copy the following from the Atlanta Whig as just and timely : Ihe questions involved in this unfortu nate disposition of the Educational fund are very serious. They affect every citizen of Georgia. The object of the munificent donation by Congress was, the establish ment and maintenance of Agricultural and Mechanical Colleges in the State. These were to be open to the people of the State, without regard to class or previous condi tion. The act of Congress whereby the donation was made, is general in its appli cation to all the States of the Union ; and yet it is so peculiarly worded as to be spec ially applicable to the condition and cir cumstances of each individual State. In the smaller States, one college of the nature contemplated by the act, would meet the requirements of the law; in larger and more populous States, where the aggregate fund would be greater, and where, in many instances, a mixed population would render two or more schools necessary, a plurality was provided for by the act. As our State is one of the largest in the Union, and has withal a mixed population, no one supposed for a moment that one school, even of the precise character contemplated by Con gress, could meet the demands that would be made upon it. For instance, to admit all whites and no colored, or to admit all colored and no white students, would be a clear violation of the purposes of the grant; while to admit both into the same school, would be undesirable by the representa tives of either, since neither are prepared to advocate mixed schools. But when one school only is decided upon, and that one wholly different in char acter and appointments from the one con templated by Congress, and therefore wholly unprepared to comply with the ex press terms of the grant, the stupidity of this blunder is still more striking. It i9 simply a violation of the plain terms and conditions upon which the donation itself was made. And the enormity of the thing is enhanced rather than mitigated by a plea in justification that such action was sary in order to prevent a forfeiture of the grant! Ot all pleas on earth, this is the very last one that a politic man would be presumed to make. And yet it is the only defense the Governor has ever made, or that his friends have ever been able to make for him! So far from being a de fense, it is, in point of fact, a confession of judgment; nor are the honest masses in Georgia going to reverse this judgment un der the lacerations of the party lash. Time will fully verify this. Grief knits two hearts in closer bonds than happiness ever can; and common suffering is a far stronger link than com mon joy. Our Missionary Bishop. The General Conference of 1856 made provision for the election of a missionary bishop for Africa, he being elected by the Liberia Annual Conference, and ordained by the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Bishop Burns was so elected, and came to this country and was ordained, as provided for, and after spending some months in America he returned to Liberia, and labored faithfully till released from toll by death. In 1866 Rev. J. W. Rob erts, brother of President Roberts,' was elected by the Liberia Conference successor to Bishop Burns. He was also ordained by our bishops in this country, and soon after returned to Africa, and now presides over the Conference there, and labors as superintendent of the mission. Being elected by the Liberia Annual Conference for that special service, he has no jurisdic tion outside of our African mission. We are deeply impressed with the idea that the time has come when our Missionary bishop should be elected to the episcopal office by the General Conference, so as to become bona fide and without restriction a bishop in the Methodist Episcopal Church. No further ordination is necessary. His resi dence should undoubtedly be still in Africa, and his labors chiefly given to that country, but a visit to the United States for a year or so might be of great advantage to him, to the mission in Liberia, and to the Church in general. Whether the General Confer ence elects another colored bishop or not, it appears to us feasible to place this one in the “ General Superintendency,” and invite him to spend as much time in America as circumstances may allow. We fail to see the danger of any serious clashing of epis copal authority or a violation of the Re strictive Rule in such a proceeding. The benefits resulting from this course we ap prehend would be very great. We favor the measure, if practicable, and believe that it would meet the approval of our Con ferences and people in the South. Opinions on the Land Grant, When Gov. Smith gave the land grant to the State University, many of the papers of the State were fast to approve ; but when the colored people asked (and in the end will certainly obtain) admission to that institution, many hesitate, halt, and now decidedly object to the measure. The fol lowing are some of the demurrers from the press of the State : The Marietta Journal, 19 th, says : The press and the people are not backward in exercising their “ freedom of speech” in de nouncing the recent action of Governor Smith in giving the land scrip to Franklin College. A traveling agent states, “ the intelligent people are almost to a man against it, and will instruct their representatives to investigate and undo the matter.” The Dahlonega Signal expresses its unqual ified disapprobation. The Middle Georgian says: While we approve of all the previous actions of Governor Smith, we can not but disapprove of this. The Griffin Star says : The Legislature can overhaul this matter. Let every section speak out. The voice of the people is the voice of God. The Daily News says: Wrong is wrong, and we denounce it because it is wrong. The Sparta Times ancl Planter ably protests against the action. The Atlanta Whig says: That the Governor has acted hastily and very un wisely in this matter, the intelligent members of his own party admit. They admit that the secreey of the movement looks badly. They admit that Dah lonega, Marietta, Milledgeville, Griffin, and other places had strong claims, and were preparing to com pete for the location. They admit that the State Agricultural Society should have had a voice in lo cating the schools, as was the case in other States. They further admit that the Governor’s plea of im pending forfeiture, was exceedingly weak, since he must have known that an enabling act was passing through Congress. The Lumpkin Telegraph says: The Land Scrip has been placed under the juris diction of the University. We shall expect to hear from our personal friends, Colonel McKinley and General Phillips, who were warm advocates, the former for Milledgeville, the latter for Marietta. The Gainesville Eagle says: Every one knows, or ought to know, that, by turn ing the scrip over to the State University, and making the Agricultural College an appendage of the Univers ity, just enough of theoretical Agriculture will be taught to enable the Faculty to retain the fund, while the great body of those the fund was designed to benefit—those who hold the plow-handles—the wool hat-boys—will be as good as excluded from all par ticipation in its benefits. The Macon Union says: The hasty and inexplicable action passeth our un derstanding, but it would appear at first glance that he had been duped into the vain, delusive hope that such a step would redound to his future political ad vantage. The Greensboro Herald says: No one can mistake the leading and beneficent de sign of Congress in conferring this generous bounty upon the States. The donation was intended to reach out a helping hand to the laboring masses. To establish an Industrial College side by side with the State University, to be more or less subordinate to it, would embarrass both; that must have been a very superficial observation that has not discovered that caste enters into all the pursuits and ramifications of human society. The Milledgeville Federal Union says: We believe we were the first to propose his name for Speaker of the House and also for Governor. We believed, if there was a politician in the State, that could withstand the demoralizing influences of the Atlanta ring, that he would do it. We regret to see that he has succumbed. We feel sure that this action of the Governor has taken a very large majority of the people of Georgia by surprise, and has greatly disappointed many of his best friends, but we do not believe his action will be final. The Milledgeville Union also has five com munications, strongly combating the action, showing the fallacy and flimsiness of the whole affair, signed respectively, “Justice,” “ Han cock,” k * Plain Talker,” “ Occasional,” and “ Oconee.” The TalbottOn Standard says : Whether an Agricultural College, tacked on to a purely literary institution can be made a success and carry out the purposes and objects of the donation, is an experiment we await to be solved. The Albany Neics says^: Unjust to the people, at variance with their ex pressed wishes, and disadvantageous to the Univers ity- _ The sculptor Powers is coming to the United States. The Last Chapter. This week we close the discussion of the question of the election of a colored bishop, so far as our columns are concerned —for the present, at least. The matter has now gone to the General Conference, and must there be settled. The discussion has been conducted with remarkable good humor, and will prove to have been profitable to the Church, whether the measure succeeds now or is deferred four years. The ques tion was one of the “irrepressibles”—much safer ventilated than suppressed. Free ex change of thought on exciting topics is often the wisest and best policy. No doubt of it in this instance. We make room for the following extracts. From spicy and pertinent correspondence between certain “ Baker Boys ” this is taken, viz.: “You object to color being made a question in the General Conference, now , as it may do us injury.” We reply it has been ever a question in that body (at least in this particular) as you may see from the present college of bishops. It was our good fortune to hear an excellent minister, a member of our Conference, preach on the subject of color, and he proved conclu sively to our mind that it was unscriptural—not color, but a distinction on account of it. He affirmed that Christ gave every nation a repre sentative in selecting his disciples. Certainly we should not be behind our pattern and guide. So that Christ was an extremist for he came to the poor and elevated them, made them rich. You say you “are willing to have separate Churches for our colored members,” but that you are “ bitterly opposed to colored Confer ences,” assigning as a reason that “the former is local while the latter is general.” By what process of you arrive at the con clusion that a Conference is general, while the Churches within their entire bounds are local, I can not conceive. Beware, brother, lest you “strain at a gnat and swallow a camel.” You acknowledge that God is in this movement, and that he is at work. I believe it, and I know that he will accomplish his work well. May he ever direct'us! Rev. H. W. Key, presiding elder of West Tennessee district, writes : I am glad to see the noble position you have taken in defending our cause and the interests of the Methodist Episcopal Church in general. It would be advantageous to our work in the South for the General Conference to elect a colored bishop; and it will be detrimental to the Church if it fails to do so. At the Memphis Conference of the Colored M. E. Church of America, Dr. Watson said to me that the Methodist Episcopal Church never will elect a colored bishop, and that he knew a great many colored members of the Methodist Episcopal Church who were waiting until after the General Conference, and then they would leave the Methodist Episcopal Church and join the Colored M. E. Church of America. I don’t believe that we will lose a dozen members let the General Conference take what ■action it may on the question of a colored bishop. But if ttie General Conference fail to elect one, will it do justice to its colored mem bers? I think not. Nine-tenths of the colored members want a colored man elected to the episcopal office in the Church of their choice. The General Conference need not fear that making a colored man the official equal of Bishop Janes and Simpson would tend to culti vate discord in the Church. I know that it will not, so far as our Conference is concerned. The white men of the Tennessee Conference are all that we want them to be toward us, and do all they can for us. We sit in Annual Conference together, discuss the same questions, and the colored members often defeat the objects of the white brethren, and the white brethren are sat isfied that a white presiding elder can not have the same influence over a colored district that a colored man has. Give us a colored bishop and we shall see the colored members deserting other Churches like rats from a sinking ship. We have also received a well written ar ticle from Rev. M. W. Taylor upon this “vexed question.” He opposes the election of a colored bishop, and also separate Con- ferences. We should give his article but for the fact that it is received at so late a day. After the above was in type another communication came from brothers Wm. G. Colby and J. Grant, of Florida. They ask for the bishop and for a full recognition of the rights of all men, and we say to them, Wait patiently “just a little longer ;” the Methodist Episcopal Church and the American nation will yet give the colored people a fair chance in the race of life. Now let us all leave the question to the General Conference for settlement for another four years. The colored people have been made more free in thought and action, and the whites have become more interested in their welfare, through the dis cussion of the matter in the papers of the Church. The Meetings at Newnan. —The public services held in connection with the Con vention at Newnan were of unusual inter est. On Saturday night Rev. W. Hunter, of this city, preached, greatly to the edifi cation and profit of a large congregation. On Sunday morning the Sabbath-school filled the house, and several addresses were made. At 11 o’clock Rev. Thomas M. Kinnard, M.D., of Alabama, who attended the Convention by special invitation, preached. The house was crowded to its utmost, and multitudes stood at the win dows outside. In the afternoon Rev. C. O. Fisher, presiding elder of the Savannah district, preached and administered the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. At night Rev. R. T. Kent, presiding elder of the Macon district, preached. The day was one long to be remembered. It was like an old-time Conference Pentecost. On Monday night brother Kinnard lectured on men and things which he had seen in Eu rope, to a full house, the Mayor of the city presiding, supported by the presiding elder of the Church South, of that place. The Convention and these services have done more to energize and unify our col ored work in the'State than any Conference which we have held in Georgia. Our people will be glad to read the fol lowing item from the New York Advocate of the 25th inst.: Bishop Scott’s health has constantly improved since his return home from the Indiana Confer ence, and good hope is entertained that he will soon recover hU wonted strength. Gone to General Conference. The editor of this paper has gone to General Conference, and for four or five weeks our columns will be mostly filled with the re ports of the proceedings of that body. We shall give the latest news from General Conference up to the hour of going to press each week. After the adjournment of the Conference we shall resume our wonted course, and again give the usual variety of matter, (secular and religious,) and, we trust, make The Methodist Advocate bet ter than ever. Our correspondents must be patient if their articles do not appear promptly, while General Conference mat ters are crowding upon us. All communi cations of a doubtful or disputatious char acter must necessarily be laid over for a time. The Hoiston Methodist is considerably “stirred up.” The last number contains three characteristic articles of nearly two columns in reference to the Methodist Ad vocate and its editor, all in the most ap proved style of a political slang-whanger. Not being able to answer us, it, like others of its class, thus makes the best defence in its power. It says of the Methodist Ad vocate, “ We regret that there is such a paper in the land.” Os course it does, and so do thousands of others, especially the Ku-Klux. The Hoiston Methodist is begin ning to exhibit its true character. Our people in Tennessee will soon be able to understand its tone, its spirit, and its pur pose. As to politics and religion it need have but little fear in its own behalf, for the Christian religion will never mix with the politics of the editor of that paper. We commend to our zealous brother the following judicious and practical words from the Albany (Ga.) Central City , a Democratic paper of more sense than the Hoiston Methodist. Referring to another journal it says: We copy the foregoing from the editorial columns of the LaGrange Reporter , in order to notice the false position our contemporary oc cupies on the subject of ministerial politicians. We only desire to enter our protest against his position that “no minister of the Gospel should ever dabble in politics.” To “ dabble,” we presume he means, to interest himself, in any way, in political questions or partisan contests. If so, he is in error, and for the following rea sons: Under our democratic-republican form of government, ministers of the Gospel, as citi~ zens and electors , are as much responsible for the political welfare of the country as if they were lawyers, doctors, or of any other call ing; and, hence, are guilty really of a derelic tion of duty, should they ignore their relation ship to the State, in their capacity as citizens. As ministers , in the pulpit or any where else, partisan politics especially should be ignored; but as citizens , they should ever do their ut most to insure the enactment of good, whole -some and enlightened laws, and the impartial and faithful administration of the Government. Atlanta, Ga. , April 26tb, 1872. Editor of the Methodist Advocate- Sir: I beg leave to give notice in your paper to all whom it may concern, That I have withdrawn from the A. M. E. Church and joined the Methodist Episcopal Church, feeling that I can thereby do more for Christ. Robert Alexander. Rev. R. Alexander is well known in this place as a man of untarnished reputa tion and established Christian character. None better. He was recognized as an el der by the Loyd Street Quarterly Confer ence, and is cordially welcomed among us and is employed by Brother Lee till Con ference„when he will no doubt find in the Old Church a pleasantfield of labor. Bishop Shorter must not blame us for taking such men whenever they choose to come. We would not harm or reflect upon a sister de nomination, but must be excused for gladly receiving men of this class from any Church. The Colored School in Marietta, Ga. The colored people of Marietta greatly need a school-house. The A. M. E. Church has been used as such for a long time, but this is not satisfactory to all parties—it cannot be. A good school-house is greatly needed. B. Clara writes : The colored people of this place seem to forget the labor and sacrifices made by their friends for their elevation. For the last fifteen months a few persons have used every exer tion to keep up a school in their midst. But like every good work it has many opponents. Having no school-house, they were obliged to use the African Methodist Church, which was objected to, ar.d now we have no school, Loyd-Street.— This Church is moving forward steadily and surely in the great work of replanting the M. E. Church in the South. Few societies were ever called to meet so many and so great and unfore seen difficulties and discouragements as this. But under one of the best of pastors, who labors as much if not more out of the pul pit than in it, it is gaining in the confidence of the thinking and liberal. With the turning tide of popular influence sure to follow persevering effort, this Church will be in a better position for usefulness than at any previous time. The quarterly meet ing last Sabbath was a gracious season. We are glad to learn through Brother Spilman that a gracious revival is in pro gress in Waynesboro, Ga., under the labors of Brother Goodier. Many of the stu dents in the Haven school have been con verted. The revival is the most general one that has visited that section for many years, if ever before. - The General Conference opens to-day, (Wednesday,) May Ist, in the Academy of Music, in Brooklyn. We shall hardly get much of the doings of the Conference in time for our next number, but will give the latest news up to the hour of going to press.