Newspaper Page Text
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The Steam Engine, a new weekly paper, devo
ted to Fun, Frolic, &c.. published in Atlanta.
Ga., at sl,for six months in advance, by I. B.
Pilgrim.
We judge, from the specimen on our table that
the “Steam Engine” is able to doits own puffing
and if its Engineer, wilt, as he promises, keep the
track, it will transport the young people. We
wish it a prosperous trip.
STEAM TANNERY.
During a recent visit to Marietta, we took oc- 1
casion to visit the Steam Tannery of Mr. J. H ,
Glover, in that place, and were surprised to see ;
the perfection to which he has bi ought the art.
A more complete set of machinery for all the dis- '
ferent departments of the business, we have*never '
seen, and the quality, to say nothing of the quan
tity, of the leather produced, is creditable to South
ern enterprise. The polite proprietor showed us
some beautiful specimens, and, amongst them, a
lot ordered from the North. No other higher •
compliment could be paid his enterprise, and were
all Southern manufactories managed with the
liberality of this one, tve would soon be able to
reverse the dependence so humiliating to the
South. Wc wish Mr. G., a success commensu
rate with his efforts to dcvelope this particular ,
branch of Southern trade.
PASSAGE ACROSS THE ETOWAH.
To witness the passage of the trains across the
new bridge at Etowah, on the day (last Satur
day) it was turned over to the State by the con
tractor, Mr. Dewmead, wo left Atlanta, at the
hour of 4 o’clock that morning, and arrived at
the bridge at about 7. The passenger train had
to pass over for the first time, and a large num
ber of persons—ladies and gentlemen from Car.
tersville and its vicinity—had assembled to wit-,
ncss the scene. The train in which we sat, was !
conducted by Mr. John Reynolds, as capable and
gentlemanly a conductor as can be found on any
road; and, when we add to this, that the Engi
neer was Mr. Charles Ellsworth, than whom a
more competent and trust-worthy officer in his
profession, does not exist; the reader may be as
sured that we, who know them, felt every confi
dence, come what would, there would be no ne
glect of duty on the part of those, who, for the
time, were entrusted with the lives of so many
individuals. As the train neared the trestle
work of the bridge, we saw beneath us a num
ber of persons, among whom were conspicuous
some thirty or forty ladies, gazing evidently with
intense excitement, at our, apparently, perilous
passage. And well might that excitement pre
vail ! For 1800 feet the train had to pans over a
trestle work varying from about 70 to 80 feet in
height. The slightest accident—unskilful, or
careless conductors or engineers—anything, in
fact, defective in the construction of the bridge
itself—and from that elevation wo should all have
been precipitated, not only into or near the wa
lers of the Etowah, but into eternity itself.—
Slowly therefore the engine moved ; step by step,
ns it were, we crept along, the least creaking of
the bridge causing almost every passenger to
start from his seat, while a dcath-like stillness
prevailed. On the top of the first car we noticed
the conductor with the “Star Spangled Banner”
in his hand, which he proudly waved, as nearer
nnd nearer we approached the opposite shore; —
and when that was reached, such a waving of
handkerchiefs by the ladies, and huzzas from the
men, were never before seen and heard at that
place.
At Cartersville we soon arrived, where we
found Governor Johnson, who had visited the
bridge the day before, and had that morning wit
nessed the test to which the contractor, Mr. Den
mead, had submitted his work, ere it was turned
over to the State*, or the passenger train be per
mitted to venture across. I'his was the passage
over it, of the heaviest engine on the road, with
200 tons weight.
We learn also that His Excellency the nigh,
previous was called upon by a large nunibi r of
his political and personal friends, and was. after
repeatedly declining, forced to address them. In
doing so, however, we were told that he confined
his remarks to the State’s great interest in the
Road; what h«td been expected of him; what
he could not, and what he had performed.—
This address was received w ith great applause
by the audience, ami that poition of the dav we
spent in Cartersville, we heard naught but warm
commendations of it, and of himself.
In the afternoon we took the downward train,
conducted by our friend, Mr. C. H. Chamlh-r,
who also led over it, his first time—Mr. James
Coleman being the Engineer. Again we were
in the care of two trusty officers, and again wc
passed over, as safe as if wo had been, to use a
familiar phrase, “ upon dry land.” Durii.u that
day, however, the trains from above all p ism><l
overon their way to Atlanta, where they had net
been since the destruction of the old bridg ; and
quite a merry time, we an* informed, was lud by
all connected with them in our good city on their
arrival here.
We now propose t > give a few facts in con
nection with the construction of this bri Igc.
Mr. Denmead has completed his contract, fiftv
one days in advance nf thntime allowed for its
completion. Too much credit cannot br < \en
to him for the energy and skill which he has dis
played in this matter.
Mr. Tomlin’s contract expired on S-turdiv
last. The fortune — some fifty, or a Im ■ dred
thousand dollars which he was to have made by
it, in the confident opinion and assertion of the
A-/iom/ng-fme.t--has dwindled down, wc arc assur
ed. to no more than fair compensation for his la
bor, if to that. His whole gross receipts do not
amount to more than 25, or 26.000 dollars. II
expensra cannot fall much below that sum.
The Bridge was destroyed by tire
February. The contract to erect the
which now occupies its place, extrn :
before said, to the first of July. At its n:
great discontent prevailed; evil w re the pr ?nhe
cios in regard to it; and much abuse -vas show
ered upon our Governor, for his r >urs n regard
to it. What do we now see ’ Os th? evil pre
dicted, none has occurred, and instead of haxing
to wait until full for a p - •»:' «c: <th ’’ ■ * ib.
there stands the bridg
trains have passed, and r< p»- a ;.• ci
safety. The treasury has not been bankrupted
thereby—those to w hom the Road is entrusted
have practically vindie >m all
lumaulte— nnt-
cd are left to murmur.
CHRISTY’S AUNSTREUs
We are informed that this old and popular com
pany of negro minstrels will visit Atlanta during
the week. A woid ftum us in commendation is
reputnMim of the troupe w ill
housßk • -
iii:
PH ENS.
Elberton, Ga., sth .May, 1855.
Hon. Alexander 11. Stephens.— Dear Sir: —
rumor prevails in this section, t<> a considerable
extent, that you will decline to htvc us in tile
next Congress, and the chief reason assigned is.
that it is supposed a large number of your politi
cal friends have gone into the secret order culled
Know Nothings. Many of your friends desire
to know if this rumor be true. It is considered
an important period in our national affairs. and
your retiring at this time would be tell as a loss i
by those who have relied on you through so ma
ny trying scenes.
What are your opinions and views of this new
party, called Know Nothings ? Knowing your
willingness to give your opinions on all matters .
of public concern. I am induced, to make the in
quiry, and* request permission to publish your re
ply. Tros. W. Thomas.
Crawfokdvilee, Ga., 9th May, 1855.
Dear Sir:—Your letter of the slh inst. was :
received some days ago, and should have been
answered earlier, but for my absence from home.
The rumor you mention, in relation to my can
didacy for re-election to Congress, is true. I
have stated, and repeated on various occasions, .
that I was not, and did not expect to be, a can- •
didate—the same I now say to you. The reason !
of this declaration on my part, was the tact, that '
large numbers of our old political friends scorned i
to be entering into new combinations with new j
objects, purposes and principle*- of which I was |
not informed, and never could be. according to ;
the rules of their action and the opinions I en- '
terrain. H**nce my conclusion that they had no i
further use for me as their Representative; for I !
presumed they knew enough of me to be assured i
if they had any secret aims or objects to accom- •
plish that they never could get my consent, even |
if they desired it, to become a dumb instrument '
to execute such a purpose. 1 certainly never ;
did, and never shall, go before the people ns a |
candidate for their suffrages with my principles i
in my pocket. It has been the pride of my life, ■
heretofore, not only to make known fully and
freely my sentiments upon all questions ol public
policy, but in vindication of those sentiments
thus avowed, to meet any antagonists arrayed
• against them, in open and manly strife—“ face
■to face and toe to toe. ’ From this rule ot ac
tion, by which I have up to this time been gov
't erned, I shall never depart. But you ask me
what arc my opinions and views of this new par
ly called Know Nothings, with a request that you
be permitted to publish them. My opinions and
views thus solicited, shall be given most cheerful
ly. nd as fully and clearly as my time, under the
pressure of business, will allow. You can do
with them as you please—publish them or not,
as you like. They are the views of a private
citizen. lam al present, to all intents and pur
poses whatsoever, literally one of the people. I
' hold no office nor seek any, and as one of the i
| people I shall speak to you and them on this, and
I on all occasions, with that frankness and inde-
■ pcndence which it becomes a freeman to bear to-
! wards his fellows. And in giving my views of I
■ “ Know Nothingism,” I ought, perhaps, to pre
; mise by saying, and saying most truly, that I
| really “know nothing” about the principles,
1 aims or objects of the party I am about to speak
■ o f—they are all kept secret —they are held in the
' dark —being communicated and made known on-
I ly to the initiated, and not to these until after be
i ing first duly pledged and sworn. This, to me,
: is a very great objection to the whole organizu
| tion. All political principles, which are sought
to be carried out in Legislation by any body or
set of men in a republic, in my opinion, ought to
be openly avowed and publicly proclaimed.—
Truth never shuns the light or shrinks from in
vestigation—or at least it ought never to do it.
Hiding places, or secret coverts, are na ural re
sorts for error. It is, therefore, a circumstance
quite sufficient to excite > usplcion against the
i truth to see it pursuing such a course. And in
republics, where free discussion and full investi
gation by a virtuous and intelligent people is al
lowed, there never can be any just grounds to
fear any danger even from the greatest errors
either in religion or politics. All questions there
fore, relating to the government of a fre«Tpeople,
ought to be made known, clearly understood, ful
ly discussed, and understandingly acted upon.—
Indeed, 1 do not believe that a Republican Gov
ernment can last long, where this is not the case.
■ In my opinion, no man is fit to represent a free
! people who has any private or secret objects, or
I aims, that he docs not openly avow, or who is
i not ready and willing, at all times, when requir-
I ed or asked, candidly and truthfully, to proclaim
I to the assembled multitude not only his princi
i pies, hut his views ami sentiments upon all ques
| tions that may coine before him in his represvn-
I ative capacity. It was on this basis that Reprc-
‘I sentative Government was founded, and on this
j alone can it be maintained in purity and safety.
: And if any secret party shall ever be so far suc
cessful in this country as to bring the Govern
ment in all its departments and functions under
| the baneful influence of its control nnd power,
I political ruin will inevitably ensue. No truth in
| politics can be more easily and firmly established,
' either by reason or from history, upon principle
or authority, than this. These are my opinions,
candidly expressed.
1 know that many good and true men in Geor
gia differ with me in this particular—thousands
of them, I doubt not h ive joined this secret or
der with good intentions. Some of them have
told m ’ so, and I do not, question their motives.
i And thousands more will, per aps,do it with the
1 same intentions and motives, should it be n
’ j short lived affair, no harm will, or may come of
■ it. But ht it succeed—let it carry all the elec
' tions, Slate and Federal—let the natural an I in
evitable laws of its own organizat’on be once
fully developed—and the country will go by the
board. It will go as France did. The first Ja
cobin Club was organized in Paris on the 6th
i Nov., 1789, under the alluring name of “the
I Fr ends of the Constitution,” quite as specious
I as that we now hear of “Americans shall rule
America.” Many of the best men and truest
patriots in Paris joined it—and thousands of tfie
same sort of men joined the affiliated dubs alter
, wards—little dreaming of the « eadh fangs of
1 that viper they were nurturing in their bosoms.
' Many of these very men afterwards went to the
I Guillotine, by orders passed secretly m these vt ry
> clubs. AU legislation was settled in the dubs
| members of the National Assembly and Conven
tion, all ot them, or most of them, were members
; of the clubs, for they could not otherwise be elect
' ed. And after the question was s (tied in the
1 dubs, the member* next day went to the nominal
i Halls of Legislation nothing but trembling nut<i
■ matons, to register the edicts of the “Order,’’
| though it were to behead a Monarch, or to cause
the blood of the best of their own number to
; flow beneath the stroke of the axe. Is history
;of no use ? Or do our people vainly imagine
' that Americans would not du as the French did
.'under like circumstances? “Is thv servant a
• dog that ho should do this thing,” said the
; haughty, self-confident Hazed. \■ t. he did all
i that he had been told that h< wmild do. “ L t
j him that thinketh he st.indeth take heed lest he
fall.” Humin nature is the sain*' compounl of
J weak f.alties am! erring passions « verv where.—
i Os these clubs in France, an elegant writer has
said:
“ From all other scourges which had afflicted
mankind, in every age and in overv nation, there
had been some temporary refuse, some shelter
i until the st»»nn might pass. During the heath-
I enism <*f antiquity, and th? baru.ui.sm of the
; middle ages, the temple of a g«»d < r the shrine of
. a saint, afforded a refuge from dcsj>otic fury or
! popular rage. But French Jacobins, whether na
' t’V' nr adopted treated with equal scorn, the sen
religion and the feeling-of humanity;
man had g itiiere from his experi
,th. and the revd i urns he hoja'd
e him from the sky. to bless and
al existence, and elevate his §<ml
u aspirations, were spurned as im-
• -iu • .-v these fell destroyers. They would
naw depraved num from his humanity, as they
• attempted to decree God out of his universe.—
[ N *t contented with France as a subject for their
i ruthless experiments— Europe itself being t
i narrow for their exploits, they send their prupi
j gandists to the n w world, with des.gns al >ut as
charitable as those with which Satan entered
Eden.”
Tina is hut n faint picture of some of the
| scenes enacted by that s-if same party, which
; was at first termed by those who siyk•: t! ?m
--1 • selves “the friends ot the Constitut "n.” And
i where ditl these “secret (.Ktnciis' wo now hear
I of, come from ’ Not from Franco, it is true—
’. but from that land of where the p < pie
1 would have gone into anarchy l?ng ago, it it had
l not been for the conservative inilu ncc of the
i more stable minded men of the Sout i ? ’And
i what scenes have wc lately w*itne-s* I in the
: Massachusetts Legislature, where this new p mt
! teal organism has more fully developed U than
' anywhere eise. \\ hat arc its first fruits there ’
i Under the name of “ The American party, ’ they
: themaelvea against the Constitution
of our common country, which they wore sworn '
to support—with every mi mbrr of the Legisla
ture. I believe, save czg/i/belonging to “ the or-;
der,” they have by an overwhelming majority
vote deposed Judge Loring.for nothing but the {
discharge of his official duty, in issuing a war- .
rant ns United States Commissioner, to cause the
urn st of the fugitive Slave Burns. In reviewing ,
this most unheard of outrage upon the Constitu
tion. the “National Intelligencer,” at Washing
ton, says it “shudders for the Judiciary.” And
if they go >n ns they have begun, wvll may the
! country “shudder.” not only fur the Judiciary,
but for everything else we hold most sto red. “It
these things be done in the green tree, wL.it m iy .
you expect in thv dry.”
But 1 have been anticipating somewbaU i
, was on the prelim in ary question .• that is, the .ve-
■ ertsy which lies at the foundation of thv party *
—that atmosphere of darkness in which “it
I lives, and moves, and has its being.” without
i which probably it could not exist. I du not. how- ;
<*vcr, intend to stop with that. I will g«> further,
j and give, now. my opinions upon those questions.
1 which are said t > i e within the range of
> eret objects and The priiiciptcs as pub- j
‘ fished (or those pr’nciples which are attributed
' to the Order, but no body as an organized paity t
avow’ them,) have, as 1 understand them, tw’o i
: leading ideas, and two .mly. These are a yo-u- ;
I script ion by an exclusion from cflici? of nil Oath- j
I olics, as n class, and i proscription of all persons !
of foreign birth, ns a class; the latti rto be ac-•
| complished not only by an exclusion from office :
! of all foreigners who are now citizens by natural- ,
; ization, but to be more rdeciually carried out by .
’ an abrogation of the nati: i’.; ation law for the fu- 1
i ture, or such an amendment us would be virtual-:
Ily tantamount to it. These, as we are told, are
i the great ostensible objects for all this machinery
i —these oaths—pledges—secret signs—cquivoca*
i tions—denials and what not. And whatlhavci
■ to say oi them. is. that if these indeed and in
| truth be the principles thus attempted to be enr
! ried out, then I ;>m opposed to both <d them, op
i only and unqualifiedly.
! I am opposed to them “in a double aspect,” I
both as a basis of parly organization and upon
their merits as questions of public policy. As the ;
basis of party organization, they ar l founded up-'j
on the very erroneous principle oi looking, not to
how the country shall be governed, but shall j
hold the offices—not to whether we shall have !
wise nnd wholesome Jaws, but who shall “rule ;
us,” though they may bring ru/n with their rule.
Upon this principle Trumbull, who defeated Gen.
Shields for the Senate in 111 nois, can be as good '
a “ Know Nothing” as any man in the late “Ma-.
con Conned,” though be may vote, as he doubt
less will, to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, and ;
against the admission of any slaw State in the ;
Union ; while Shields, who has ever stood by the ;
Constitution, must be rejected by Southern men 1
I because he was not born in the country ? Upon
this principle a Boston Atheist, who denies the :
i inspiration of the bible, because it sanctions sla
i very, is to be sustained by Georgia “ Know .
' Nothings” in preference to me, barely because I
. will not “bow the knee to Baal,” this false polit
| ical god they have set up. The only to/’s of par- j
jty organization is an agreement amongst those !
who enter into it upon the paramount question
; of the day. And no party can last long without
; bringing disaster and r/zm in its train, found-
Ird upon any other principle. The old National
i Whig Party tried the experiment when there was
: radical differences of opinion on such questions,
i and went to pieces. The National Democratic
| Party arc now trying a similar experiment, and
‘ are experiencing a similar fate. This is what is
the matter with it. Its vital functions are dv
i ranged—hence that disease which now afflicts it
’ worse than the dry rot. And what we of the
i South now should do is, not to go into any
j “ Know Nothing” mummery or mischief, as it
may be, but to stand firmly by those men at the
| North who are true to the Constitution and the
I Union, without regard either to their birth-place
or religion. The question we should consider is
t not simply who “shall rule America,” but wAo
; will vote for such measures as will best promote
' the interests of America, and with that the in
terests of mankind.
But to pass to the other view of these princi
: pies—that is, the consideration of them as ques
! tions of public policy. With me, they both stand
m no better light in this aspect than they do in
• the other. r Ph»‘ first assumes /cmporz/Z jurisdic
tion in “forum conscieniue"— to which lam quite
' | as much oppose 1 as 1 am to the spiritual powers
■ | controlling the temporal. One Is as bad as the
1 other—both are bad. I am utterly opposed to
• | mingling religion with politics in any wav what
icver; and especially am I opposed to making it
■* a test in qualifications fur civil office, Religion
■ ; is a matter between a man and his Creator, with
■ | which governments should have nothing to do.—
• In this country the Constitution guarantees to
1 every citizen the right to entertain whatever creed
• ’ he pleases, or no creed at all if be is so inclined
• —ami no other man has a right to pry into his
■ j conscience to enquire What he believes, or what
'! he doesnot believe. As a citizen and as a mem
. ber of society, he is to be judged by his acts and
i j not by his creed. A Catholic, therefore, in our
» 1 country, and in all countries ought, as all other
‘ ; citizens, to be permitted to stand or fall in public
. j favor and estimation upon his own individual
merits. “ Evv-’a tub should stand upon its uwn
• : bottom.”
> ■ But I think of all the Christian denominations
•in the United States,the Cotholics are the last
‘ ! that Southern people should join in attempting
to put under the ban of civil proscription. Fur
‘ ' as a church they have never warred against usor
our peculiar institutions. No man ran say as
t j much ot New England Baptists, Presbyterians
• or Methodists; the long roil of abolition petitions
• with which ('ongress has been much excited and
agitated for years past, it come not from the Cath-
' ' olics; their pulpits nt th? North are not dese rn-
■ f ted every Sabbath with anathemas against slavc
i I ry. And of the three thousand New England
i clergymen who s nt the anti Nebraska memorial
1 . to the Senate last year not one w’as a C ithoiic as
I have been informed and believe. Why then
should we Southern mon join the Puritans of the
North to proscribe from office the Catholics <m ac-
■ count of their religion ? Let them and their re
! ligion be, as bad as they can be, or as their accu-
• sera say they are, they can not bo w »rse than
these same Puritanical accusers, who started this
i persecution against them say that ire ar- . They
• say that w * arc going to perditi»
■ nious sin of holding slaves. The Pop? with all
his followers can not I suppose even in their judg-
• inent be going to a worse* place fur bolding what
they consider the monstrous absur.iity of the
“ immaculate conception.” And for nr wn part
I would about as soon risk my cham -for IL av
en with him, and bis crowd too, as witii these sclt
righteous hypocrites who deal out tire and brim
stone so liberally upon our heads. At auv rate I
have no hesitancy in declaring that I should
' much sooner risk my civil rights with the Amer
ican Catholics, whom they ar? ait* mpting to
drive from office than with them. But sir. lam
opp'»s< d t » this p>- >scripfion upon principle. 11
it is once begun there is no toiling whore it will
end. When fin tion mce tast s tin bloc d ■: a
victim it seldom Teases its ravages amongst the
t«dd so long as a. single remaining ’ne, ■ th
number at first ever so great, is left sir . iving. It
was to guard against any such con.-< (in < as
would certainly ensue in this country if this es-
• fort at pr ascription, t of relig
should be successful, that that wise provision to
j which I have alluded wa< put in th.’ fundament
al hw oi tlie ( nion. And to maintain it intact
La letter and spirt w.th *lca Ifii :.*.» $ it this time
1 hold to be ? in >st solemn public dutv
And now. as to the it her idea—the proscrip
tion ot foreigners—an I more particularly that
view of itwhtch looks t*» the detfi !■’ cit z -iishin
'to al! those wh > may hen a;ft -a h vne in
this country ?:u! cho sp t> cast tlu ir lots and
destinies with us. This i§ afr om i k » with
many who 1 i thought r re-
flected much upon its consequences. i’’;c abro
gation of the naturalization law's would n *t stop
t immigration, nor would »' * xt. n-u:i of the
term of probation. t> the p: rind of w.-n!v-0”e
. yeats. d » t. T’.fis • urrent <>f j.. irra’.i *n from
East to West, this Exodus of !' t x >*ss of p. p
ulatiou t *m the a World, which
■ commenced, wit ii’ .-’ii :” nt •< this con'tincot
! . Europ na woul , • .
wan’d bejhe effect, even under them t modified
tension he peri .i
years, before cit z mship mid be g . >tcd • As
the end of the fin-t twenty-o.i? years frun the
. c.vnmcrcement es the open’, m of :i.e law. we
shmid i.svc sec. ml miiiions ■ f nr.-ple in our
nuu>t—num ot our owmrace- any.the un-
enviable position *f b»'ing a “ dcgia h d caste” ;n
society, a species of serf* with *ut the: st fran
. c.’iise of 3. freeman or the necciui p;\ h tion due
to a >tvvc. This would be at w>- w.th all my
ideas of Amciiean Republican, m .-s I have he* a
taught them and glorified in them fromy uth up.
ger now to» • .
some seem to imagine, but wh.ch lam ar i.om
i feeling or from foreigners at a Sass,
i would pot we danger be greatly enhanced by ths
proposed remedy ! Now. it is true they are made j
to bear their share of the burthens of Govern- ' •
ment, but arc also permitted, after a residence of
five years, and t.king an oath to support the Con- i i
stitution, to enjoy their just participation in the «
privileges, honors and immunities v.nich it #.<•- !
cures. Would they be less likely to be attached I
Ito the Government and its principles under th? ' i
operation of the present system than they would i
hr.under the proposed one which would tr at <
them e as not much better than outcasts nndout-
: laws! All writers of note, from the earliest to
the latest, who have treated upon the elements ;
' and component parts, or members of communi
ties and States, have pointed this out as a source ;
of real danger—that is having a large number
of the same race not only aliens by birth, but al- !
' urns in lieart and feeling in the borom of society. *
Such was. to a great exl' Dt. the condition oi ‘
the Helot in Greece—men of thvsame race phic-
i ed in an inferior position, ami 1 Tming within |
I themselves a degraded class. 1 wish to sec no |
such state of things in tins country. With us at
• the South, it is true wc haw a “degraded caste,”
but it is of a race fitted by nature for their subur-
| dinatc position. The negro, with us, fills that ;
place in society and under our system of ijvili- j
j zation tor which he was designedby nature. No j
• training can tit him for either social or political
j equality with his superiors ; at least history fur-
• nishes us with r.o instance of the kind; nor does
[ the negro with us fee! any degradation in his po
i sit ion, because it is his natural place. But such
: would n«‘t bathe case with men of the same rice i
; and coming from the same State w ith ourselves. '
. And what appears not a little strange and singu- i
1 lar to me in considering this late movement, is.'
; that if it originate with, yet it is now so generally i
and zealously favored by so many of those men at ,
the North who have expended so much of their ;
! misguided philanthropy in behalf of our slaves. ,
; They have liven endeavoring for years to elevate ,
the African to s a cqu ility socially aad politically :
with the white man. And n ow, they arc moving .
i heaven and earth to degrade the white man to a >
; condition lower than that held by the negro in I
1 the South. The Massachusetts “Nnow Noth-1
ing” Legislator? passed a bill lately to amend |
i thei r Constitution so as to exclude from the polls ;
; in that State, hcreaft“r, ail naturalized citizens.;
from whatever nation they may come ; and yet I
i they will allow’ a runaway negro slave from the i
! South the same right to vote that they give to I
; their own native born sons! They thus exhibit |
the strange paradox oi warring against, their own ;
i r , ie e—their own blood—-v^ntheir own “kith and .
kin,” it may be. while they a-e vainly and lanati-
. cully endeavoring to reverse the order of nature, by ■
making the black man equal to the white. Shall ;
;wc second them in any such movement 1 Shall !
i we even countenance them so far as to bear the I
; same name—to say nothing of the same pledges, •
1 passwords, signs and symbols'? Shall we affiliate '
and unite ourselves under the same banner, wit h j
; men whose acts show’ them to be governed by •
such principles, am! to be bent upon such a pur- •
; pose ! This is a question for Southern men to i
consider. Others may <Io it if they chose; but,
I tell you, I never shall; that you may set down ■
1 as a “fixed fact”—one of the fixedcst of the “fixed !
i fact” —one of the fixed. lam not at ail aston
j ished at the rapid spread of this new s; ntiment,
| at the North, or rather new way of giving embo
' diment and lift’ to an old sentiment., long cherish
!edby a large class of the Northern people, not
withstanding the paradox. It is true. “Know
' Nothingism” did not originate as I understand
: its origin, with the class I allude to. L c •niiuen
, ced with the laborers and men dependant upon
• capital for work and employment. It sprang from
-1 the antagonism of their interests to foreigners
i seeking like employment who were under-bid
i ding them in the amount of wages. But many
capitalists oi’that section, the inen who h dd the
I land and property in their own hands, wishing
to dispense with laborers and employees, whose
votes at the polls are equal to their own, seized
■ : upon this new’ way of effecting their old, long
-1 cherished desire. And the more eagerly as they
’! saw that many of the very men whom they have
‘ j ever dreaded as the insuperable obstacle between
■ | them and their purpose, had become the willing
■ though unconscious instruments of carrying that
•; purpose out, which, from the beginning, was a
• desire to have a v.itingless population to do their
1 work, and perlormall the labor, both in city, town
i ' and country, which capital may require. And as
• certainly as such a law shall b« passed, so far
u
'•, cargoes of people from other countries brought
' i over in Kmc.'can ships to supply tho m t fur
> 1 labor throughout nil the free ut the Union
■ j The African Slave Trade; ii re-opened, would
! ’ not exhibit a worse spectacle intraificing in hu-
H man flesh, than those most (.clu .ed men of the
i j North who started this thing, and who are now
■ j aiding to accomplish the end, may find they have
»i but kindled a flame to consume themselv. s. The
I J whole sub stratum or Northern society will soon
I be filling up with a class whocan work and who
• though cannot vote This is w hat the
t I would-be-Lords of that sect ion have been wanting
■ ■ for a longtime, it is a scheme with many of
I ' them to' get white slaves instead of black ones. —
r ’ No American Zi.'Aorer, or man seeking employ
r ; ment there, who has a rde. nee I to expect to l.e
’ retained long when his place can be more chcap
/ Iv filled by a foreigner who has none. This wdl
i ; be the practical working of the proposed referma-
, tion. This is the philosophy of the thing. It is
<i a blow at the ballot box. it is an odious attack
t 1 upon general suffrage. In aline with this policy
i ‘ the “Know Nothing Governor ot Cmnecticut
i ! has already recommended the passage us a law
r i denying the right of voting to all who cannot'
read and write. And hence, the great efforts'
II w hich arc now being made throughout he North
< tu influence tin* elections, not only thes •. but in
I ; spending their money in the publication of books i
• I and tract , written by “no body knows who,’ 1
■ i and scattered broad cast throughout the South-'
■! ern States,to influence elections here by appeal-1
I ing to the worst passions am! strongest prejndi-■
I ccs of our nature, not omitting those <vn which j
1 bad and wicked men can evoke under the sacred I
i ■ but prostituted name of religion. i
Unfortunately for the country, many evils
•! which all good men regret and deploie exist at .
■ ( this time, which have a direct tendency, wonder
•, fully t > aid and move forward this ill amend cru-'
i sad’e. These relate to the appointment of s.»
’ 1 many foreigners—wholly unlit, not oi.lv to miner
j offices at home, but to represent our country, as .
■ : Minist rs abroad. And tu the great frauds
I ami gm.'S abuses whb'h at present attend the:
■ administration » f our naturalization laws—these
: are evil- ti lt by the whole country, and they
ought to be corrected. Not by a put script ion ol ,
all F* reignen-, without regard tu individual mer-
• its. But in th. first place, by so amending the ;
naturalization laws, as effectually to check and :
prevent tht se frauds and abuses. And in the (
second place by haldingta strict accountability!
t the polls m our elections, all those public;
• functionaries, who,either with partizian views or;
> from whatever mvtive, thus improperly confer
i office, whether high or low, upon undeserving j
Poreign■ rs, to the xclusion of native born citi-
1 zens, better qualified to fill them. Another evil '
now felt, and which ought to be remedied,is the
floodmg it is, said of some of the cities withm/u
--pers cr-miiwds from other count ies. These
ought <dl to be unconditionally oduded am
prohibit* .1 from coming amongst us—there is no
reason why we should be feeders ofoth* r na-
i tions paupers, of either the keepers or rrecutiners
1 ; of \\w felons — these evils can and ought to be
■ t remedied without resorting to an indiscriminate
onslaught upon all who chose to bi tter their con
dition in abandoning the rcspcctalive dynasties
of th old wcr! i in which they may hive chancr
to h ive been b >rn. and by uniting tneir energies
w th < u s may fed a pride in adv. n ing the pros-
1 per ty, development and progress of a common
country not much less dear to them than to us
Against those who thus worthily come, wh?
quit the m sru’ed Empires of their “fath-. r ■;
1 whose hearts hav- been fired with the love ■
• ideas, an : our institutions even in instant <
1 w odd ior elm? d?or of tidmisson. But t
s ich as - lather di! t first, sol would contin-
■■' i • -
■- - • th
ing t ’let’. When in ab.tt corm th? walks of
civil l.i’ T noy -urh < ver pre ve traitor or recrc- ■
ant t» the fl ig or ot his country? On
what orc .sion ha*e any such ever proven untrue
or disloyal to the Constitution T
I w. 1 nut say th it no fir ever
untrue to the Constitutin'
certainly have not proven . ■ • .
dec !, I know of bm one c * i . op-e m me
Un-.tcd States at thio time that i 'ook upon as
- ' * ss are n
er lor. gners or Catlm’scs—they - '• native
born traitors at t..? N-?rt:i who ’ to th.
Const duti nos that ceunt-y w M the..
: I under whose ben ' - .
they have been reared and nu . Many of i
them a- - * •* Know N'>th:ngs. ’ ’ s class of men
at the N rth. c! wh.ch the M« . husets. N* w
IL. and; w an*i Cu.m cticut -K. »w Hhi.ig”
■ - . ‘ - •.' ’ r as ■ or
1 worst enemies. And to pat the i down, I will
'j jois, u political alliea now and iorevar, all true .
patriots ut the North and South, whether n; tiu
or adopted, Jews or Gentiles.
What our Georgia friends, whether Whigs or i
Democrats, who have gone into this “ New Or
der,” are really alter, or what tb< y intend to do. ■
I cannot imagine. Those of them whom I .
know have assured me that their objects is re- i
form both in our State and Federal Administm- ,
tions—to put better and truer men in the places •
of those who now wield authority—that they
have no sympathies as party men or otherwise !
with that class I speak of at the North—that '•
they are for sustaining the Union platform ot our
State of 1859, and that the mask of secrecy wilt;
soon be removed when all wdl be made pub!:?. ;
If these be their objects, and also to check the j
■ frauds and correct the abuses in the existing nu- ,
turalization laws, which 1 have mentioned, with-
. out the indiscriminate proscription of any class i
of citize is on account of their birth place or re- j
j ligion, then they will have my co-operation, as I '
, have told them, in every proper and legitimate ‘
! way, to effect such a reformation. Not as a m*- i
rrvtly initiated co-work<*r in the dark for any ,
; purpose, but as an »»pen and bold advocate of;
i truth in the fight of day. But will they do as |
i they say ! VX ill they throw off’ the mask ? !
1 That is the question. Is it possible that they will !
. continue in political party fellowship with thvir ;
-worthy brethren’’ us Massachusetts, Connucli-I
cut, New Hampshire, and the entire North ?
Every one of whom elected to the next Congress
is our deadly foe ! Do they intend to continue
- their alliance with these open enemies to our in
' aitutions and the Constitution of the country
i under the totally misnamed association of the
“ American Parly”—the very principle upon
■ which it is based being anti-American through
i out 1
Prue Americanism, as I have learned it, is like
, true Christianity—disciples in neither arc eunfin
. cd to any nation, chine, or soil whatsoever.
! Americanism is not the product of the soil; it
; springs not from the land or the ground; it is
I not of the earth, or earthy ; it emanates from the
1 head and the heart; it looks upward, and on
! ward and outward; its life ami soul arc those
grand ideas of government which characterize
our institutions and distinguish us from all other
i people; and there is no two features in our sys
i tem which so signally distinguish us from ail
j other nations, as fret toh ration of religion’am!
[ the doctrine of expatriation— the right of a in in
I to throw off his allegiance to any and every oth
er State, Prince, or Potentate whatsoever, and
i by naturalization to be incorporated ns citizens
j into our body politic. Both these principles are
; specially provided for and firmly established in
! our Constitution. But these American ideas
' which were proclaimed in 1789 by our “ sires of
1 76,” arc by their “sons” at this day derided and
■ scoffed at. We arc now told that “ naluraliza
; lion” is a “ humbug,” and that it is an“ impossi
| bility.” So did not our fathers think. This
I “ humbug ” and “ impossibility” they planted in
j the Constitution ; and a vindication of'thc same
! principle was one of the causes of our second
war of independenc . England held that “ na-
■ turalization” was an impossible thing. »She
t claimed the allegiance us subjects born within
her nalm, notwithstanding they had become cit
izens of this Republic by our Constitution and
' laws. She not only claimed their allegiance,
■! but she claimed the right to search our ships up
; on the high seas, and take from them all such
who might be found in them, it was in pursuit
!of this doctrine of hers—-of the right to search
! for our “ naturalized" citizens—that the Chesa-
• peake was fired into, which was the immediate
j cause of the war of 1812. Let no man then
i barely because he was born in America, presume
( to be imbued with real and true “ Americanism”
, who either ignores the direct and positive oblig.i
--; tions of the Constitution, or ignores this, one of
: j its most striking characteristics. As well might
• any unbelieving sinner claim -to be one of the
faithful—one of the elect even—barely because
■; he was born somewhere witbin th? limits of
' Christendom. And just as weil might the Javo
‘ i bins, who “decreed God out of his Universe,”
| have dubbed their club a “ Christian Associa
; ' tion,” because they were born on Christian soil.
■ The genuine disciples of “ true Americanism,”
i like the genuine followers of the Cross, arc those
' I whose hearts are warmed and fired—purified,
i ' elevated and ennobled —by those principles, doc
! i trines and precepts which characterize their pre
' ccptive systems. It is for this reason that a
Kamschatkan. a Briton, a Jew or a Hindoo, can
be as good a Christian «s any one born on “Cal
vary’s brow,” or where the “Sermon on the
Mount” was preached ! And for the same reas
on an Irishman, a Frenchman, a German, or
• Russian, can be ns thoroughly “ American ” ns
if he had been born within the walls of old In
dependence Hall itself. W hich waslhc“trut
‘ American.” Arnold or Hamilton ?• The one was
• native the other was an adopted son. But to re
: ! turn. What do our Georgia friends intend to do?
' ■ Is it not time that they hc.d shown their hand ?
Do they intend to abandon the Georgia Piutfr»rm,
; and go over “ horse, foot, and dragoons” into »
political alliance with Trumbull, Durkee. Wilson
& Co.? Is this the course marked out for thvm
; selves by any of the gallant old Whigs of the
7th and Sth Congressional District? I trust nut,
I hope not. But if they do not intend thus to
I commit themselves, is it not time tu pause and
r« fleet ? Is it not time to take a reckoning and
! see whither they ared ifting? When “the blind
. lead the blind’’ where is the hope of safety ? I
; have been cited to the resolution which, it is said,
the late Know Nothing Convention passed in
( Macon. This, it seems, is the only thing that the
I 6(10 delegates could bring forth after a two days’
i “labor”—and of it we may well say, “
parturient et ridiculus muts nascltur"— “ The
i mountains have been in labor and u ridiculous
i mouse is born.”
' It simply affirms, most meakly and submissive
ly, what no man South of Mason and Dixon’s
hue for the last thirty-fixe years would have ven
tured to deny, without justly subjecting himself
• to tlu* charge of incivism— that is,that “Con
gress has no constitutional power to intervene
I by excluding a new State applying for admission
into the Union, upon the ground that the consti
tution of such State recognizes slavery.” This is
the whole life and soul of it, unless we except the '
secret blade of Joab which it bears towards Kan- ■
sas and Nebraska, concealed under a garb. It is
well known to all who are informed, that in the or-.
I gantclaw of these territories the right of voting, i
while they remain territories, was given to all who j
; had filed a declaration of intention to become citi-'
zens. This was in strict compliance with the usu-1
d practice of the Government in organizing Ter-
I ritories; and under this provision that class oi ;
: persons are now entitled to vote. Kansas, in twu ’
i elections under this law, has shown that an over-i
i whelming majority of her people are in favor of i
i slavery, notwithstanding ail the Executive in flu-1
I ence of the Freesoii Governor (Reeder) whom Mr..
I Pierce sent out there to prevent it; but whom the |
! people have lately driven, as they ought to h ive :
, done, from the country. Now then, when Kan
| sas applies for admission as a Slave State, as she :
doubtless will, a Southern “ Know Nothing,” un- i
der this Resolution, can unite with his “ worthy ‘
brethren” at the North, in voting against it. upon j
the ground that some have voted for a Constitu
tion recognizing Slavery, who had not been “ n it-1
uralized,” but bad only declared their intention. I
Fur this Resolution in its very heart and cure, de-1
•'iiut-s that the right tu establish Slave institutions ■
“in the organization of Slave Governments, be
longs to the ntdire amt naturalized citizens.” ex-;
eluding (hose who have ontv declared their inten
tion.
A more insidious attack, was never mad** up- :
on tha principles us the Kansas and Nebraska !
Bill. And is this to be be the plank on which i
Northern and Southern “Know Nothings” are to i
stand in the rejection of Kansas. But to the :
other an main objection to the resolution why did '
‘ *top with a simple denial of the power of (\>n- j
4tn r icct a State on account of si ivery ? 1
when it had opened the dour fur he i
; as on other grounds l y way ot
// »Vl< v did it not plant itself upon the i
drinciplcs of the Gemgia Resolutions vs 1850,
and say what ought to be dune in case of the re
jection of a State by Co tgr > - bee r.u=* y! lavery ?
So far from this it docs net even affirm that >u?ii:
rejection by their “worthy brethren” of the;
North would be sufficient cans • or severing the ;r
party affiliation with th m for it • Ag n I
would say not unfy to the old Whigs of the »th
and9thCongressional Districts, but to all true;
Georgian - whether Whigs or Demucrats, Union i
man or Fire Eaters whither arc you drifting ? I
Wiilyc u not pause and red. ct ? Are wc about'
to witness in this insane? cr against For. ignersj
and Catholics a fulfilment of the an- h nt i, it e
Proven*. ‘Que* ;i Deus vault perdbe prius dt~
mn!at' f “Whom the Gods intend to uestriv
;;u?y first make mad ?” The political -iz.m
is shrouded in darkness. No man an ‘v. < v.hjui;
he meet*, whether he be triend ur f • except
those who have the dim glare of the overt Uj
light which their etc impirt. An i how
Lung this will be a protection even to tin .n,
by no means certain. They have already made I
truth aud veracity almost a by-word arid a re-I
, proaeh, Whea truth lutes easts with any peo-i
pie—is no longer considered ns a virtue—and its '
daily and hourly violations arc looked upon with
no concern but a j*'er or a laugh, it requires but I
little forecast taser what will very soon be the !
character ofthe people. But,sir come what may. ,
I shall pursue that cour.-c which a sense of duty I
demands of me. While I hope for the best, 1 shall
be prepared for the worst,” and if the “worst comes 1
tu the worst,” us it may, I shall, in common with
my fellow citizens, bear with patience my part of!
the coi inion dis. They will affect me quite fts .
little as any other citizen, for I have but little at ,
stake ; ami so far as my public position and char- I
artcr are concerned, 1 shall enjoy thnt consjla- :
lion which is to be derived from a precept taught '
mu in early fife, and which 1 shall ever cherish
and treasure, whatever fortune betide me :
“ But if, on li: ’s unce tain main, t
Mishap shall mar thy sail.
If, faith u\.firni and Zrne in vain.
Woe, want, and exile thou sustain,
Spend not a sigh on fortune changed.” '
Yours, most respectfully.
Alexander H. Stephens, i
DEMOCRATIC MEETING,—PROCEEDINGS.
Agreeable to notice, a large and respec- i
table portion of the I'cnioerats of Whit- 1
lield county uSrieuibled at the court house
on the first Tuesday in May, for the pur-1
jiuse of appointing delegates to theguber-l
natorial convention, and the convention to ;
nominate a candidate for the ffifth con-;
grcs.sional district.. The meeting was or-1
ganized by calling Win. P. Chester to the
chair, and Edward H. Edwards, Esq-, at,
ecretary.
On motion of Col. Win. C. Cone, a
committee of seven was appointed by the !
chair secretary to select delegates to tha I
gubernatorial convention. Said committee j
consisted of John M. Jackson, Dickinson |
Taliaferro, W. D. Hancock, Wm. Ilaral-I
son, S. W. Batey, Wm J. Underwood,
and Smith Treadwell, wh ■. after retiring!
a short time, reported the na os of Ow- i
en II Kenon, Wm. Gordon, am ihirrwni
Rogers
The committee to select, deh . lies to the I
congressional conventin were, Wr.i. I’. i
Cone, Wm. Gordon, John P Love P C.!
McOweu, John S. Martin. John J. Gil-j
bert, and Thomas Crow, wh , a’terretiring 1
and consulting, reported the following
names as delegates to said convention— :
llarricon. Rogers, Smith, Treadwell, and !
Richard 11. Sapp.
On motion, the delegates to each eon-;
vention were authorized to find any vaoan-j
cy that may occur.
The meeting unanimonsly concurred in i
the the section of the delegates.
Col. V . Wm. IJ. Cone offered the fol
lowing—
\\ hereas a large and respcctabh - portion
lof the whig party of our county, are op-1
j posed to the secret inquisition, or combi-1
■ nation of odds ai*d ends, correctly called
j know nothings; be it therefore,
Resolved, That a committee of seven .
!be appointed by the chair and secretary, !
I to call a meeting a no distant future, and !
j that nil who are disposed to unite and har-1
! monizeand act rgainst these miduigh dis-i
turber and constitutional destroyers, be in-;
vited to attend and conciliate and compro- i
mise on matters connected with our conn- j
try and for members to represent us in >
the next legislature.
On the adoption of the same, and in
explanation thereof, the old Col., kt out
some of the old flint and steel remaining,
against the lilly-livered odds and ends, a.-
he called them, and solicited an earnest
co-operation of all honest men, whatever
might have been their political flag here
tofore. to use every honorable exertion to
put down those satantie and invisible
j leagues, for the welfare and perpetuity of
the best government ever enjoyed end !
handed down to mankind.
The following committee was appointed ;
ander saiil resolution. J. F. I’. Jackson,!
Wm. Whitten, Hugh McDonald, S. W. |
1 Batey, Wm. Haralson, James A. Ault, j
j anp Harrison Rogers, who selectsd as the!
| most fit and proper time, the first Tuesday I
in July to assemble the people on the oc- j
casion,
Win. Gordon then offered the following!
preaml le and resolutions, and in his us-1
uol spirited manner addressed the meeting I
in their support, and exhorted the democ
racy to stand, as he had found them and j
their principles, as stable and enduring
as the rock of ages.
Whereas a portion of the people of the j
non-slave holding states have been, & are i
persisting in a system os curoachments !
upon the constitution ofthe United States,
, ami upon the lights of the people of the!
slave holding states, which is alike unjust |
and extremely dangerous to the peace and !
prosperity of our cherished and much be-1
loved Uhion ; and whereas the national j
honor ofthe United States has been in-1
! insulted, by repeated outrages upon her'
citizens and flag, by the Spanish author- 1
ities at Cuba; be it therefore resolv-
C,L
1 That the congress of the United
States is of limited powers, and cannot ex- <
creise any authority net eonfered. by the .
constitution.
2. That the constitution grants no;
powers to congress, to pass any law!
prohibit ng any of her citizens from emi-1
grating with their property, to any portion !
of her territories.
o. That the several states of the union,
according to the confederacy, are upon)
terms of perfect equality, and that the l
rights, privileges, and immunities, secured !
by the constitution, belong alike to the !
people of each state.
4. That any and all the t-. iritory ae-‘
quired by the United States, whether by
discovery, purchase or conquest belongs in '
common to the people of each and thither!
the citizens, ot each and every state have
a common right to emigrate, with any pro
perty they may possess ; and that any at-'
tempt by congress, to restrict their lights!
which will favor one section of the union. !
and be detrimental to the interests of j
another section, is unjust, oppressive, and ;
not warranted by the constitution.
5 That we entertain ardent love and
feelings of devotion to the union of the!
states, and for no light or trivial cause, I
will ever consent to their dissolution ; and >
do therefore hope, that the rights gtiaran
ted to every stete by the constitution, will,
be observed
6. That we approve to the fullest ex
tent of the paesageof the law by congress.,
coinnr uly called the Nebraska-Kansas Lili •
and r garu it was a repeal of the Missouri '
compromise act of DIP and IS2O, which ;!
was one amongst the most flagrant viola
tines ofthe coii'.titutiou of the United 1
States over attempted by congress.
7. That we are in favor of non-iiitcrr n- ’
i the territo-!’
I ins jitiuii te cit izens, to form ;
and -elect for them: elve such a state gov- ;
ernment a.- best suits choir own ' • ".nd-!
interest.
8. Thnt we have witnessed -i ; (
the many and repeated violati. u; uurfi
treaty with Spain by her auth .ities at.,
Cuba and the many insults to our citizens ' ,
aud our national Sag; and until this good;,
day, have submitted to everything. Our|,
remonstrances have been heeded only by
adding insult to injury. The time has !
arrived in order to sustain our national ;
honor, that resistance is necessary to put
an end to their many insults.
Tn addition John M. Jackson, Esq., of
fered the following, and both being taken
together, they were unanimously adop
ted.
1. That we regard the many insults
from the Spanish government, as n viola
tion of her treaty with the United States,
sufficient to stain the honor of the Aincri
can flag
2 That we have had sufficient cause
!to demanded speedy adjustment; and after
' being often refused and insulted, that we
; deem it highly essential to the national
; honor and safety of the government, that
; the stars and stripes should float victori-
I ous, in honor to the American republic,
' over the soil of Cuba. ■*
3. That American blood was never shed
I but the American flag would float victori
ous over the soil stained with the blood of
j her noble sons, to cherish their memory
; with the sweet breezes of American liber-
Both gentleman addressed the meeting
to the entire graiification of all pres
ent.
It was resolved, that the North Georgia
i'inies be requested to publish the proceed
ingt of this meeting, aud that other pa
pers, favorable to our principles, be re
quested to copy.
WM. P. CHESTER, Ch’n.
Edward 11. Edwards, Sect’y.
Cram th/' Federal Vuinn.
Messrs. Editors :—Permit me to occupy
•i small space in your valuable papei, for
: the purpose of making a few statements
in regard to a political combination exist-,
ing as I suppose somewhere,) called Know
Nothings. On my return home from the
’ low country, I was told by several of my
friends that it was said in Zebulon during
Court, that 1 belonged to that (so called
fraternity or organization.) Since then I
i have heard again aud again that such was
; the fact. 1 can only say on this point
that all such opinions are founded in error
—I have no use under the heavens for
i any such organization, and if 1 may bo so
i bold as to express my opinion about it, it
!>s this : It is a combination of anything
: and everything which can be brought to
; bear for the purpose of distracting and
: defeating the Democratic party —and not
only to defeat the Democratic party, but
! worse than all, I honestly believe if their
: object is obtained, it will meddle directly
I with the constitution of the country, and
; ilually tear down the American Eagle,
; and substitute the crown of a Monarch in
!in lieu of the stars and stripes. Talk
j about proscribing Catholics at one breath,
! and at the next seek to do the very thing
1 that they pretend to be afraid that the
I Catholics will do; nonsense in the highest
degree. For my part 1 would just as soon
ibe bound to worship under the direction
! of a catholic Priest as those modern ones,
that are now trying to gull the people with
the false pretence of their great love of the
liberty of conscience. 1 frankly admit
that 1 fear any man who desires a legal
interference with the right of conscience
in matters of religion. Well, but says
one, we want America to be ruled by
Americans. And this is Know Nothing
ism. Well 1 well 1 what a pretty thing
stuck upon jbeir banner to gull somebody.
Whoever heard that America was ever
governed by any body else besides Ameri
cans, nobody. But says one, these foreign
ers will ruin our country; on this point I
occupy the same position that I do in re
gard to our slavery difficulties, I have
more fears from men here in the South, I
than I have from those of the North. I |
think one Southern Abolitionist worse, or :
more injurious to our institutions than for-,
ty at the North—and why, I answer: Be-!
cause those at the South are so situated that!
they can, (if they get the power,) do the |
thing which the North wants done. Sol
I say in regard to our Republic, if it ever
falls, it will be cast down, not by foieign- i
ers but by Americans. Foreigners cannot,
overthrow it, Americans can; therefore
there is more danger at home than any
where else St Paulin speaking of his
difficulties seemed to regret more than all
his perils, the perils among false brethren;
I fear that this good government will at
last bo mangled up like the Temperance
cause; killed by those who are trying so
very hard to make somebody think that i
they are its old friends. How has this mat-1
ter worked for twenty-five years? First, a |
society formed to promote temperance, I
that good cause. The motto was re/brm,
fairly understood to bo kept separate from
ligion and politics. SofarsogOod. Here
the) went in high glee, soon to make the i
world sober, all right. Next here comes j
the old man Flournoy— with his memorial, I
and everybody called drunkards that would
not sign it, there the good cause received !
a hard lick, nearly a death wouud. Next j
the Sons came, marching very pretty un
der the same pretty banner of Temper
ance, they went on finely until they got to
itching for the arm of the law to meddle
with that which belongs to the moral in
stead ofthe Legislative department of the
government, here the good cause received
a deadly lick, by these same soul loving
temperance people. How next? Well,
here tomes those strange folks called the
Knights of Jericho, under the same ban
ner of temperance, they say mow they will
send the next petition to Milledgeville,
(not on paper,) but a petition which
wears boots and hat, right here the cause
goes to the ground, and all the fragments
of the whole concern are raked up to make
a body to cleet Mayors and Aidermen
about our cities and towns, and the good
cause is murdered, by whom ? I answer,
by the very persons who are making such
a fuss in favor of Temperance.
1 will now tell what I heard an Irish
man say in LaGrange in an early part of
this J ear, aud then I shall close. There
■ were several persons in a tavern, some of
' whom were spending their opinions in re
gard i i the Know Nothings, the Irishman
-■ji-nicd disposed to address himself to
•Judge Warner particularly. The Judge,
although he seemed anxious to get out aof
the scrape, was urged by the Irishman to
hear his opinions, and went on about to
the following manner, said he “First Nin
livo Americanism, next Freesoilism, next
Ybolitionism, next Know-Nuthingitm, and
J i lie I tclt youlie.l will come next. I disap
proved of the Language used, but think
there was goi d sense in the idea cowed.
THOMAS C TRICE.
B«4. ts democracy in the Lexington
disuict. Kentucky, represented in the last
’wo congresses by J G Breckenridge, have
i: uin. tcd ; - their candidate at the next
election L B Dickerson, of Scott county
a gentleman of high character andfine atl
t cuu.
LIST OF DELEGATES TO THE DEMOCRATIC CON
VENTION TO BE HELD IN MILLEDGEVILLE JUNE STH.
IMA
Baldwin: VTni McKinley, M D McComb,
D P Brown.
Bibb : N Bass, J B Lamar, E L Strohee
ker, S B Hunter, WK De<«ruffenried.
Butts: M Varner’ *J
ars
Campbell: L B Watts, T A Latunni, W
• '.t ■: •' A Hamilton, R A
Crawford.
i Chattooga: Jesse A Glenn, John II Ech
ols.
' Cherokee: 1 R Foster, Lawson Field, M
i J Camden.
iC’liirko: W L Witehell, II Cobb, BSheata
I AAFHiII.
1 Cobb: Sam’l Lawrence, W T Skelton m
I Phillips.
I Decatur: FG Arnett A A Allen, J R
Butler W F Easterling, J W Evans,
C J Munneilyn..
I DeKalb: Jas W Crockett,Daniel Johnson
Geo K Smith.
Floyd: O A Myers, Mll Haynie, Win.
Watters.
Forsyth: II Strickland, G N Lester, AG
Hutchins.
Franklin: Wm Turk, Sam’l Knox, J N
Turk.
Fulton: Thos C Howard, L J Glenn, John
Collier.
Gordon: J C Longstreet, R B Young, G
J Fain.
' Gwinett: II P Thomas, J C Whitworth,
K T Terrell, 1 M Young.
; Habersham: G 1) Philips, R McMillian
A K Patton, Y Davis, J B White
head.
Hancock: Dr. Brown, John Bonner, k
Sanford.
Houston: EJ McGehee, J W Hardison,
M Marshall, J. B. Campbell.
I Jackson: James Polk, W P Miller, J B
I Jackson, M A Pattman.
! Jasper: J W Burney, Flemming Jordan,
W C Lovejoy, J L Standifer.
i Jones: Jos Day, W. A Lane, Robt Brown
W L Flemister.
Lee: Dr. Mercer, I P Cock, B G Smith.
Marion: Jas Hall, M L Bivins, Thos
Howe.
Merriwether: John A Gaston, John
Knight, M Reeves.
Munroe: R Rutland, N Phillips, Z E
Harman, N W Newman, V Lassi
ter.
j Murray: Jas Edmondson, Jas Morris, S
L Stowe. .
I Newton: Thos F Jones, Jeffers Sanrose,R
l J Henderson.
I Pike: T DKing, II Green W P Irvin.
Talbot, L F Smith, Jesse Carter, W A
Dan’l Weathers.
Twiggs: J G Coleman, J .Balkcom, J 1’
Shine.
Union: Andrew Young, J P Welborn.
■Walton: W Kilgore, '8 G Loclilin, Geo.
Hurst, Junius Hillyer.
Wayne: Samuel O Bryan, R R Richards.
Whitfield—O II Kenan, Wm Gordon,
Harrison Rogers.
Wilkinson: Drß W Finney. E Cumming
R F Rozar, James Pittman.
Worth: W A Harris, A J Shine, Sam’l
Jones. •
of the old fashioned attorneys
bractising in Indiana insisted on arguiug
a case before Judge B. after it had been
decided, Judge B. repeatedly told the un
fortunate attorney that be would listen to
no further argument in the case. 2?ut
may it please your honor’ says the udvuuaK
your honor will certainly hoaran argument
if your honor has decided wrong?” No,’
replied the judge, if you argue the ease
anymore take it to tho Court Enors.’—
May it please your honor, I don’t sec
wherein the devil I’d go to, for if this
ain’t a court of errors, I don’t know where
to find one.
Cotytyelrcfyl.
RATBS OF EX( BANOS IN ATLANTA*
Heporteti and corrected tri-wcekh/ In/
u. l. wrk;ht ~ ~
Bxchan?e on NojJjwn Uitww. • prr%i>nf.
“ on Savannah, r| per cent.
“ on Charleston, ) percent.
WHOLESALE PRICE OF GROCERIES l .\
ATLANTA.
Corrected tri-weekly, by E. \V. Holland .\fiiin,.
Wholesale Commutwn Merchant., Atlanta.
No. 1 Rio Coffee, 11 j to 12. eta. per lb.
Salt per Sack, 1.80
Star Candles, 26 cts. per lb.
N. O. Sugara—Fair, hhil. bj per lb.
Prime, ** 6Jc per lb.
Choice, bhd., 7c per lb.
N. O. Syrup, bill., 40c per gallon.
Extra Ruw Whisky, 50c per gallon.
America Brandy, 75 to 80.
ATLANTA FRKB Ct ItItEXT.
Collated Jrrnn the report, of J. It. Wallace
Hrothere, J. E. Williams, and J. dr J. Lynch.
Cotton, extremes 7 to 8)
Salt pork 8 c.
Bacon Sides 10 io >l.
Hog round, 8J to 10.
Pork neat, 7 cts
Hams 10 to 12J
Shoulders, 8J to 9
Lard, per bbl. 10 to 12 cents.
Corn, per bushel 140 to 150 cts.
Meal, $1.40 to 1.50
Salt, per Sack, 200.
Sugar per Hhd., 9 6} to 8 J
Collie, 11 to 13
Clarified Sugar, 8 to'tj
Syrup 35 to 40
Mackarel No. 1, in Kits, 4,50.
“ •• 2, $12.00 to 15.00
** “ 3 per Barrel, 9,
*• “ 4, “ “ 8,00
Cheese, 12A.
Bagging, 16 to 18.
Rope, 12j. to 14
Manilla Rope, 20 to 22J.
Tobacco, 15 to 75.
Candles, Adamantine to 26 t0{30..
Flour, 5 J to 6.
Eggs, 12 J
Butter 25 to 35
Deaf, 5 to 6J
Iron American, 5 to 6J
** Sweeds, 5J to 6J.
“ Band, 6J.
Castings, 4 J to 5.
Steel Cast, 20,.
“ German, 18.
“ American, Bto UR
Nails. 5$ to 6 per keg
Powder,Blasting, per Keg, 4.20 4.80;
Safety fuse, 50 cts. per 100 feel.
“ Rille, per keg, 600. to 650.
'Teas, 75 to 125.
Factory Yarn 80 to 90.
Osnaburgs, 9 to 10.
Chickens 15 to 20.
Oats. 70 to 80.
Fodder. 125 (ft 150 [)f . r cwt .
Hay, I ,(!'j to 1.25 per cwt.
Apples Driedi 1,50. 1.75
“ Green, 2,00 to 250.
Feathers, 40
IjVtmrts.
Kepurtid by J. <V J. Lynch.
Brandy, (Cognae) per gal., 2.50 to 4.00
“ (Domestic) “ “ 70 to 80
“ (Cherry) « « 75 to LOO.
Gin, (Holland) “ •• 1.75 to 2.25.
*! (Domestic) “ “ 65 to 70.
Rum, (Jamac.ia) •• « LOO to 5.00.
“ (Domestic) •• “ 05 to 70.
Whiskey, (Com) “ “ 50 to 55.
*• (Western) “ •• 45 to 50. and
“ (Monongahala) per ga1.,80 to 1.20
Wiues, (Port) « <• 2.75 to 4.00