Newspaper Page Text
(Biaminrr.
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Third and Fourth Pages.
FOR GOVERNOR:
H. V. JOHNSON,
OF BALDWIN.
FOR CONGRESS.
Ist District-Jas L. Seward of Thomas.
2nd “ M. J. Crawford, of xMuscogee.
3rd “ J. M. Smith, of Upson.
4th “H. Warner, of Meriwether.
sth “J. 11. Lumpkin, of Floyd
6th “ Howell Cobb, of Clark.
7th “ Linton Stephens, of i ancock.
Bth -“A. H. Stephens, of Taliaferro.
North Carolina.—Mr. Clingmanis elected
by more than 1200 majority.
Notice—The Hon. Alfred Iverson, U. S.
Senator, will address the people of Bibb on Sat
urday, the 25th inst.
Notice—The Hon. A. H. Chappell will ad
dresss the people at the regular Thursday night
meeting on the 23d.
Notice—Linton Stephens, Esq., will ad
dress the people of Macon, on the Bth of Sep
tember.
Western & Atlantic Rail Road.
The earnings of this Road for July were as
follows, viz ? _
Frkichtb. Pass. Mails. Total. #
U 9.340.69 $10,391,30 $1,895,83 $(57,628,22
July ’64—20,653,83 16,303,16 1,166.66 37,023,64
Increase $20,786,76 $1,088,65 $729,17 $30,604,58
DeKalb County Democratic Nominations.
The communication over the signature of “A
Democrat,” in reference to the nominations of
the “Democratic and Anti-Know Nothing Par
ty” of DeKalb county, from an esteemed citi
zen of that county, we beg leave respectfully to
decline publishing, however satisfied we may be
of the purity of motive animating the writer.
It is with regret that we do so ; but we cannot
permit the “Examiner” to be a source through
which contention may be fostered between par
ties, all our friends. DeKalb county Demo
crats, we respectfully suggest to “A Democrat,’
can settle a question, in which they are so hn
mediatly interested, themselves, without a resort
to the newspapers. This is our bumble opinion.
If wrong, we shall regret it.
Beat it if you can.
We have sometimes been inclined to regard
the beet stories we find going the rounds as
fabulous; and have thought that so.i e editors
have a sort ambition for telling these veget
able stories. But our friend Dr. Bomar, has
presented us a beet that prepares us to believe
almost anything Cat may be said of the enor
mous size this particular vegetable can attain.
As we desire to be “as much above suspicion”’
as Caesars wife, we shall not de’eribe it, for we
could not hope to have a truthful description
credited. It is a monster affair, and those who
have a curiosity in such matters will find it in
our sanctum, where they cun gratify that curi
osity by the examination of its gigantic pro
portions.
Those New Style Hats,
At J. Taylor’s “Emporium” are splendidly
gotten up, and no mistake. Our fancy for tiles
is rather peculiar, and while we submit to the
dictates of the “ powers that be ” over the peo
ple, in respect to hats, wc don’t always like the
covering with which the hatters furnish us.—
But the fall style is just the thing. We confess
ourselves perfectly satisfied, and would like to
see it made permanent. Taylor has a fine lot
of beautifully finished ones, and all whose tiles
begin to “ look shabby,” should drop in and see
him. We know his hats are good, ami always
prove just what ho represents them. Country
dealers can order from him without risk ; he
has nothing but what is good, and in style.
Falsehood.
A joint stock company paper, us it is report
ed, called the “Discipline,” .nd published in
this city, contains the !o low’ng:
“It might be well enough also, for those who
are dgMsed to give extra weight and credit to
the of the Examiner, when it m.der
takesvK justify the Governor, to remember that
the said Journal is in the pay of the State Gov
vernment! That the printing office from which
it is issued enjoys certain State patronage, of
considerable value; and that these favors are
the result of special order from Governor
Johnson!”
The assertion that this journal “is in tlie pay
of the State Government," m false; — that the
printing office "from which it is issued enjoys I
certain State patronage of considerable value,”
is also false;— and “that these favors are the
result of a special order from Gov. Johnson.”
is deliberately false. Like its late'assertion, in
which it used Mr. Jenkins’ name, inconnec-l
tion with Gov. Johnson’s, not a word of truth
is contained in the article;—the writer of the
editorial must have called upon a very fertile
imagination for his facts.
Removal Question.
The following, we clip from the last Federal
Union:
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the States of Georgia in
General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted
by tie authority of the same, That the question
of Removal and Location of the Seat of Gov-j
eminent of the State of Georgia be referred to 5
the legal voters of said State, and that they be i
required at the next general election, to e >-1
dorse oil their tickets “Removal ” or "No Re-I
moval.’ If to be removed, where. And ill
shall be the duty of the managers of such elec
tion, to make return, to his Excellency the I
Governor, the number of votes polled for and j
against Removal, and the places voted for.
Approved, February 17th, 1854.
\\ hat was Left?—it is said that a number
of boys, the other day. had the curiosity to ex- i
amine a cellar where a Know Nothing Coun
cil had held their meetings. They found the
door strewn with empty bottles and jugs. In
one corner was a volume of tlie "Sons of the
Sires of ’76. ” much worn and greosv; it is sup
posed that it hud been used us ‘a Bible on
which they swore their members when initiated,
and a broken lantern. .1 st rung smell oj brim- .
stone perrated the whole cellar.—Federal Union. | J
Drath or Charles IV uxack.—Mr. Char ,
lea Waflack, the treasurer of his father a tl.
ire, died yesterday very suddenly.
Meeting at Calhoun.
We were present at the Democratic Anti-
Know Nothing meeting, at Calhoun, on Friday
last, and were pleased to witness the enthusiasm
animating our friends in that section of our
State. The Know Nothings were few in at
tendance. Indeed, we were informed that an
order had gone forth to keep away from tlie
meeting, lest, we presume conversions might be
made. Consequently, of the large assemblage
there, four-fifths were Democrats and Anti-
Know Nothing Whigs, all of whom appeared to
be zealous advocates of the good cause and
will do good service until, and during, tlie
day of election.
A number of speakers were present cn the
occasion. The first who addressed the meeting
was the Hon. John H. Lumpkin, the standard
bearer of Anti-Know Nothingism, and Democ
racy of the fifth Congressional District. We
have already spoken of this gentleman’s advo
cacy bf the cause so honorably and ably main
tained by him. No slang, nor scurrility, nor
abuse, enters into his speeches. They are
marked by argument, eloquence, and truth, and
tell powerfully upon a people who have long
known him, and with whom he is a popular
favorite. Upon his antagonist, Col. Tumlin
he was severe, but not to personality. He told
the people to call upon the Colonel for his po
litical creed, and to demand of him where he
stood upon the issues of the day—that it was
right to know his whereabouts, and his duty
to tell them. If he could not speak, or declin
ed speaking, then let him write out, and publish
his opinions; and if he could not do this, then
let him get his friends to do so for him! The
impression this call made upon the large audi
ence was unfavorable to Colonel Tumlin’s aspi
rations, particularly as he was on the ground.
And we doubt much, that his simple assertion,
of being a “Jackson Democrat,” will avail him
anything in the contest he now provokes against
the Jackson Democracy of Cherokee.
After Judge Lumpkin’s address all hands
repaired to partake of the bounteous Barbacue
provided for the occasion, and to which ample
justice was done, by each and every one
there.
After dinner, the people again repaired to
the stand, from which they were addressed by
our fellow-citizen, Colonel L. J. Gartrell. It
would afford us much pleasure to record every
word of the eloquent, argumentative, and able
address of this gentleman. True his time was
limited, for others had to follow ; but for little
over an hour he commanded the undivided and
earnest attention of all within the hearing of
his voice—the full tones of which fell upon the
ears of the Know Nothings like thunder. We
had heard and read of this gentleman’s able
address at Augusta, some weeks ago, and ex
pected a great deal from him; nor were we at
all disappointed. All that we regretted was
that courtesy to others made him close so soon •
and we have now to regret that we are pre
vented giving a full report of his masterly ex
position of Know Nothingism ; his able advo
cacy of the democratic cause; and his eloquent
appeals to the Cherokee democracy to stand by
their principles, the Constitution and their coun
try. We hope, however, as the Colonel declar
ed his intention, yielding to many calls made
upon him, to address the people in various sec
tions of the State, to report some one of his fu
ture efforts, in extenso, as we are satisfied we
can promote our cause thereby.
Col. Howard followed in a speech of almost
twenty minutes, which, we regret we did not
hear, as we were forced to hurry on to the cars,
then returning to Atlanta, and which prevented
his speaking longer.
We learn that the closing speech was made
by Judge Wright—the mention of whose name
will satisfy the reader that all was right, in the
conclusion, as it was in the beginning of the
day’s proceedings.
To our friends at a distance we say, all goes
on, and will go on well in Cherokee. Heed not
therefore, Know Nothing reports to the con
trary. Every day adds to Anti-Know Noth
ing strength, and weakens the enemy. The
Cherokee Democracy are at work in earnest,
and the result can no longer be a matter of
doubt Georgia will stand side by side with
Virginia, Tennesee, and Alabama, despite the
world, the flesh, and his Satanic Majesty.
The Newnan Post Office.
We were astonished a day or two since, to
. learn that the post office at Newnan had been
discontinued, and the more so, as there has as
yet been no reason assigned in justification of
this unceremonious deprivae of the designs that
young city,of mail facilities. We sympathize
1 deeply with our Newnan friends, and do not
wonder they should become indignant at such
’ unparalleled treatment. If, as intimated by
the following proceedings of a town meeting
there has been any secret emissary of the Post
Office department at work we advise him to keep
. clear of Newnan, else he will receive such re
ward as he merits, at the hands of its citizeus
The tribute to the present Post Master is well
diserved.
The Citizens rs Newnan and Vicinity, in Pub
lic Meeting Assembled.
; On motion of Y. J. Long, Esq., Dr. A. B.
I Calhoun was called to the and R. J.
Smith requested to act as Secretary. On mo
tion of Rw. E. D. McKinley, a Commiteee of
seven was appointed to report resolutions ex
pnssive of the sentiments of the Meeting. The
followlug named gentlemeu were appointed.—'
IE. D. MeKiulcy, Col. John. Is. 51organ. Dr.
! W. W. Bruce. Lyman Griswold. Esq., (’ol. J.
L. Calhoun. D. F. Hammond. Esq. aud M.
Kendrick, Esq.
The Committee reported the following pre
amble and resolutions which ivere unanimouslv
adopted.
Whereas, our Post Office has been abrupt
ly discontinued, and we have been for two days
\ deprived of our usual mail facilities.
Resolved, That the Post Master General be
notified to restore them forthwith.
Reso/red. That if the Fqpi Master General, i
was influenced to this flagitious outrage on our
rights, by reports of his secret Agents, that he
j be respectfully requested to dismiss froiu this
I time forth, such meddlesome emissaries.
. Resolved. That the character of our Post
Master and fellow citizen Dr. B. D. Brewster,
needs no vindications for integrity and faithful
discharge of his official duties, in our communi
ty.
' Rescued. That the proceedings of Alas nieet
; ing be published in the Independent Blade
and Georgia Banner, and a copy of* these reso-
I lutious lie forwarded to the Post Master Gene
ral. in Washington.
A B. CALHOUN Chm’n. I
J. R. Smith. Sec’y. I
Grounds for a Divorce— Lidies mnst K’
ware of sitting in geutletuzm’s laps ami kissing
them, in the aJ.’seuie of their iuubands. for the
Supreme Court yi-sterday granted a divorce in
the case of Frederick Loetz. against his wife
Catharine, the evidence showing that he was a ''
seafaring man. and that during his absence at I
sea. Mrs. Loetz was frequently visited by one 1
Henry Schmidt, and one occasion she was seen i '
• “ >"i- a his lap. and as he was going away ,-h ■ ! '
-I’d him to the door, wiiere he kiss<> •
at off—A. I’. Mir,ar.
Atlanta Medical College.
By the Professors of this young and flour
ishing institution, we were invited, on Monday
night last to a feast both intellectual and “good
for the inner man.” At about 8 o’clock, in our
elegant and spacious City Hall, by invitation
of the Students, our fellow citizen, N. Ham
mond, Esq., commenced the delivery of an ad
dress, which, on similar occasions, we have
rarely, if ever heard equalled. It was a pro
duction, chaste, instructive, handsomely deliv
ered, and maintaining the pretensions of the
College to successful competition with its se
niors in the State, even in its infancy. The
claims of Atlanta to public consideration as a
point at which not only its Medical, but other
Universities should be built up to flourish and
instruct the youth of the South, were forcibly
presented by the speaker. Although he occu
pied the stand for an hour, or more, we heard
his conclusion with regret. We hope, however,
that the gentlemen whom he addressed, will
secure a copy of his speech for publication.—
We should like to lay before our readers, at least
those portions of it. which refer particularly to
our city, and the views taken of it by those
who paid it a visit some five or six years
ago.
The class was then addressed by Messrs.
Moore and Hanson, the former, as we learn, a
first course, and the latter, a second course
student. Both gentlemen acquitted them
selves handsomely. They appeared fully to
appreciate the responsibilities devolving up
on them, in the practice, of the profession they
had selected. And nothing could have been
more gratifying to our feelings than the terms
in which they spoke of their honored Profess
ors. The sentiments with which they seemed
embued were alike creditable to their heads
and hearts. Humanity cannot suffer without
alleviation, where principles, such as were put
forth by them, prevail in tlie practice of medi
cine. It was evidence too, to us, if auy were
needed, that their instruction was not confined
to the science of Medicine alone, but that mor
al discipline, and duty to their fellow men, had
been deeply impressed upon them. We will
vouch that wherever the lot of these gentlemen
be cast, they will nrove valuable acquisitions to
the community.
At the close of the last address, supper was
announced. Tables had been spread in the ad
joining rdbm, capable of seating one hundred
and fifty persons, and every seat was filled.—
Every thing that appetite could crave, which
Atlanta and its vicinity could furnish, was there.
Fish and flesh, and fowl, and fruit, and con
fections, covered the tables. Wines and ices
were supplied in profusion, and great were the
‘ rejoicings in that “Hall of Justice" At our
departure, one of its most esteemed and popu
lar professors, was engaged in imparting in
struction, in most eloquent terms, to those
whom, in a few duys, lie would part with, some
to see no more. Tlie repeated cheerings which
we heard, as we pursued our way home, satisfied
us that his words reached every heart, and that
here, in the Atlanta Medical College, as at an
other important point, his poularity with Stu
dents of Medicine, has been fully sustain
ed.
We must not omit, here, to state, that the
first session of this College will close in a few
days. Its conception was looked upon as a
“ wild hunt ” after what would now be over
taken. Its establishment, was deemed a vis
ionary idea, at which many mocked, and few
believed in. But like our city, itself, the result
has surprised and astonished all who see it as
it now is. The perseverance of a few men, has
accomplished a wonder. Like the Palace of
Aladin it has grown up, if not in a night, at
least in a day as it were, and its triumphant
success is now no longer a matter of speculation
—it is a reality. The first course numbers
seventy-nine matriculants, and we doubt not
that its second will double, if not treble, the
n umber. A persevering, industrious and talent
ed faculty, will always preside over it, and the
time we predict, is not distant, when the “At
lanta Medical College,” will be the ornament
of our city, and the school of the South. As
we propose, however, in the future, to say more
in reference to this Institution, wc shall close,
tendering, in doing so, our acknowledgments to
the Faculty, for the rich treat of which, in com
mon with them, we partook, with a zest, we
shall long remember.
Messrs. Immell and Cunningham, of our city
we learn, were tlie caterers who furnished the
good things for the supper. We shall remem
ber these gentlemen, whenever any good fortune
enables us to order one for ourselves. We like
always to see such things “done up brown.”
Gov. Johnson and the State Road.
The Know Nothing press and speakers of
the State, are endeavoring to stir up the minds
of the people upon the line of tlie W. & A
Rail Road, and indeed everywhere else; by the.
most malignant abuse of Gov. Johnson for sev
eral of his acts in relation to the affairs of the
State Road. The most illiberal constructions
have been given to these, and they have sought
to influence the public mind by representations
as false as they are malicious. The mushroom
“Demosthenes of the mountains,” (who inglori
ously sneaked out of a Democratic convention
and joined those whom he had the day before
berated in unmeasured terms, and was rewarded
for his duplicity by waking up next morning
I and finding himself possessed of an equivocal
sort of greatness) has found in this connection.
i a fruitful theme for his reckless vilification.—
Following in the track of their new oracle, all
the rest of the smgll fry echo his abuses, with
such additions as their inventive faculties can
suggest,regardless of truths tlftt stare them in
the face at every step of their patd»ed-up argu
ment.
Amongst the most prominent of these, is the
charge that Gov. Johnson paid Maj. Mark A.
Cooper six thousand dollars, of the people's
money, to buy his vote and influence, in the
coming election. This Dr. Miller specifically
stated in his speech here. Major Cooper has
I not received one dollar from the State Road,
either in restitution for over-charged freights,
or as a douce r for his support of Gov. Johnson,
and Dr. Miller knew it when be made the state
ment.
I That there has been a reduction of freights
by which Cooper has been favored, we do
not deny, mid *e .contend that it was an act of I
justice to him and to'others upon the road—an
act for which Gov. JohusOn has the recommen
dation of the Legislature of 1852. Dr. Miller',
who seems to know so much about the
history ot the State Road, certainly has seen
the r&ohition of that Legislature, and its pre
amble. whki we publish upon the last page of
to-day’s issue; if hot we advise him to 'read it
at once, aud iearn bow and why a discrimina
tion bus been made that favors Maj. jCecoer.
The Legislature of 1852 appointed a committee ‘
to enquire into thq iron interests of the State,, J
and that ewwaittee reported the following res- I
oiutiou: ' i
Resolved, by Me General of the State t
of Georgia, That the Iron interest in
i» <»«« « a'-ueii value to the State, and deserves r
the habitual regjj.d of the people. That the Gw- • t
er nor be and he is kertuy requested to give such I J
direction to the operations of the Siqtf Road in
its transportation department, as will sustain '
the Iron business and the Coal trade. That the I
bupewHeßdeol of lite Vi estetu and Auaauc ; c
Railroad is hereby authorized to make such con
tracts for the supply of Iron for said Road, as he
may think best crlculated to advance the interest
of the Road, and the prosperity of the State ; and
to negotiate such terms as he may deem expedi
ent therefor.
Assented to January 25. 1852.
Here is an express recommendation for the
reduction of Iron and Coal freights, which com
pose a large part of Major Cooper’s shipments.
Up to the time of the reputed “bargain," in the
Freight Tariff’ of the road, under its present
Superintendence, there was no such discrimina
tion, and the demands of Major 5 'ooper were
simply that it should be made. The subject
being brought to the Governor’s attention,
he has ordered this discrimination to be made.
And in carrying out the intentions of the Leg
islature of 1852, consists the “head and front of
his offending.”
But Dr. Miller and others of his ilk, talk a
great deal about Major Cooper’s wheat, and
charge that he Is peculiarly favored in this ar
ticle. He is not more so than every other mill
man upon the Road, as they will themselves
state. The same reason why the development
of the mineral resources of Cherokee Georgia
should be fostered by the State, exist in favor
of the development of her agricultural interests;
and as the article of wheat is the most promi
nent agricultural production, and the one which
particularly claims this wise discrimination, a
reduction has been made in its favor; but not,
as charged, especially for Major Cooper. Eve
ry other mill man upon the line of the road en
joys the same advantage that Major Cooper
does in this particular. Where is the injustice,
then? Certainly not to the producer, for there
is no proposition more clear than that every fa
cility afforded the consumer increases, in corres
ponding ratio, the advantage of the producer.
The market value of produce is greater, or
less, just in proponion to the cost of transporta
tion. As the buyer's facility increases for trans
portation, so does his ability to purchase at ad
vanced prices. The advantage is mutual, when
. regarded in a proper light, and not discrimina-
I tive, as is charged.
We shall refer to these charges again, when
1 we have more time and space, and lay before
- our readers some other lights upon the subject,
which will dispel the mists which the misrep
resentation of our opponents have thrown around
( the matter.
I Democratic Meeting in Campbellton.
Cols. Gartrell and Cowart addressed the cit-
I izens of Campbell county, at the Court House
| in Campbellton, on Monday last. We had the
! pleasure of attending, and can but express our
, gratificatiou, both with the arguments of these
gentlemen, and the manner of their reception
, by the intelligent auditory assembled.
Col. Gartrell opened, in the morning, with
I one of his most effj'ctive speeches upon the is
sues of the canvass, and, while we regret our
! imperfect memory of his address—not a word cJ
which should be lost—we cannot refrain from
. mentioning a few of his leading points, though
I we despair of doing his effort half the justice
» it deserves.
’ Col.- Gartrell said, there was no necessity for
the new organization, styled the American par
ty ; its basis was a false one, and its Issues fic
titious. History, the records, and common
sense, went to prove that thia government had
( nothing to fear from the practice of its time*
I honored principle of religious toleration. Civil
and religious liberty, was the basis of the gov
ernment, and interference with it could but
weaken the sublime structure erected upon that
foundation. It was dangerous then, as well as
unnecessary. Tlie only issue for the South was,
, the preservation of her threatened Constitu
. tional rights; and the question for Southern
L men, in the selection of a party with which to
co-operate, was, which is the purest, and best
. calculated to secure to the South her constitu
tional rights. He had long regarded the Dem
ocratic party as coming entirely up to this atan
, dard, and since 1849, when he was convinced
, of the entire rottenness of the Whig party, he
• had co-operated with the national Democratic
party, and believed it the duty of every South*
ern patriot to do so, and sustain those men at
the North who stood between us and our ene
mies there—who had nobly sacrificed them,
selves upon the altar of Southern rights. The
democratic party was a constitutional party, a
strict construction party, and being predicated
upon a constitutional basis, it claimed all that
the South could claim; an unqualified recog*
nition of her rights under the Constitution.—
What better party did the South want? Let
Democratic principles prevail and our rights
would be secured ; let them be defeated, and
the consequences would be disastrous to the
South. Every man at the South knew that
without the Northern National Democrats in
the next Congress, every hope of the admission
of Kansas as a Slave State—upon which hangs
the dismemberment or perpetuity of the Union
--would vanish; without them, the prospect
was a gloomy one. It was these noble spirits
who passed the Nebraska Kansas bill, and we
owed it to them, as a debt of gratitude, to say
nothing of the interest we had in retaining their
services, to sustain them and their party. There
was nothing in that party repugnant to South
ern men. The issues for which it had honestly
contended, and which once made it obnoxious
to whigs, had all passed away, and it stood now
upon a Georgia Platform definition of the rights
claimed by the South. Had not every man in
Georgia adopted that platform. They had ;
and the democratic party had. Why then this
war upon the Democratic party ? Was there
any jnstioe, any reason in it There certainly
could be no justice in it, for the party had
done nothing and proposed nothing that was
not entirely consistent with Southern interest.
There certainly was no reason in it New par
ties are formed for the reason that those already
in existence did not meet the wants of the peo
ple. Could this be said of the Democratic
party ? If not, there was no reason, no necessi
ty for another.
But. since there was no necessity for the new
party, no reason for its organization, upon what
ground did it rest its claim for support in Geor
gia? Certainly not upon the ground that it
too sustained the Georgia platform ; for, while
it was true that the Macon meeting nominally
embodied that platform it also adoped as a totali
ty, the Pbliadepbi&platfonn which is entirely re
pugnant to the letter aud spirit of the first.
The Georgia Platform declared the Union as ?
secondary to the rights it was intended to per-1
j petuate: but the Philadelphia platform insists i
that the preservation of the Union is paramount
to all other considerations, “the primary object
of puuictic desire.” How could his Know
Nothing frieixi-both for and against the '
Georgia Platform? It y.as ixpoesible ; there (
was no political affinity between them. Jhey
could not say to Georgians. Uieri, come np and •
join us, for we regard the Union as swondarf'
xo ibe rights which it wxs intended to perpetu- ‘ ’
fttc. they hag said, in emphatic kngqagf j 3
that th? I Bion n’as the primary object of pa- 1 1
triotic desire,” and. In vffeet, that whether the '
rights of the South were respected or not, pa-! c
tnoc.su., demanded the preservation of the > C
Union. That was a kind of patriotism the
Georgia Platform did not recognise. It was. ! k
not, then, upon the ground of their ecbodim^t'
of the Georgiapiatfonn, that Qk Amer
party claimed Georgia votes. Neither could it
be upon"the ground of its adoption of the fa
vorite doctrines of Georgians, as manifested by
a long and consistent course of action. What
were those doctrines ? State sovereignty, and
the exercise of every right not expressly dele
gated to Congress in the Federal compat. The
Philadelphia platform directly repudiates those
doctrines, and declares that all disputed points
should be referred to the Supreme Court.—
When Georgia concluded the treaty by which
was ceded to her this Cherokee country, did
she recognise tho right of the Federal Court to
interfere with her treaty ? She did not. When
her authorities had condemned Tassels to be
hung, and the Supreme Court interfered, did
Georgia respect her interference ? She hung
him. When the Missionaries became amcan
able to Georgia law, and were punished by im*
prlsonment, and the Supreme Court served the
celebrated mandamus upon her, did she bow to
its decree, and acknowledge its jurisdiction ?
No. She expressed then, and has ever since,
a fixed determination to manage her own affairs;
and he was proud of this marked feature of
Georgia history, which the American party
repudiated. They could not claim the support
of Georgians, then, upon the doctrine of State
sovereignty. What else was there then? They
could not claim it upon the ground of foreign
influence. That was too meagre in Georgia, or
in the South, to be feared. The number of
foreign born citizens in Georgia was too small
to excite the fears of her people. Besides they
did not interfere with us; they did not sign
Anti-Nebraska petitions; they did not come
into the Slave States in threatening numbers,
and if they troubled any one at all, it was the
Abolitionists and Free Soilers of the North and
West. The American party conceded that
they voted for Democrats there, and it was a
proposition too clear to be denied that the
Democratic was the only pure party North and
West: No friends of the South were troubled
by these “furreners," and how could the Ameri
can party ask Georgians to aid in keeping
them off of their sworn enemies? The people
would answer “let them trouble the abolitionists
and free-soilere, wc shall be obliged to them if
they do!”
What then can they claim of Georgians ?
To help them put down the Catholics! Why
should they help them put down the'Catholics?
Did not every boy in the land know that the
numerical power of the Catholics in the South>
and in the Union, was so small that it was an
insult to the other religious denominations to
attempt to legislate Catholics down ? He was
no apologist for the Catholic region; he was a
protestant; but every man of reflection would
agree with him that the pulpit, aud not the
political arena, was the field in which to fight
Popery; that the introduction of religious is
sues into politics and thus intimately connecting
the affairs of Church aud State would result in a
deplorable state of things. Every man in Geor
gia knew this, and it was an insult to their
comruon-seiiße and their patriotism to ask them
do so. The Constitution had expressly de
clared there should be no religious test for office,
and how could Georgians be expected to take
upon themselves oaths inconsistent with the
constitution, and directly violative of one of its
wisest provisions?
Here Col. Gartrell went into an examination
of the oaths and secrecy of the order, which
struck us with peculiar force, and must have
convinced every man present, not only of the
entire absence of necessity for the organization,
but of its downright tyranny, by encumbering
the elective franchise, that dearest right to free
men.
Having clearly established that the organiza
tion was unnecessary, and had no claims upon
Georgia, or the South, he went on to say, it was
dangerous to the South and the country. New
and strange doctrines, not demanded by the ex
igencies of the times, should be loo! ed upon
with suspicion. This organization professed as
one of its leading features, opposition to the
naturalization laws, their repeal, and more
restrictions upon foreigners. This law bad
stood, as it now stood, since the time of Wash*
ington, save during the obnoxious administration
of the federalist John Adams, whose memory was
not wreathed with laurels in the hearts of South
ern men. Now these laws were to be repealed
and made even worse than Adams made them!
Why could not foreigners be naturalized in five
years ? Put it to 21 years, and few of them
ever would be. Refuse to naturalize them (and
the proposed alteration of the Law had pre
cisely that effect) and you deny the doctrine of
expatriation, for the recognition of which the
war of 1812 was declared. The so-called
American party occupied now in effect the
same position the English Government did
then—refused to acknowledge that the citizen
of one country could throw off his allegiance,
and become the citizen of another. Was this
American, he asked; did Our government claim
an inextinguishable right to the citizenship of
natives, born under our government; did it
recognize the right of any other government
to the citizenship of those who apply for citi
ship here; did she not, in a word, distinctly
recognize the right of expatriation: was not
that right republican 1 All this was_ so, and
could not be contradicted. Why then should a
band of men refuse to the foreigner the exercise
of that well established right ? It was anti-
American to do so; and yet they would not
deny that such was their object
He then alluded to the “cultivation of an
intensely American feelling'' as recommended
by the Philadelphia platform, and its conse
quences. as illustrated by the blood-shed and
conflagration so recent in Louisville, and which
will gradually find its way South, until our own
hearths will not be secure from its javages. He
concluded with an eflectivc appeal to Southern
men to stand by democ.acy, as opposed to fede
ralism, to freesoilism, abolitionism, and every
other ism which entered into polities. His
speech will long lie remembered by all who heard
it, and the unanswerable arguments it embod
ied, will stagger the of ever}’ member of
the order who will open his imud to the con
victions of truth.
After dinner an opportunity was offered to
any gentlemen of the American party who
were disposed to speak, and none responding.
Col. Cowart addressed the meeting in his usual
attractive style, for about two hours. Those who
have heard him will understand us when we
UiAt no speech of bis ever gave more general
satisfaction or «B-
taiiKd his high reputation as
We left Campbellton that evening with every
wiAier.-e in the success of the party in that 1i
xrantv.' h
__ ‘ i
B®»Mrs. Robinbox, (the veiled murderess.)
b said to be apparently very well contented j
vith her quarters in Bing Sing prison, where i
i-S ;; employed in binding hate. * (
Sol. Moses' Letter of Acceptance.
Hungry Office Town, July 18,1855.
Gentlemen : I acknowledge the notification
: of mv nomination by the American party.—
Having, by previous arrangement with the
leaders of that party, submitted by pretensions
and made every suitable arrangement by* fore-
> stalling your convention, by my card, anuoun
• ciug my candidacy, I was not surprised that I
t should receive your nomination, albeit I am
not a member of your party, Had you been
so selfish and proscriptive as to have sacrificed
1 me, under that timely agreement, I should have
I been surprised, chagrined and mortified; asit
, is, however, my prominence is not at all uncx
( peeled.
1 Being, for a long time, of opinion that the
! South ought not to be united, I bailed as a good
I omen the opportunity the Columbus movement
, made for dissension and disunion, and went to
’ work assiduously to advance that disunion
movement. While many hearts responded to
bring about this distraction of the people, in
j other parts of the State, the same process was
, going on. The prospect spread gloriously.
. Who defeated this work? The answer is
’ plain; every Georgian mark it: It was done
l by the wire-workers of the Know Noth
; iugs. After they haxl moved Heaven and
[■ Earth to get Jenkins to join them, and did not
T succeed; when they saw the Columbus move
ment was growing too popular for them, they
t dispatched letters to all the councils, calling a
j meeting, secretly, at Macon, on the 27th June,
j a few days before the contemplated Columbus
Movement Convention, 4th July. They did
1 meet, and nominated Judge Andrews, albeit
r this convention was first intended to be held on
f the Bth of August, in Atlanta. But they de
-1 sired to “steal a march” upon the Columbus
. men, and the friends of a certain gentleman
from Atlanta, much to his detriment— cheating
1 one another; forestalling the Columbus move
-5 ment, and stabbing it under the fifth rib. Now
, it is plain that, had they nominated Johnson
, everybody would have met upon the Georgia
, Platform; but instead of that, they concluded
1 they must have the new Philadelphia notion
t that “the union is the paramount political
i good. They ignored the Georgia Platform.
» altogether; formed new issues. sprung new
I questions—for the Federal Court to settle!
1 Jenkins, Stephens, Toombs, Harris, Cumming,
1 Berrian, and indeed all of our conservative
- worthies would have united to save our Nebras
r ka Democratic friends North from Know Noth
’ ing proscription, and thus poured oil upon the
' troubled waters in Georgia. Under this state
9 of facts, I cannot blame the Know Nothings
f for leaving (me) ns of the Columbus movement.
W'uat shall we isolated men do? Shall we
join our open friends at the North, who are
hazarding their all for our constitutional rights
/ —as Mr. Stephen’s- proves in his letter giving
? the vote upon the Kansas Nebraska Bill—or
» shall we join the Know Nothings, who are
|; stabbing us in the dark ? That’s the question!
Not being able to stand aloof aud sedulous
-1 ly avoid saying or doing anything that could
> possibly increase the disunion and heart-bum-
8 ings of parties, I cannot remain idle any
1 longer, and shall consequently take what has
. been represented to me, and what 1 believe is.
1 the strongest side, to wit: the Know Nothings
9 who tell me secretly they muster thousands in
t the district. Although I have, in black and
h white, pledged myself to Overby, I shall have
t to withdraw from him, as I cannot possibly let
’ a chance slip to keep up this distraction—be
-1 sides. Temperance is not popular enough yet for
■- me to take hold of. Although 1 may' have
r sought the Democratic nomination, that dav
and its hopes have fled ; although I said, and
threw it in the teeth of the Know Nothings.
’* in my “Card,” that if 1 went to Congress? 1
', must go untrammeled by party; what does it
s al] amount to ? lam a regular out aud out
B party man. and can change as often as you de
sire—as the man said who kept in with many
B administrations: I ani a full blooded “&Z. Mo
ses party" man 1
i Although Judge Warner was as acceptable
j as any man in the District; being by far the
ablest jurist, of superior judgment, far-seeing
wisdom, a profound scholar and a thorough
i statesman, an honest man; not seeking distrae
, tion, disunion, heart-burnings, and bad feeling
, with the people—although all this is true, yet
by my management in first being an indepc n
dent candidate, you have nominated me as the
American candidate in opposition to Judge
. W amer. I had a right to expect it. Such a
, man does not represent the object of your or
ganization, but 1, who am his antipode, do.—
By my nomination under our secret arrange
ment, you have vindicated yourselves from the
charge of selfishness and want of faith—that is.
( it looks so to the outsider. It is true that you
took me up, because, as I before told you, you
had no one in your order who could run with
any kind of success, but then the outsiders do
not know this, and they’ll think you are not
proscriptive, sure enough. What' if you did
violate one of the articles of vour constitution
—you were compelled to do that or worse.
Thus we are agreed as to the ends in view.—
After affecting considerable disaffection amongst
us. as I shall sound no retreat, as the battle
will rage fiercely, I shall fall in the melee, per
haps, like you, “unwept, unhonored, and un
sung,” yet as with you, and one of you.
SOL. MOSES.
BenJ. Hill’s Letter of Acceptance.
LaGrange, Ga., July 18th; 1835.
Genthemen : I have received your letter no
tifying me that I have been nominated by the
American party as a candidate for Congress
frem the 4th District. As I was not a mem
ber of your party, and had not thought of sub
mitting my name to your Convention, and as
your party has been charged with being selfish
and proscriptive, I must confess that this nom
ination surprised me. Eor several years I have
had no connection with politics—no claims ol
political preferment for party service, and my
prominence now is very unexpected, even to
myself.
I have long been of opinion that the South
ought to be united, and, therefore. 1 have studi
ously avoided saying or doing any thing that
could, by possibility, increase the unfortunate
party divisions and heart-burnings existing
among our people. Therefore, when a large
and intelligent portion of our fellow-citizens as
sembled in Temperance Hall at Columbus anil
so generously and patriotically proposed that
we abandon our dissensious, and unite for our
selves and the good of the couutry, I at once
went to work and did all in my power to ad
vance this timely movement." The hearts ol
thousands in this portion of the State were no
bly responding to this call; and I speak from
knowledge, when I say that the members of the
American party in this region were, almost to
a man, giving us their warm and cordial co
operation. 1 learned they were doing the same
in other portions of the State, and Judge An
drews himself warmly endorsed the movement.
The prospect opened delightfully.
\\ hat defeated this movement ? The an
swer is plain, and I hope every Georgian wil;
remember it. It was defeated by the anti-
American Convention which assembled in Mil
ledgeville on the sth day of June and nominated
H. V. Johnson for Governor. It is my opinion
if that convention had endorsed this movement
in the spirit urged upon them by Maj. Howard s
letter, the people of Georgia would now be one
people and one party. This convention not
only declined this movement, but passed a bitter
resolution against the American’ party, and
followed up the resolution by the most abusivi
denunciatory letters and speeches from the lead
ers in that convention. Now if these men re
ally desired to see the South united, why did
thev so abuse a party which they well ’knew
embraced thousands of our purest and best (pen .
If we regard them as men of intelligence, (as
they are,) are we not driven to the conclusion
that their object was to prevent this union aud
thus keep part, divisions and animosities among
the people.' Can a maa be regarded as desi
-1 vuuj aoeociuiiou when, in every breath, he j
* -o. • • They did apt desire it.;
abuses you as a t._. * • --4 I
and, in my opinion, they did not mtenu .
What could our American friends do? The-,
bad shown a willingtxa* to unite with us. They
had come and were coming upon a platform
with us which did noteven allude to the Ameri
can party, and were even offering) the olive
branch of peace to their enemies. It was not
only refused, but contemptumisly refused. They
were abused, villified, slandered, aiid misrepre
sented. Even Johnson and Stephens, as did
Herod and Pilate, on a memorable occasion,
make friends in this, to them, genial warfare up
on this American party; and a thousand lesser
lights, in every prrt of the State, were burden
ing the air with their cries of crucify them,
crucify them.
1 ask what could our American friends do
but defend themselves I Our object was union
of all; this could not be done because Gov.
Johnson’s party refused to unite with as. Ste
phens refused to unite with us, and our object
was defeated. Under this State of facts I can
not blame the American party for organizing
and accepting the challenge of their adversaries,
especially when their National Council in the
mean time had given them such an acceptable
platform, although I regretted to see them
leave us.
The question now is, what shall we isolated
Southern Union men do? Shall we join and aid
to power the men who first refused our
tion and defeated our object? They abused the
Know Nothings, and abused us for being with
them even on a Southern platform, until the
Know Nothings turned upon them and I gave
them signal for battle. The contest is getting
warm, and those very men that so lately abus
ed us arc now softly calling on us to help them
whip the Know Nothings. Shall we do so?
For one, 1 answer, never.’ It is clear that
there is no chance of uniting the Southern peo
ple until this contest between Americans and an
ti-Americans Is over. We can do no good by
standing idle now, and whatever may havelieen
my preferencesor my scruples heretofore,! shall
not hesitate to take open and decided ground
with the American party. I will not enter into
a discussion of the American principles in this
letter. On this subject I will see the people
face to face in every part of the district.
Your Convention has nominated me with my
position and my principles well known and un
derstood. 1 had no right, to expect it, but in
tendering it you have effectually repulsed the
charges of selfish proscription so often recently
made against the party. Knowing my prin
ciples as you did, and endorsing them as you
have done, leaves me no alternative but to meet
you in the spirit which you have so nobly man
ifested, and accept your nomination. With the
American banner streaming ahoverne 1 shall
ent the battle at ihe bead of our gallant column
in the fourth district, and however fiercely it
may rage, I shall sound no retreat, but shall fall
like a prince, and die like a soldier, one of you.
Yours very truly,
' BENJ. H. HILL
[COMMUNICATED FROM WHITFIELD COUNTY.]
Hospitality of the Know Nothings.
Hospitality has at, all times, in all ages and
among all nations been esteemed a virtue. It
was an ornament and predominant feature in
the character of the ancients, distinguished for
their simplicity of manners, sincerity of heart,
integrity and wisdom of character. The for
eigner, (in those days called “the stranger,”)
when far away from those who gave him life,
food and shelter, and to whom he was endeareo
by the ties of blood, found compensation foi
his loss by genuine hospitality, extended to him
in the towns, villages and hamlets, through
which he passed. Nobody asked: “What is
thy faith ?■—to which party, or couutry, dost
thou belong?”—No, the stranger had no pa
rents, no brothers, no sisters near, and was,
consequently, treated with respect and conside
ration, each one trying, by kindness, attention
and compassion, to make him, as much as pos
sible, forget the absence of parents, brothers,
sisters aud early friends; and to oiler, and give,
him shelter, nourishment, friendly advise am!
help, and even to guard and defend him against
danger.
What touching examples of noble hospitality
have been recorded of savages and barbarians'.
Even to the present day we find them treat
strangers with kindness and love, if accidentally
cast among them, and, too that, in distant parts oi
the globe, where the name of Jesus Christ is
unknown and where, as yet, the cross, the sym
bol of our religion, has never been planted 1
The despised Indian takes compassionately
the destitute, sick or dying wanderer to his “wig
wam,” heals his wounds, calls the Great Spirit s
blessing upon the pale faced stranger and lets
him depart, without even a hope of pecuniary
reward. The wild Arab lifts the wearied trav
eller on his steed, takes him to his tent, am
washes his feet himself, tho’ he may have hun
dreds of slaves at command; he refreshes him
with milk and fruit, and accompanies him in
the morning on his journey, without expecting,
or receiving, any reward.
How different from the practices of civilized
nations, calling t emselves “ ollowers of Christ,’
where the virtue of hospitality, although so well
known, is so seldom prac iced 1 The savage in
the desert and wild forest, excels, and puts us,
to the blush ; but we do not feel ashamed ; on
the contrary, attempts are sanctioned aud made
by professors of Christianity, by preachers ol
the gospel, and by thousands of deluded anil
blinded citizens of this renowned country, “the
boasted abode of the free, and the refuge of the
oppressed of all mankind," to repel new comers,
unless to forego the rights and privileges of the
natives formerly grunted to others, and to sub
mit quietly to be treated as inferiors as intru
ders,—sharing only equally in the taxes and all
other necessary burdens imposed upon them—
but, IN NOTHING ELSE!!
God made this country, like the rest of the
world, for the human family at large; but He
did not indicate a single spot where a. particu
lar tribe, or nation, was to live. We are al)
his children; we are all brothers; and then
are no strangers in II s eyes; we are all mem
bers of one large family, providentially scat
tered all over the inhabitable globe—and this
globe is our common, earthly home, like Heaven
is our future one.
The ancients used to say and practice: “Let
every good end useful stranger who comes
among us, making our home his home be our
our equal; te shall cease to be a stranger, for
he has, now, no other home than ours ; if he
will share with us our public burdens and ap
proach God at His altar, as we do, his dust
shall be mingled with ours and he be our broth
tr!”
This was the nob'e custom of our forefathers ;
and who can deny that we are not all God’s
children, and. as such, have equal rights, or,
who can prove that He, who in His allwisc
Providence and infinite wisdom created as, in
tending certain portions of the globe to be in
liabited only by certain and distinct nations?—
If so, the know Nothings will gain the day;
Americans will rule America; but supposing
the new world was destined to be the red man’s
home—what then? Is there not room for re
reflect ion 1
A SUBSCRIBER.
Proverbs of Women.
When cats wash their faces, bad weather is
at hand; when women use washes to their com
plexion it is a true sign that the beauty of their day
is gone.
Many powder their faces that their skin may
seem white: it is as a poulterer flours an old
hen tiiat it may pass for a tender chicken.
The stepping stone to a fortune is not to be
found in a jeweller’s shop.
How many women have been ruined by dia
monds; as bird catchers entice the lark from hea
ven to earth with sparkling glass.
Like the colored bottles in a chemist's window
is the rouge on the check* oi a maiden, it attracts
(he passer-by, but all know the drug th«-y adver
tise.
Choose not your wives asyou do grapes, from
the bloom on them.
He who marries a pretty foot only, is like a
buyer of cheap furniture —the varnish that caught
the eye will not endure the fireside blaze.
The girdle of beauty is not a stay lace. This
is not the only excuse lor the tight lacing; a good
house v.rie utvutu uieuo aste. • 8
When a maid takes to spaniels and parrots it
means that henceforth tjej |jig j, a bird-eti to
her.
The mouth of a wise woman is like a monev
box which is seldom opened, so that much lisas.,
ure comes forth fr m it.
Store up the truth, O, woman I
COMMUNICATED.
Lumpkin County Meeting.
Dahlonega, Ga., August 7th, 1855.
In accordance with a previous notice, a large
and enthusiastic assembly, opposed to the Know-
Nothing movement, met in the Court House,
and on motion of Reuben Barnett, Esq., organ
ized by calling Judge Isaac Head to act as
President, and J. Blackwell,and William, Burt,
Esqs., to act as Vice Presidents. On motion,
Isaac L. Todd, Esq., Dr. Zeloiea IL Mason was
appointed Secretary.
Col. J. W. 11. Underwood then entertained
the audience for several hours in an eloquent
and argumentative address, conclusively show
ing the evil tendency, secret Political Sociotitt
may have to subvert and destroy our Coustitu
al Rights and that tlie Democratic party had
been and was still true to the rights of the South.
His remarks were frequently interrupted by en
thusiastic bursts of applause.
On motion of Col. J. B. Graham, the Presi
dent appointed the following Committee on
resolutions: J. M. Patton Esq., Col. J. B.
Graham, Reuben Barrett, I-sq.,'l homas Davis
and Robert Mays, Esqs., who reported thefol
lowing resolutions which were adopted without
a dissenting voice.
The extraordinary effort now being made by
certain politicians, who are engaged in the
wildest hunt after office that this country has
ever witnessed, to introduce into the political
action of the country, principles of a novel and
startling character, anil of dangerous tendencies
violative of the spirit, if not the letter, of
the Constitution under which the people of the
United States have enjoyed more liberty, hap
piness and prosjierity, than any other people
ever did, make it necessary and proper, and in
deed the imperative duty of patriots, without re
gard to former political differences, to take
counsel together, and by unanimity of sentiment
and concert of action, to arrest and put down,
through the yet free and independent suffrages
of the freemen of the country, the mischievous,
dangerous and destructive principles now urged
upon the country with the zeal of fanatics, and
in modes hitherto unknown to a people who
are free to act in that way, which their judg
ments may approve. Heretofore, the different
parties which have existed in this country, en
tertaining a priqtcr respect for the intelligence
and virtue oi the people, have, openly aud pub
licly, organized, and submitted their policy to
the ordeal of public discussion and investigation!
but now, we have an organization, claiming
public approval and endorsement, which origi
nated and was matured in secret, by means tlie
most alarming and revolting to the lovers of
truth and virtue; one, the leader of which,
manifesting the most perfect contempt for, and
distrust of the integrity of the people, have
as is believed, imposed upon such as could be
seduced or inveighed into their secret councils,
the must solemn oaths, obligating them, under
the severest ]>enaltieß, to keep secret whatever
might transpire therein, even to the denial of
their membership or the existence of the order;
and compelling them, “in all political matters,
to comply with the will of the majority of the
council though it may conflict uith their per
sonal preferences.”
Such obligations and proceedings we believe
to be incompatible with true independence, and
unworthy oi any one who claims to be a freeman.
11 such un organization is sustained by the peo
ple of the United States, we fear that the prin
ciples of government which have made this
country the pride of its citizens, and excited the
wonder ol the world, will be subverted and de
stroyed—und that the consequence will be the
lotui wreck of the noblest system of government
the world has ever seen.
In view of thes lads and considerations,
Resolved, Ist That the Constitution estab
lished by t ur Revolutionary Fathers, aud ap
proved by the great aud good Washington and
uis patriotic coadjutors, provides the best system
oi governmeut ti.at any people ever eujoyeii—
anil under it the citizens of the United btates
are the Irccst, happiest, aud most prosperous
people on earth; aud we are most uncompro
misingly opposed to its violation, mutilation, or
destruction.
Resolved 2d, That it is only by a strict ad
iieiciice, in letter and in spirit, to that provision
oi the Constitution, which declares that “no
religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi
cation to any office or public trust under the
United States,” that tins country, hitherto so
iree Iroiu internal disturbance, can be preserved
in the luture Irom those cruel, bloody and mur
derous coufficts, which in the name of religion,
nave afflicted the countries of the old world.
Resolved 3d, That in a free governmeut, all
its citizens, who are Iree from crime, are enti
tled to equal political rights—und we are op
posed to any principle that will produce castes
or different orders ol citizens in Uns country, as
they have the monarchies and aristocracies of
the olil world; und we pronounce such a prin
ciple to be auti-Democratic—anti-American,
and dangerous to liberty.
Resolved 4th, That this country has been
ruled by Americans since the days ol 1776—and
we hojie that such Democratic Republican
Americans as Washington, Jettersou, Madison,
Monroe, Jackson, I’oiK aud Pierce, will contin
ue to rule over us and our children through all
time—but we enter our most solemn protest
against being ruled by such Americans as Gar
ner, Sumner, and Vv ilson ol Massachusetts—
Hale ol New Hampshire, Johnston of Penn
sylvania »nd Seward of New York.
Resolved sth, That we cordially approve the
action of the Democratic Party in Convention
ut Milleilgeiil.e oil the sth of June lust; und
we will use ail honorable ellbrts to secure the
election of its nominee lor Governor—Hon. H.
V. Johnson—aud we respectiufly invite all,
without regard to former political differences,
who agree with us in opposition to Know
Nothingism, to unite with us upon terms of
political equality and fellowship.
Resolved tith, 'I ability
of the Hon. lloweidMMmnl Ins great expe
rience as a statesmaMHuder him pre-eminently
the man to represent tffis District in the next
Co.igres of the United States, when itisexpect
cd the South will need the servicesand wisdom
of her ablest patriots to preserve and defend her
political rights, in the Umou, irom the fanatical
crusade now being waged against us by the
abolitionists and Know Nothings of the North.
Resolved 7th, That Col. John W. H. Under
wood, for the able and eloquent address this day
made in delence of sound Constitutional princi
ples, is entitled to the warmest thunks of this
meeting.
On motion it was resolved that the proceed
ings of this meeting be published in the Atlan
ta Weekly Examiner, Uonstitntioualist <fc Re
public Augusta, and all Anti-Know Nothing
papers favorable to the causes.
ISAAC' HEAD, President.
Zelotes 11. Mason, Sec'y.
[Correspondence of the Dacly Rochester Dem,)
Maces in Canada—Y aukee Horse
Ahead.
Quebec, (L. 1.) July 20.
The Officers having charge of the Citadel at
‘ this place for years have had annual horse
' races on the iTums of Abraham, that are at
tended by the Goveraor-Generul, the officials,
the aristocracy of both sexes, and "the rest of
mankind.” It has just come off; and, as recip
rocity in the horse trade was included in the
late treaty, this year the Military Club invited
American horses to compete tor the prizes if
rode by United States army officers, the rule
being that British officers must ride the horses
they enter. But one American officer and horse
was on the ground. “Sam Letcher," the Yankee
horse, stood lor the three mile heat against “ t ra
iler who hail never been beat, and baa been the
pride of the courye fop the iaat live years. Uver
ten thousand spectators were present. The
English horse was backed very heavy iu' bet#
by the British, and the Yankee horse was the
favorite ol the Americans, a great number be
ing present, visiting that section on pleasure
trips. The Yankee took the prize, and the back
-- of him Docketed udjttt 2,uOU svveruigeiM.
All Americans are called Yankeehera. ~
2®- The Mobile Register contradict#
the report of the appearance of the yellow
fever in that city. Not a case
!las occurred, and the city was nevermore
healthy. Such is the assurance which
the Kegufcr give* ita Iriunds i n the
rwr.