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THE ATLANTA WEEKLY EXAMINED
WEEKLY CIRCUL ATIONT OR* THE EXAMINTER, 12000 COPIES!
JOHN 11. STEELE, | Editorg>
CHAS. L. BARBOUR. |
VOLUME 11.
THE WEEKLY EXAMINER
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FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1855,
Cobb County Democratic Nominations
Senator,
THOMAS 11. MOORE.
Representatives.
ALFRED MAYNER,
SAMUEL M. BRADFORD.
Sieriff,
J. B. BLACa.iv ELL.
Clerk Superior Court,
JAMES M. BARNWELL
Clerk Inferior Court,
WILLIAM CARROLL.
Ordinal y.
BIRDSONG TOLLESON.
Groat Auction Sale.
By reference to our advertising columns, it
will be seen that Messrs. Trabck & Lucas, oi
Nashville, Tenn., are getting up a Mammotl
Auction, of Fall and Winter Goods. The pro
ject is a good one, and Merchants generally
will find it an opportunity to purchase good
upon liberal terms, and at low prices. Rem.
the advertisement, and give the enterprise du.
0 >asideration.
Notice This.
We call the special attention of our reader
to the articles in our paper to-day, taken iron,
the “Georgia Telegraph Extra"—one of which
refers to the “Grand Mass Meeting" ol tin
“Grand American Forty,” and the other is
vindication by the Biq»eriiitendjnt of the Slate i
Road. James F. Cooper. Esq., in a letter < ‘
that gentleman, addressed to W. K. DcGrni
fenreid. Esq., from certain calumnies that hav.
beeu indtts riously cireu ated by the Thoniastoi
Rail Road Company, or its Agents.
Will the Savannah Republican copy the let
ter into its columns'.’ Justice to Govcniu
Johnson requires it.
Rev. Dr. Claikcnioluntai joath-
Iz>t all know-nothings, (says the Mississippian,
anel particular)’ those professing religion, p nde i
the following extracts from the Gospel of Jesn
and we especially invite the attention ol Meth
odists to Rev. Dr. Clarke’s comments therein.
Turn to the first Epistle of James, sth chapter
and 12th verse, and read: ' But above all thing
my brethren, swear not, neither by heaven, nei
ther by the earth, neither by any other oat I
I'st ye fall into condemnation." So likewise ii
Matthew. sth chapter, and 34th verse: “But I
say unto you. sircar no.’ at all. neither by lieavi u.
for it is God s throne, nor by the earth, for it :■
His footstool, nor by Jensdem, for it is the city
of the great King."’
Rev. Dr Clark, in his commentary cn this
passages, says: “He that uses any oath. excep
that which he isso.emn’y called by the inxaistrati
THE GREATEST PCLIIIWL AND NEWS PAPEH IN THE SOUTH—A WEEKLY FIRESIDE COMPANION FOR ONLY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR. IN ADVANCE.
Republican and Federalist.
The advent of Know Nothingism has had
the effect of reviving in the minds of the o/d
the political contests of the past, and of kin
dling in the minds of the young, a fire which
will blaze, we trust, until, like their fathers be
fore them, their spirits wing their way “to an
other and a better world." Not only have the
events of the Revolution, the struggle that prece
ded it, and the history if we may so term it. of the
Constitution, bevn revived, until they are again
I as ‘familiar as household words," but old party
I contests have attracted a great share of the peo
ple’s attention, as well as that of our public
speakers, and the pres% The result of nil this
reference to the past, is, that the dividing line
between the two parties in this country is proved
to be the same s that which divided the Re
publican and Federalist in the earlier days of
the Republic. The “Anti-Know Nothing and
Democratic Party" of the present day. is nei
ther more nor less, than the “Republican Par
ty” in the days of Jefferson and Madison. The
“Know Nothing, or '‘American Party,” is nei
ther more nor less than the “Federal Party” of
the same period. The Philadelphia Conven.
tion that put forth its ‘•American” platform of
principles, was a second “Hartford Conven
tion,” and the principles that it proclaimed to
the world, are, in the main, such as have re
ceived the support of federalists ever since the
formation of the Constitution. Like the “cat
in the meal tub,” they may lie, to seme extent,
concealed, covered over, nevertheless it is the
same old cat, and none but the unwary will be
come the prey of its cunning, and its artifice.
For evidence of this, we would ask if the Fed
eralist of olden time ever advocated, or desired
more, than that to the Supreme Court should
be submitted as the final arbiter all questions
of political differences between a State of this
Union, and the Federal Government? Did he
ever contend for more than that it was the duty
of a State to submit to such decisions when
made ? No one will deny that this was the po
sition of all Federalists in the early history of
parties, and that this is the position now of the
“Know Nothing Party,” will not be ques
tioned.
On the other hand, the “Anti-Know Nothing
Democratic Party” adopt in toto, the princi
ples and doctrines of the Republican Party o*
’9B. It is, in fact, nothing else than the ‘Re
publican Party” revived. The “Constitution"
is its watchword. In its maintenance they will
live and they will die. There is not a member
of it but recognizes the doctrine of State Sov
ereignty, State Rights, and that will not main
tain and defend that clause in it, which pro
vides that no relig.'r.us test shall be made a
qualification for office, under the Uniteel States.
Nay more. There is not a member of it who
is willing to submit to the Supreme Court as
the final umpire, in eases involving the politi
cal rights of Georgia, her Sovereignty, and her
domestic institutions, and to bow, or bend to
such decision. Here is the difference then, be
tween the two parties in Georgia. Let the pecs
pic choose between them, we shall be content!
The Fraud
To which we referred a day or two ago, upon
certain citizens of this county, who had made
enquiries concerning Col. Ci Tier's vote in the
Senate of the last State Legislature, is thus re
sponded to, by the Ordinary of Fulton county.
To the Public.
In repelling the charge made against me in
the '‘Examiner,” I refer to Mr. Lawshe’s ad
dress, and also state that after that had taken
p ace I thought no more of the matter, till
Dr. Bomar told me Mr. Vaughan had made the
statement that 1 had showed the journals, and
that (Jollier had failed to vote upon the Bird
ease. I was very much surprised at hearing
anything more of it, and the next day saw Mr.
Vaughan at the Store of Clarke and Grubb.
I told him a wrong report had been made by
him to Dr .Bomar about this case, stated to
him what did occur, and which was as Mr.
f-uwshe states, mid that he must see the Doc
tor and correct it; he said the Doctor had mis
understood him, but that he would see him and
correct it. Several days then passed and 1
thought no more of it. when Col. Collier met
me and said such a report was in circulation,
and as having c un? from me. I told the Col. I
it was not correct and explained to him, when
he seemed to be satisfied. Now it appears the
subject was brought up by Col. Collier at
Cook’s Court Ground, on Saturday the 15th
mstant, and without any person having said
anything about it, and I think the Col. should
have given my explanation to it at the same
time, as 1 was not there, and which would have
been more satisfactory to the people, and have
kept down those angry feelings which has been
since manifested. Politically. lam opposed to
Col. Collier—personally 1 am. mid have til"
wavs been, his friend.
J. 11. MEAD.
i September 19th, 1855.
I In support of Mr. Mead, a Mr. Er Lawshe,
of this city, hands in the following :
To the Citizens of Fatten County.
Having been shown some charges made in
the Atlanta "Examiner” of the 18th instant,
against (as I believe.) A. H. Mead, Esq., as a
County official, 1 feel it my duty to give an ex.
planation, having been present when the cir
cumstances alhukd to took place. Ou that
lav 1 was in the Ordinary’s office on business
Mr. I’. M. Hodge and Mr. Vaughan came os
they remarked to decide a bet of Fifty Dollars
made— that Col. Collier had voted for the bill
to panion Bird, or bad evaded the vote.—
Whereupon Mr. Mead remarked that the jour
nal of the proceedings of the Senate for that
term was not in Ills office, but that they could
rest assured that Col. C.. had not "dodged’
he vote, and farther added, that the Colonel
Aould tell them the truth, if applied to in per
mn, and. for their benefit he (Mead) would
get the journal of the Senate for that term and
jive them the information at any time they
would call on him. and told them that the jour-
ATLANTA. GEORGIA, EIIIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 28. 1855.
i that Collier’s name would not lie found on them,
as he belonged to the Senate. Mr. Vaughan
stated there that the Col’s, vote on the Bird
case would decide his vote at the coming elec
tion for Senator, that, if Collier hail voted for
Birds pardon, he would vote against him: if
the reverse he would vote for him, when he j
was re-assured by J. 11. Mead, Esq., that Col-1
Collier was too honorable and high-minded a I
gentleman to vote for his pardon under the cir
cumstances, and that of course his vote would
have to go for Collier, however much he might
wish the contrary. ER. LAWSHE.
Atlanta, Sept. 191 hl 1855.
In response to the representations made by
Mr. Mead, and Mr. Lawshc, we present the vo
ters of Fulton county with the following certifi
cate of P. M. Hodge and IL A. Vaughan. We
do so, too, without comment, as we deem any
remark, on our part, unnecessary, and super
fluous.
GEORGIA FULTON COUNTY.
We hereby certify that sometime past we
called into the office of the Ordinary of said
county and asked Joseph IL Mead to show us
the vote on the Bird case, that we desired to
know how Col. Collier voted on that bill. Mr.
Mead stated he could soon tell us. He took up
the Journal of the Legislature, as he said, and
after turning it over, said, here is the Bird case
but Collier’s name is not to be fonnd ; and then
turned on further, and said here is the Bird ease
again, and Collier’s name is not to be found ;
and turned to it again and said, Collier’s name is
still not to be found. This is about the sub
stance of the information we obtained from Es
quire Mead. P. M. HODGE,
11. A. VAUGHAN.
Sept. 19, 1855.
The Kansas Nebraska Bill and its Oppo*
nents.
When the Kansas Nebraska Bill was passed,
and became a law, an universal acclamation of
joyful satisfaction arose from the South, and
was echoed by patriotic men throughout the
length and breadth of the land. Faces that
were before shaded with fearful forebodings for
the rights of the South and the permanency of
the Union, grew radiant with hope at the an
nouncement that the measure had been passed,
and every eye kindled, aud every heart rejoiced
that, by the Bill, the clouds which hung over
the Union were to a considerable extent, dis
pelled. A feeling of security began to reign,
and the machinery of government was given an
impetus by the cheerful response the bill met
from the people, who breathed more freely af
ter the battle had been fought, and victory had
perched upon the standard of constitutional
right. The galling restrictions of the Missou
ri Compromise which bore in dead weight
upon the rights and honor of the South, and
which gave the countenance of law—indirectly,
it is true, bat not less effectively—to the fanat
icism of abolitionism, were taken away, and
the South expressed herself satisfied with the
Bill. It is true that a few men, of questiona
ble loyalty to the South, such as Rayner, of
North Carolina, whose sympathies were exci
ted for what he termed the “outraged North,”
Bell, of Tennessee, and that doting old dema
gogue, Sam Houston, who, bidding for Nor
thern votes for the Presidency, termed it “an
obnoxious act and violated pledge,” expressed
their opposition to it; bat the masses regarded
that opposition in its true light, as emanating
from motives of self-interest, and rejoiced that
the South had. at last, gained an equal foot
ing with the North. The voice which said to
the South “thus farshalt thou go, and no far
ther,” was hushed, and Southerners were once
again freemen, with equal privileges in newly
acquired territory. It is not surprising that
the Southern people universally entertained a
reverential respect for the Bill, and regarded
with a jealous eye the men who raised their
voices against it. Considerable time elapsed
after its passage, and we heard of little com
plaint against the Bill from Southern men, un
til recently the Know Nothing orators and
presses of this State have discovered that the
bill is unfair. Now any min who can read
the provisions of the Kansas Nebraska act.
and honestly condemn it for unfairness, is either |
entirely ignorant of the first principles of jus
tice ; or blinded by fanaticism to the applica
tion of those principles to the demands of the
South. No reasonable man can prononne
the n anything but equitable to all parties, for
it gives no advantage to either. But these men ■
are engaged in a desperate conflict, the result
of which must either stay the tide of defeat
which overwhelms their )>arty. or totally anni
hilate the organization, and they have injudi
ciously picked a Haw in the Kansas Bill, in
support of their onslaught upon foreigners.—
Nothing could have been more ill-timed or un
fortunate for their order. To substantiate a
fictitious issue they have attacked a certain
clause of the Kansas Bill, and, as a natural
consequence, have brought upon their heads
the wrath of every conservative man in the
land, not connected with their organization.—
They soon saw that they had raised a spirit
they could neither exercise or control, and
with reckless desperation they endeavor to stir
up the people against the bill and its framers.
; Had this opposition been made while the Bill
! was under discussion—and there was ample
! time —there would have been a better show of I
sincerity in it. But it was not until their char
ges against foreigners had all been disproved. ;
and they were scarce of political capital, that ’
they seized upon the clans-.' allowing foreigners'
to vote, in the territories, after making oath of!
their intention to become citizens, and after
swearing to support the Constitution of the
United States, and declared that it was unfair,
and granted foreigners unwise privileges I Af
ter they have failed to make oat a case against
the foreigner by their other charges, they at
tempt to inflame the people against him upon
I the ground that he is allowed certain privileges
by the Kansas act, which be should not have.
Now. aside from the fact that this is a mere
pretext, it strikes us that it coma with a bad
i grace from Southern months to complain of for-
I cigners being allowed to vote in Kansas : for it
■ is bevond contradiction that their votes and in
) luence in the recent election in that Territory
1 But let us see who are these men that oppose
! the Kansas Bill. The Savannah Republican
1 and Columbus Enquirer, and indeed many other
; organs of the Union Party are now opposed
[to the Kansas Bill, and for the reason that it
allows foreigners to vote in the first election in
the Territory. Now these same presses will
not deny that they defended the Texas bill, the
Utah and New Mexico Bills, as well as the Ore
gon and Washington Bills, all of which con
tain precisely the same provision. Why did
they not demur to the provision then, if it was
so objectionable? The answer is plain. At
the time those bills were passed there wm no
such an order as this falsely styled •• American"
party in the land; there was no necessity for
capital against the foreigner; the falling fortunes
of no party could be sustained by such orposi"
tion. But now, when these things have come to
pass, it is suddenly discovered that this princi
ple is wrong! Wrong in what way? Did it
prove injurious to the South in any of these
territories? Ifithad done so, they would have
paraded tlie injury before the people long since.
We do not propose to lengthen this article into
a discussion of the principle itself, and would
point to its workings—its effects. It is an un
deniable fact that the Kansas legislature had
the ability, if they had chosen to do so, to pre
vent foreigners from voting after the first elec
tion. Now had that legislature regarded the
principle as wrong, and its effects as injurious,
they would certainly have restricted the privi
lege. That they did not so restrict is the very
best evidence that they regarded the provision a
wise one. They knew it could not injure the
the South; but on the contrary, it was a good
provision for us. and hence they refused to
touch it. If it is doubted they had the power
to alter it, the language of the Bill itself will
establish the authority.
Src. 23. And be it further enacted. That
every free white male inhabitant above the age
of twenty-one years, we shall be an actual resi
dent of said Territory and shall possess the
qualifications herein after prescribed, shall be
entitleil to vote at the first election, and shall
lie eligible to any office within the said Territory;
but the qualifications of voters and of holding
office, AT AM. SUBSEQUENT ELECTIONS, shall tx.'
such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative as
sembly; Provided, That the right of suffrage,
and of holding office, shall be exercised only by
citizens of the Unitea States, nd those who
SHALL HAVE DECLARED ON OATH THEIR INTEN
TION to become such, and shall have taken an
OATH TO SUPPORT THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNI
TED STATKS AND THE PROVISIONS OF THIS ACT.
And provided further, That no officer, soldier,
seaman, or marine, or other person in the army
or navy of the United States, shall be allowed
to vote, or hold offiice in said Territory by rea
son of being on service therein.”
As for the charge which we see industrious
ly circulated, that the Kansas Bill contains
provisions granting 160 acres of land to for
eigners, we have to say that it is entirely false.
There is no such provision in the Bill before
us, and we defy the American organs to show
it. If they have ever read the Bill, they know
it to be false. When they show such a provis
ion, it will be time enough to answer them,
and until then they cannot convince the peo
ple that their opposition to this great Southern
Bill, is not solely upon the ground of the quoted
clause, of which capital is sanght by them to
be made aginst the foreigner, and provision
identical with which they defended but a year
or two ago. Out upon such itc dessness, and
such inconsistency!
A word now, about the effect of this opposi
tion to the Kansas Bill, and we are done. And
it is the inquiry naturally suggested by the oc.
casion—suppose a party opposed to the Bill
should succeed in Georgia, what would be the
difference between that party and the Anti-Ne.
braska party of the North? In that event
these Know Nothings and the abolition and
free-soil Anti-Nebraska men would meet upon
the floors of Congress, both pledged to the repeal
of tois measure which has restored to the South
her equality with the North in the Territories!
What the consequences of such a meeting would
be, we leave for the intelligent reader to decide
For the present we drop the subject, but shaly
resume it when we have more time and space to
devote to the disaisiou. Meantime let the South
ern people remember that they have an Anti"
Nebraska party to fight at home, as well as in
more Northern latittudes, the difference between
whom is litje more that the distance which
which separates there geographical positions.
—— -
Letter of Governor Johnson.
We cull the attention of our readers to the
following letter of Governor Johnson written,
as will be seen, to repel the ridiculous charge
made, that if a bill passed the Legislature to
remove the Seat of Government to Atlanta he
would veto it.
We well knew that there was no foundation
for such a report; and every sensible man in
Atlanta ought to have known it; but to give it
a quietus, and to leave no room for doubt on
the subject, the Governor speaks for himself.
Executive Chamber. (
Milledgeville, Sept. 3,1855. )
Dear Sir.-—You say. that my opponents are
busilv circulating reports about Atlanta and
the surrounding country .to the effect, that if
i elected Governor. I will, in case the next D'g-
I islature pass a bill locating the seat of Govern
i meut at Atlanta, veto the bill. There is no
, foundation for such rumor. I have carefully
I abstained from any interference with the ques-
I tion. The last Legis’ature pas-ied au act refer-
I ring it to the people at the approaching eler-
I tion. lam perfectly contented to abide their
' will, as mav be indicated by the majority of
: the voters of Georgia. If in observance of their
j will, so expressed at the ballot-box. the next
’ Legislature should pass a law locating the seat
: of Government at Atlanta or at any other point.
• I shall feel it my duty, if elected, to sanction
. such a bid.
Respectfullv, vour obt. s want.
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON.
, Col. John Collier. Atlanta, Ga.
A Gfa-bxous Firm.—lt is rtased says the
Boston Post, that a dry goods firm in that city
I divided five thousand dollars among the clerks
! in August, being the amount of profits accruing
i to that month over and above the per centagv
which the firm has fixed as a limit of what they
wish to make.
Governor Johnson.
Addnissed the citizens of Fulton county, ir
this city, on Thursday last, in the morning, and
by special request, did so in the evening also.
We will not attempt a report of the two
speeches of the Governor. We could not With
in the limits of our paper to-day. do him justice.
Suffice it to say, that a more complete vindication
o himself from the fonl charges that have been
heaped upon him by the press of this place and
elsewhere, relative to the State Road, could not
have been desired by the people of Georgia had
they all been present. Os course we except the
office seekers and all who are interested person,
ally in his defeat. To such as these, the Gov
ernor’s vindication was “gnll aud wormwood,’’
and. by no means, acceptable.
In defence also of the principles of the Dem
ocratic, Anti-Know Nothing Party, the Gov
ernor was triumphant. His contrast between
the platforms of both parties was most forcibly,
fairly, and eloquently drawn. None but the
preindiced went away unconvinced that he. and
his party, were right. As for Know Nothing
ism—its ritual, its secrets, and its opposition to
foreigners and Catholics—all we can say is, that
utter demolition of all its pretensions, so far as
the argument is concerned, is too feeble a term
to convey to our readers at a distance, what
was thought of it, when the Governor conclu
ded, by the large audience that were present—
It was an overpowering and convincing argu
ment; and an exposition of the "Order” fatal
to its designs wherever and whenever the mass
es hear it.
The Governor left us in fine spirits, and good
health, yesterday morning for Marietta, where
he will address the people of Cobb.
The State Road.
Assault after assault is made by the Know
Nothing organa of the State npon Gov. John
son on account of the management of the State
Road. Principally, we regret to say it, for
the honor of our City, these assaults emanate
here. If a merchant, representing some house
in Tenniswee, does not have his own way, aud
is not preferred in his shipments, or transship*
ment of produce, he raises the hne and cry, to
tally regardless of all other interests save his
own. If an idle, or incompetent, or unfaith
ful, subordinate is dismissed, he raises the cry
of persecution, joins the Know Nothings, and
vows a desperate revenge. If an officer on the
Road is personally inimical to Mr. A., or Mr.
B„ Gov. Johnson, or the Superintendent, is
abused like a pick-pocket for keeping him in
office. One would suppose from the talk of
these, and such as these, that the Road was in
a ruinous condition, and that those to whom
its munagemement is entrusted by law, are as
corrupt and incompetent, as it is possible for
men to be.
But there is yet another class in our midst,
and it numbers not a few patriots in the Know
Nothing ranks, that clamor loudly, and long
er, and display a zeal, in abase of the State
Road and Gov. Johnson that astonishes all
who are ignorant of their true motive. We
allude to those who hunger and thirst after the
offices it has to bestow. One wants a fireman’s,
another, a clerk's, a third a conductor's place
one did we say ?—nay, there are a hundred of
these hungry animals—and have no hope of
success but in the election of Andrews, as Gov
ernor. How this class of patriots fume and
sweat in advocacy of Know Nothingism, and
how they rave and rant at Gov. Johnson, mar-1
vellous though it is to the unsophisticated,
serves only to amuse the standei' by who is post
ed up, and whose contempt for such actors is
equal to Hamlet s for the “robustuous, perri
wigged pated fellows, who tear a passion to
tatters, to very rags.”
The press too is after “the loaves and fishes.”
The State Road printing is too important an
item to let pass without a desperate effort; au
untiring effort; a ceaseless effort; to secure it.
No hope for it, though, but in the defeat of
Johnson I Hence the Governor bought up
Mark A. Cooper I Hence the Governor per
mitted Georgia to lie disgraced by allowing
fifteen stock cars to be sold to an Agent of the
Nashville Rail Road 1 Hence the charge that
the Rev. C. W. Howard did not have justice
done to him! Hence the he that the State
Road iron was sold for 525, when 340 per
ton was offered for it! Hence the fabrication
that Cowart was appointed by Gov. Johnson
without authority of Law, and that his, Cow-,
art’s appointment, was an unconstitutional one I
All. all this, gentle reaader, is but a desperate.
attempt to deceive the people, and to fatten
upon the “ loaves and fishes."
VOTERS OF GEORGIA,
if these things were as they have been repre
sented by a reckless press—if the TRUTH was
what they contended for—if they bad even the
faintest desire to enlighten the people as to
FACTS—when their presses charged Gov!
Johnson with buying up Mark A. Cooper, by ■
extending to him privileges and immunities!
not granted to others, why did they not pub-'
lish Mark A. Cooper's answer to the charge,
and the lie it not only gave to it, but proved
upon, its propagators ?
When they put forth the vamped up story of
the sale of the Stock cars at Chattanooga, in
which truth was most glaringly perverted, why
did they not promptly undeceive their readers,
by publishing the facts connected with that
transaction ?
When they published the assault of the Rev.
Mr. Howard, upon Gov. Johnson, why did
they not publish the response of the Governor,
in which he “showed up" so completely that
I Rev’d. gentleman ?
When they publish the malicious libel against
i the Governor and Superintendent, that earn
' nated from the Thomaston Rail Road Compa
i nv, or its Agents, why do they not publish the
! lie given to the infamous assault, as well by
I the Superintendent as the Governor?
When they charge Gov. Johnson with ma
king an appointment not authorized by law,
an<l creating a new office for his. Cowart’s, spe
cial benefit, why do they not publish ex-Gov
; ernor Cobb's complete refutation of the charge?
ir.g like this docs not suit their purpose, nor
> the times, nor the “Secret Order" whose de
• signs are to be promoted. Trick, and strate
gy ; cunning and falsehood: arc the weapons for
1 present warfare. Experience has not even
■ taught them a good lesson. The same game
was played in Virginia, and in North Caroli
na. Alabama. Tennessee, and Texas; and it is
notorious now that the rank and flic in large
numbers in those States complain of the Know
Nothing presses as having deceived them in im
portant particulars, and in some of these
States, vows of vengeance have been recorded
against them. The same dirty work is going
■on in Georgia. Voters, look to it, and stand :
. by the COUNTRY, and by TRUTH 1
A Practical Illustration.
I We offer to our readers the following as an
j illustration, practical in its character, of the
j management of the State Read ; and to show
I bow little Governor Johnson merits the abuse |
' and censure of his enemies on said account.
I The gross earnings of the Road for 1855 will j
i amount to 3700.000.
The Road has paid for construction previous j
to 1854, 3249.208.
Since 1854. for 1600 tons of new heavy rail,!
it has paid 3200.411.
Besides this, it has paid into the State Treas-!
ury. 3100,000.
And it will pay, in another month, an addi- i
tional 350,000.
This, with the fact that its earnings dnriug i
the administration of Johnson will reach the j
sum of 31.000,000, tells in language not to be ;
misunderstood, that the State Road is in a con- J
dition that excites the admiration and ap
plause of its friends, while it excites only the
envy of the opponents of Governor Johnson.
From the foregoing tlie voters of Georgia
cannot fail to perceive that a degree of pros
perity attends the State Road unsurpassed here
tofore. That it is now a paying Road, and, we
repeat it, lias actually set aside, some SIOO,OOO,
which is in the State, or people’s Treasury, from
its net profits the present term of Governor
Johnson, and will pay this month $50,000
more.
This plain statement is of itself sufficient to
relieve the Governor from all the charges that
have been heaped and are now being piled, upon
him, by an unscrupulousopposition. Never be-1
fore, since its completion, had it paid a dollar
into the Treasury, until Governor Johnson's
term of office. Ever before it was a tax to the
State and people! Now it is a source not only
of profit, but large profits. Had it been man
aged as the Governor’s opponents desired, in al]'
I human probability, instead of paying its way. I
providing for the future, and setting apart $150,-
000, the people, through their representatives in
the Legislature, would have beeu. asked again
for $150,000 to aid in sustaining it. Think of
all this, honest, independent voters of Georgia'
and repel with scorn the malicious charges made
against the Governor, on account of the State
Road management. Never has a Governor,
nor candidate for Governor, been so slatviered, as
has|been Herschel V. Johnson! Let the voters
of the State put the slanderers down I
[communicated.]
To the Universalist of Georgia.
Judge Andrews' election would be a pretext
for your contumely and disgrace. Every man
of common discretion knows that his outrage
ous decision against you—branding you ax ni
\ famous in a court of Justice, was a flagrant uct
of oppression without excuse or shadow of au
thority in this State. Insolence never was mon
daring, and hence justice speaks in unmeasured
terms his shame for so foul an outrage upon
your feelings and your rights. In the name of
common liberty and justice, how can such abuse
of power be countenanced in Georgia? He
not only did this grievous wrong, but says that
the law had decided who is entitled to ciedit,
and it is his duty to administer it. And al
though HE KNOWS THIS DECISION IS UNFAIR AND
UNJUST, AND OFFENSIVE, HE HAS NOT DARED TO
HAVE THE BOLDNESS TO SAY HE BELIEVES YOU
OUGHT TO BE RESPECTED, FOR THE REASON NO
DOUBT, HE THINKS HIS DECISION IS Jt ST AS THE
law ought to be. God forbid that you should
ever vote for a religious proscriber, who even
thus insults and contemns you as worse thai
vagabonds I Never, never, let it he said that
you voted for Garnett Andrews. I am deter
mined that history shall not record my vote in
favor of such a narrow-hearted bigot. And
I 1 call upon each of you, to be at the polls, ami
influence every vote you can against him. H<
is bound to be defeated, but let his defeat be
overwhelming, and you will share the honors ol
the triumph. Be up and doing—let duty to
religious freedom be the watchword I
LIBERALITY.
[commtni<’atf.d.]
To Southern Bights Men of 1850.
Mark this. After all the issues of Southern
i Rights had been finally determined and adjusted
! by Georgia, so far as they could be, and we al
I were amicably and faithfully on the Georgia
Platform. Judge Andrews in his letter of ac
j ceptance has the impudence, the effrontry am
; insolence, to say that “those who fought t<
| maintain the principles of the the Georgia Plat
| form can have but little of the gall of bitter
i ncss not to feel indignant at seeing their cne
! mies in that contest bestride it. &c.” and fur
! ther says they are "alien enemies” and that the
! ought to “confess” "THAT THERE WAS NO TRO
1 worthiness in them," see his letter of ac
i ceptance. Will Southern Rights men vote fin
a man who will thus set them down as having
no true worthiness in them ? In 1850 such lan
guage might have be< n somewhat indulged, bu;
now, when you have proved yourselves true, am
when all Georgians are brothers indeed npo'
G -orgia policy in reference to the slavery ques.
ti >n, is not such insolence unworthy a true pa
triot? Is i: not an insult to you? Friend-
G-iruett Andrews has proved himself to be :
bigot in religion, aud a demagogue in politics
i Will you support him, when he has not evei
the manliness to recognize you as worthy of hon
orable notice ? No. never, never! if yon wil
reflect npon the inanlt!
[t'or the Atlanta Daily Examiner.]
To Dr. A. Connell—American Candidate
for the Senate in Cobb County.
I Dear Sir :—We admit the right of your
| self and your Know Nothl'.ig allies t > interro
| gate the Democratic candidate. Mr. Moore as
; to his views and ' pinions of matters of public
, interest, lie has nothing to conceal; on the
' contrary, he is bold to declare himself the can
j didate of the Democratic party, and pledged l
to the support of Democratic men and meas
ures, in defiance of all the isms of the day.—
U.S principles are everywhere known and ac
knowledged. No resolutions have ever bexm
i jiassed requiring him or Am party to conceal
from the people the authority by which he is
I brought bes re them. The fact of his identity
I with the great Anti-Know Nothing Democrat-1
ic party of Georgia is no secret. But. since'
your party freely exercise this right to interro- i
gate, it is but fair that you yourself should be J
I questioned as to your views upon topics of pub-;
I lie interest. We naturally expect of a candi-!
| date who desires to represent ns, that we should 1
! know his view sand opinions, in order that we]
i may decide whether those views and opinions |
correspond with our own. If they do not, he can
not of cours". represent our opinions without do
ing violence to his own. which should never be
required of a legislator. Since yon assume to
occupy such a position, we have a right to re-:
quire that you come out boldly and declare I
your principles; so that if you are right we I
may support you. and if you are wrong, that
we rnav exercise the discretion of men, untram
melled by oaths, to choose between right and
wrong—a discretion which attaches to freemen,
and which should never be deprived them by
tyranical oaths, either legal or extra judicial,
either in the Court room or in the Council I
room. The questions to which we respectfully
request your attention, and which it would
gratify us to have categorically answered, are
briefly these :
Ist. Previous to your present position as a
candidate, w ere you not known to express your
self in favor of Mr. Overby for Governor; were
you not spoken of as the Prohibition candidate,
and have you not, since yonr present positioi,
disclaimi'd being a Prohibitionist.
2nd. Have you not, on more than one oc
casion, when von met the above charge, bought
whiskey to disprove the charge. Did you not,
on one occasion buy the article for a certain
man who said he would not vote for any man
who did not treat him ; did you not treat and
drink with him?
3rd. When your Temperance friends met you
with these charges, have yon not expressed
your regret for thia violation of common decen
cy, and said if it was to do over again, yon
would forfeit your election before you would be
guilty of such conduct as to treat to a single
drop ?
4tii. Do yon deny that Cobb county w»f
canvassed over and over again to get a Demo
crat to run against Mr. Moore for the Senate
and none could be found ?• Never, until then
did you consent to take the yoke upon your
neck. Knowing your party to be weak, did
you not have passed a resolution to keep yom
nomination a profound secret, with a view te
gull the Democracy, as one of your candidates,
high in office, hael done before you, and wh<
has recently been exposed to the satisfaction oi
the most incredulous. Are you not carrying
out Biiid resolution by telling Anti-Know Noth
ings that you arc not the can lidate of any par- s
ty ? And did you not directly falsify thisstute
ment the other day at the .Marietta Hotel din
ner table, by saying that you were the Know
Nothing candidate? Answer this.
sth. Have yon not promised Ihe peopli
about Roswell, t. new county, under curtail
circumstances, if elected.
6th. Tell us your object in proposing t<
withdraw from the contest, and submit tht
race to Gov. McDonald ? Did you not know
t’lat he spurns, your Know Nothing princi
ples ? Did you not know that he did not desire
the office? And if he did, your being a candi
date would not be in the slightest degree in his
way, in this or any other position in the gift
of the people. We have yet to lean; that you
are in the way of any Democrat, much less
Gov. McDonald or Tom Moore, Your exces
sive courtesy in making this effer, which you (
knew would not lie accepted, smacks very
strongly of Buncombe, I >r.
Come out like a man, and declare your prin
ciples, so that free voters may know who and
what you are—whe' her you arc for Overt y
Johnson, or Andrews, for Governor; Hill or
Warner for Congress. Come oat and let them
know.
•‘Whether the snake that made the track,
Wai going (South or coming back.”
FAIR PLAY.
Mtnagement of the State Road.—Within
the last two years, or since the State Road has
been under the supervision of Gov. Johnson, one
hundred thousand dollars have been paid into
the State Treasury; two hundred and forty-nine
thousand two hundred and eight dollars and six
jents have been paid out for constructing depot
buildings and equipments, on account inem red
•mder previous administrations; two hundred
thousand four humlred and eleven d.illars and
d.xty-one cents have been paid on account since,
ncliiding purchase of sixteen hundred tons new
rails; and all current cx>v rises for working the
Road have been promptly met.
These are facts which show that nil the
■lamor about the mismanagement of the State
Road is fabricated for political effect, especially
when it is remt?mbrtvd that never liefbrc has
•he State Road paid one dollar into the State
Treasury.
Santa Anna. —We stated some weeks ago
that Santa Anna had purchased rial estate—up
own houses an! lots—in this city, with an eye
to a future residence among us. ’ It is now sta
ted by more than one jierson "under the Govern
nent.” that the Ex-Dictator is at present in the
vicinity of New York, and that he has marie
ivertures for the purchase of Mr. Edward For
rest's mansion known as Font Hill, near Yonkers,
md that Mr. F. has named the price of the place
it sl9o.o(iii—stating tiiat if H. S. H. the Gen
•ral and Dictator wonld come to his terms, it
■ould be made a bargain. It i; also said that
ii? z.'reneex-Highness has for some months past
■een negotiating stocks through a Wall street
WM. KA / PROPRIETOR
NUMBEK 7.
]Fnm the Constitutionali; t llrpublie.]
Letter from .lolm W. Lewis.
Garteusvillk, Ga., Sept. 17,1855.
Mr. Gardener— Dear Sir: lo the Chronicle
If Sentinel of t]\e 7‘L Inst., 1 notice an article,
; headed “The Cowart Appointment and Cooper
Arraagment,” most of which article is copied
■ from the Savannah Republican, 1 wish to make
i mime comments on a part of the article of the
j Savannah Republican, for the r uson that some
i of the statements, made “upon good authority,”
, (as stated by the Republican.) 1 know to be'vr
i roneous. 'The Savannah Repu'dica . is tpiotcd
Ito say, "iniliN'd we learn from goal authoritv,
I that the freights at Etowah, not belonging to Mi.
Goqier, would hardly average a tou per an
num.,”
I laving been a pretty largo shipper myself
for several years fiom that point, / Line that
the Savannah Republican, as to the “ton per an
I num ’ spoke on bad authority. I have, tlitTefore,
I sent to the agent at that Depot, and obtain from
j him a certificate of amount of tonnage to and
from that point, for other person than Major
i Cooper. That certificate J herewith send, und
: needs no comment, so far as the “ten per annum”
is concerned. It shows, though, at the same
I time, that the Etowah Depot is not “a private
I Depot.’’
■ Suppose though it was a private Depot, built
I for Mui. Cooper’s freights only, what then? Why
it would show that one man was producing
freights sufficient to make it an object for the
carrier to incur the expense of furnishing a De
pot for the reception of his freights: mid taking
the view ofastateimm on the subject, regarding
the kind of freights that this one man produced,
i it would show a vast accession oi Sate wealth,
■ brought into requisition by the development
of the earth's hidden treasures, by his skill ener
gy and perseverance; and more than this, its
I resources of the country, a source of State
i wealth, admitting of State taxation, for all com
ing time.
Putting this whole matter through, on the
ground of makuig the most money in the short
est time by the Road. I think I s’p- ak advistd'y
j when J say that, in my judgment, there Is no De
' pot which pays better than the Etowah De|X>t.
I think so for these reasons: Most ofthe freight
ing is safe freighting, much of it safe from burn
ing. all safe (or nearly so), from breaking, and
much from stealing. A large portion is done cn
I open cars, loaded mainly at the shipper's ex
pense, (a heavy item), and usually loaded both
ways—in addition to this, it is n business all
the tunc. This "arrangement" though will ail
be right after n little, the laws which govern
the moral world have decreed it—time will exe
cute it Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
John W. Lewis.
Accompanying the foregoing is a “tabular
statement of Freights, from Etowah, by other
persons than M. A. Cooper, for twelve month,
from Sept. 1, 18.54, to Aug. 31,1855,’’amount
ing to 146,439 ]x>unds, (not including eighty
bags of Cotton) on which the payments of
freight were $479,60. Also, Statements of
Freights received at Etowah Depot, from
September Ist, 18,51, to Ac.gust 31st, 1855,
by other persons than M. A. Cooper,on which
the charge were $912.12. These tubular state
ments being written on both sides of a large
sheet of paper. Appended to the first is the
following certificate:
I do hereby certify that the above is a true
statement of freights shipped from this station,
from the Ist day of September. 1854 up to the
31st <'ay of August, 1855, by other persons
than M. A. Cooper, and the freights charged
in the above statement are the Mime rates us
charged upou ail articles shipped by M. A.
Cooper.
tj.ven under my hand, this Ist day of Sep
tember, 1855.
J. T. Rukiiam, Ag’t.
W. & A. R. R., Etowah Depot
The following certifi.-ate is annexed to tho
second:
I do hereby certify that the above is ii Correct
statement, as taken ironi my books, for freights
shipped to this depot from other points, by per
sons other than M. A. Cooper, mid charged at
the Mime rate os ure charged on the same arti
cles shipped to M. A. Cooper, from the Ist
day of .September, 1854, to the 31st day of Au
'u.st, 1855-
Given under my hand, this Ist day of Sep
tember, 1855.
J. T. Rt’KHAM, Ag't.
W. A. A. R. R., Etowah Depot.
Folly o? Ruligious Persecution.—The
very worst niisehiel that cun be done to religion,
is to pervent it lo the purposes of faction.
Heaven and hell ure not more distant than the
Ixmevoleut spirit ofthe Gospel mid the inaiiguut
spirit of party. The most impious wain ever
made were those called holy wars. He wh<-
nates another man for not lining a Christian, is
Himself not a Christian. Toleration is the basis
if public quiet; it is a charter of freedom given
to the mind; more vahiable, 1 think, than that
which secures our persons mid estates. Indeed
t hey are inseparal>ly connected,for where the maid
is not free, were the conscience is enthralled,
'here is no freedom. I repeat it, persecution is
as impious as it is cruel mu! unwise. It not only
opposs's i very “precept o. Jtb" N v Testame, t la t
it invades the perogutive of God himself. It is
a usurpation of the attributes which belt ug ex
clusively to the Most High. It is a vain endea
vor to uKCend into His throne, to wield His
sceptre, hurt His thunderbolts.
And then its history proves how useless it is.
Truth is immortal, the sword cannot incarcer
ate it, famine cannot starve it; all the violence
of men, stirred up by the power and subtlety of
hell, cannot put it to death. In the persons of
its martyrs it bids defiance to the will of the
tyrant who persecutes it. and will: the martyr’s
last oreath predicts its own full and final
triumph. The Fagan persecuted the Chrii’timi,
but yet Christianity still lives. The Ro
man Catholic persecuted the Protestant, 1 nt
yet Protestantism still lives. 'The Protes
tant persecuted the Romnn Catholic, but yet
Cat! ok ion lives. TleCi.uiih of England
IKreecutcd Nonconformists, and yet Nonconfor
mity lives. Nonconformists persizculcd Episcopa
lian's. yet Episcopacy lives. When persecution
L eai rcd to its extreu e length of extirpating
heretics, Truth may bo extinguished in one
place, but'it will break ont in another. If op
inions cannot be put down by argument, they
cannot by power. Truth gains the victory in
the end. not only by its own evidences, but bv
the sufferings of its confessors. Therefore, if
w■ have a mi.id to estab'ish p ac; among tie
people, wc rnii ‘1 allow men to judge freeiv in
matters of religion: aud to embrace that opinion
they think right, without any hope of temporal
regard, without any fear of temporal jiuuish
ment..— Union and American.
Hen Hill and Kossutli.
Zebulon, Ga., Sept. 12, 1855.
Messrs. Editors: I wish that you would make
it known, through yonr columns, that H.H. Hill,
the “Indian Rubber" candidate for Congress, in
the 4th Congressional Dist., voted for some
Resolutions inviting L. Kossuth and Smith O'-
Brien and his Irish compatriots to this country;
at any rate, he moved to take up the resolutions
after they had been laid on the table, and the
presumption is, he voted for them. See the
Journal of the House of Representatives for
1851 and 1852, page 176, where be moved to
take them up—and on page 959, see the rasolu-