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ATLANTA, FEBRUARY 21, 1866. i
©Sy* Attention is directed to the advertise, j
meut of M. Oppenhebieb & Co., who propose ]
to cater to the outer man, in style, and at rates I
corresponding to the times.
Gas Chandeliers
The card of Messrs. Grice & Covert, of)
Charleston, will interest those of our reader g
who have not already introduced the Gas into
their domicils. Some specimens we have seen
from this firm, are really beautiful. Those de
siring to order such articles, will find the firm
prompt and reliable.
Peace-
We have only the brief and unsatisfactory ,
peace rumor of our telegraphic correspondent,
unsustained by any predicates for the opinion.
We enrnestly hope the minor is true, but ala'
for such rumors, they are like the negro’s white
man, “ monstrous ousartin,” and should notex
cite too much confidence, even though coming
from as reliable a source as possible.
• New Commission House.
We take particular pleasure in directing at- [
tertion to the card of Messrs. Lamar, Lowe <fc J
Co., in another place. Our acquaintance with j
these gentlemen has impressed unfavorably, and |
we (•arnestly bespeak for them a liberal share
of patronage, confident that they deserve it, j
both as citizens and traders. Give them a]
call, and yon will certainly be pleased.
Mr- Caldwell, of Pike-
We ere it announced in several of our ex
changes, that Hon. Mr. Caldwell, of Pike,
died on a certain day. We are happy to state,
however, upon the authority of one of his at
tending physicians, that such is not the case.
Mr. C. has been very ill, but is thought to be
improving, Ilis friends nt a distance will be
glad to hear that the report of his death was
erroneous.
Purchasing Agency-
We have recently had our attention directed ;
to the General Purchasing Agency of John W.,
Oahuinoton, 78 Broadway, New York. Such
an agency affords the only reliable facility for
satisfactory purchases in that city, and through
the medium of it we can order anything within
the wide range of that market, with the certain
ty of getting exactly what we desire, at the
lowest possible price, and promptly. Persons
desiring the cervices of such nn agency, are ad
vised to entrust their business to Mr. Cnrring-,
ton, upon whore entire responsibility and failh
. fijjnew, they may safely rely. Ile will purchase
* anything for you, from a finger-ring to a steam
engine, and knows more of the New York roar-1
ket, mid the best places to trade, than you can i
leurn in twenty years.
Something Nico
In the way of beefsteaks, made a welcome visit!
to our sanctum, yesterday, from the stall of Mr.
K. Parko:<>f our city market. We don't
pretend to be postal in all the points, which an
epicurean taste would raise in the discussion of
such a steak, but this much we do know, that
our piaslicutors disposed of a very considerable
quantity of the juicy broil, and that, too, with
out the usual consequence to us of such indul
gences, to wit: dream of red moukoys with
peculiar eyes, and blue caudle appendages.—
Mr. Parsons has recently purchased of a gen
tleman in Campbell county, whose stock com.
mauds the highest market prices, several fine
beeves, and from one of them, which is a fair
rumple of the rest, he has astonished our pal
ates, and incurred our lasting obligations. The
city render would do well to visit Mr. P.’s stall,
where may be found beeves, whose shadows are
said to murk the earth with greasy spots.
Mr. Harris of Fulton.
it will tie seen by ,eference to the legisla
tive proceedings, of the 15th, reported inanotb
place, that this geutlemmi has materially chang
ed his views upon the Kansas question, and
has not hesitated to confess his error. We
are gratified indeed to see this, since our own
convictions in the premises so essentially dif
fer from those expressed in the gentleman's re
marks upon the Kansas Aid Bill, of Jr, Crook- j
The substitute proposed'by Mr. II Aiintsj.wbich ;
will be found iu the same interesting Legisla-1
tivc report, seems to ns to have liecn the re-j
suit of ii revolution of opinion as complete as I
is to us gratifying gratifying, Iwcause we I
seueerely regretted that our Representative
should entertain views so esentiaily opposed to ■
what wo believed the untversial sentiment of his j
constituency.
The Removal Question Again.
Among t all the nets of the present Legiskr
tnre, none strikes us as more judicious than the
late acceptance by the House, of u proposition
to re-rcfer the question of removal of the
State House to the people. It is universally
understood, that the vote upon the question last
year wan only the expression ol the duapprobn- :
lion of the people of incurring the expense of!
a new capital. No particular affection for
Milledgeville influenced that vote—no convic
tion that Milledgeville was the best point for
the capitol; but it was solely through motives
of misapprehended economy that so many of
our people voted against removal. Had the]
question been placed before them in properl
form, their decision would have been different.;
Now it comes iu proper form, and the Semite i
will, doubtless, concur with the House, in the |
proposition to -übmit it, in its true light, to the ]
IK’ople li is now beyond question, that econ-]
omy impcr.itiv, ly demands the erection of anew
State House. The old sieve like shell which
s< aree protee.s the people's representatives from
the winds which whistle through its gaping I
walls, cam e longei stand alone, but mutt sink !
into ruin from its own inherent weakness. It I
will requ.rv aconsiderable sum to keep it togeth- !
er uu.il the.next ■'-sion of tU Legislature, and I
even with a liberal appropriation it will hardly 1
l>e habitable for anything but owls and bats.--1
To talk of remodeling au.l adding to it. L sheer’
notw nse. Our pcop e are not so blind as to
put “ new cloth into an old garment.' onh to
lie compelled to make addition, again t i
again. If we only needed a State Hou- .;, r :
twenty or thirty years. we might with some!
show of economy taik about the additions j. ro .
posed. but since it i» not expected that \. ur
existence M a State will terminate with that
period, we have no right to entail upon poster'
ity the expense of a new building, by patching
up the old one so as to make it answer our own
immediate purposes. The legislature sees this,
and acts wisely in refusing to throw away so
: much money in whitening., the old Sepulchre
I with plaster ornamentation, and the addition
I of a few rooms which will yield no strength to
i the crazy old walls, and only give it. a showy
i appearance to tickle the eye of the visitor, while
■ it only temporarily improves the comforts of
i the Hojtse. A cupola more or less—a turret
I raised and ornamented, will reflect no credit up
; on the State of Georgia, and is only a senseless
j waste of money, which might lie better thrown
| into the aggregate sum which must eventually
1 lie required to build a new Capitol.
Our Milledgeville friends complain that it is
1 unfair to annoy them with another vote upon
the question. It strikes us if they were so easy
in their apprehensions of the result, they need
experience no annoyance from another vote,
which must silence the question entirely, and
| either rebuild the capital as they ask, "or take
| it from them and locate it at the point the peo
l pie deem the most desirable. AAte can see no
i injustice in it. If the people believe Milledge
ville the most desirable point, as our cotempo
raries there say they do, why, they will certain
ly pronounce for that place. But we think they
are mistaken in regard to the estimate in which
their city is held by the voting people of Geor
gia, and our opinion is sustained by the oliser.
vution of many men equally as well posted as
the Milledgeville press. Present the question
i as it really stands—Rebuild or Remove- and
■ our cotemporaries’ figures will be found to lie
I guilty of an immoral practice of which they are
I proverbially innocent. At hast, it is fair to
I ipake. the trial.
Speech pfKr- S J- Smith, of Union
I We present our readers today, with th e
i zpeech/)f the Representative of Union County,
i in our State Legislature, Mr. 8. J. Smith, on
the bill to incorporate the Hywassee Railroad
Company. It was nt oijr pirnert solicitation—
influenced by more reasons than one —that thia
gentleman consen ed to wr.te out his remarks
and hand them to ns for publication. In the
first place, he represents a county in which our
jiaper has a very large circulation,and for which
we do most of the legal advertising. In the
second place, the democracy of Union ceunty—
in fact, "nil the citizen* thereof—feel, and have a
deep interest, in the construction of the Ily
■ wass<?« Railroad, and are naturally anxious to
! hear from their representative, and of his efforts
to procure privileges desired by, and so impor
iint to them. And, in the third place, because
we think this gentleman has been unjustly re
flected upon, by the correspondent of the Sa
vannah Georgian" at this place, whose relined
taste and city seaboard associations, doubtless
have not prepared his delicately strong nerves,
for, if he w 11 have it so. the boiatorous eloquence
■ of our hardy, liberty-loving, both in speech and
I action. Blue Ridge Mountain den}ocr*te.
I ()ur readers in Union county will p< revive.
! in perusing the speech of their representative,
i that lie has zealously, ami with signal ability
’ and eloquence, advocated in the legislature, a
' measure of “ deliverance and liberty” to them —
j deliverance from obstruction* which nature has
, placed in their path to a market, and liberty to
j trade, upon terms of equality with their more
favored fellow-citizens, this side the mountain, n
the line •>< tha W. &A. Railroad. Indeed,
it was a topic—the cliarter asked by tha com
pany—which was well calculated to excite deep
feeling in the breast of him who represented our
friends in Umon county, and the result was the
impassioned, fervid, and eloquent appzal, which
he made to t e House. But we will not stop
here. The points presented, and argument, do
full justice to tho proposed measure, and con
clusively show, that the interests of the speak
er's constituency were wisely entrusted to able
and faithful hands. The failure of success, on
its find trial before the House, must be attribu
ted to causes and influenced over which he had
no control. Its rcconmderatian and.pamage
thereafter, by a majority ofeleven, was, iadoed,
a triumph. We congratulate his constituency
upon it.
It affords us. also, great gratiticatfou to say,
that we have witnessed with pleasure and
with pride, the high toned inde]>endonce, libe
rality and patriotism, which have characterized
the legislation of the representative from Union
county, during this session of the legislature.
Governed by no sectional interests—restrained
from his duty to the State at large, by no local
prejudices ordisappvintmeuta—be has met every
| measure with no shrinking point, and has inva
j riably cast his vote, after deliberately determin
i ing upon the merit* of the question. Guarding
j the Treasury of the State with n jealous eye.
' he has liecn far. however, from acting on the
I principle, that if he could not “ eat the h»y
' himself, no one else should eat itbut on all
' proposed measures of enlightened policy and
! usefulness, he has been found at his post, sus
' taining them. No menii er of the present Lc
j gishr.ure can show a clearer, cleaner, and more
| patriotic record, than 8. •/. Bmjth, the Repre
sentative from Union county.
It has. also, afforded ns much gratification,
to hear of his course on the bill of Mr. Crook
thenblc representative from Chattooga cauntv
—to appropriate $50,000 to aid emigration
from the South to Kansas. We were not prre
ent at tha debate which took plaoa pn this bill,
jon Monday last; but. if we arc correctly ad
vises], our own representative, Mr. Harris, and
the representative from Union, occupied antag
onistic positions in reference to it—the latter
supi>orting. mid opposing the meas
ure. It would be improper iu us, to censure
the course of the representative from Fulton,
! rt in a mere hearsay of positions assumed by
I him in his speech on tliat occasion : hence, we
; refrain, truating to the future for reliable and
[ mere specific information, as to his grounds of
; opposition to the bill. Hut as regards the rep
j reaentative from Union, we can with pleasure
; say, that with him. the tth Resolution of the
Georgia Platform is no mockery—that Soath
i ern Rights is no farce—and that Northern ag
gression must lie repelled, at any and every sa-
I orifice. The theory that slavery is to l«> n
stricted within its present limits, and that the
1 slaveholder, with his slaves, should lie discour
aged from emigrating to Kansas, or that South
: ern men. slaveholders themselves, or sonsof sires
! that are so, are not to be trusted in Kansas, is
I a theory that we believe not in, and deeply re
gret to think, that any Southern man can. for
a mement. entertain it Jt is a doctrine that
; the stern, unflinching, antl-know-sothing de
mocracy and whigs of Georgia, yea. nineteen
twcntietiis of the people »f the South, will repu
diate, whenever It is advanced. Like the rep
resentative from Union, they will not tolerate it
j for an hour!
Speech of Mr. S. J. Smith,
OK UNION,
Upon the bill incorporating the Hywassee Rail
road Company. Me. Smith of Union said:
Mr. Speaker : —I regret that the elaborate
argument of the gentleman from Gilmer, (Mr.
Picket.) has placed me under the unpleasant
necessity of inflicting on this House a speech.
That there is a diversity of opinion iu this Gen
eral Assembly, on the subject of Internal Im
provement, by State aid, has been fully demon- i
strated by the action of this House. But that
any Georgian, particularly, any Cherokee Geor
gian, should, with the luminous history of Rail
road enterprise, and Railroad triumph, spread
out Wore him,be heard to raise his voice in
thesi Hal Is., against their creation or further
extension by individual or corporate enterprise,
excßea in me, the most profound astonishment 1
Bnt what are those enterprises ? What, their
triumphs ? Otic fifth of a century has scarce
elapsed since all Cherokee Georgia was an un
explored wild—a savage inhabited wilderuess.
Where the council fire then blazed or the im
provident Indiuu.idly roamed, is now seen the
well cultivated and luxurious farm, fresh gleaned
of its golden and exuberant harvest. Where
the low, di*gy wigwam theu stood, now looms
up the romantic villa, or spreads the flourishing
village, musical with the busy hum of industri
al life, and teeming with all the joyous manifes
tations of rapidly advancing civilization.—
Where the glittering scalping knife and blood
stained tomahawk then’gleamed, amid the lurid
light of burning pioneer houses, and the low,
plaintive wail of the expiring victim, aud the
terrific warwhoop es the exulting victor, broke
in awful cadence upon the dull ear of night, now !
the tall church dedicated to God, bathes its!
lofty spire in the halcyon rays of the midday I
sun, and the euphonious chime of the church-go-i
ing bell is summoning village and cottager to the;
peaceful altar of diristian prayer—the service I
of a Christian Got. And wScre the startled I
deer then bounded over its grassy heath to elude
the swi't flying dart from the red man's uner
ring bow, now thunders along his iron track
the fiery steam-steed laden with the rich and
varied products of .ar-off valley and mountain.
Verily, hath the waste places of earth been
made glut], and the wilderuess to bloom as the
rose—why this mighty metamorphosis, this mag
ic-like transformation ? Turn to your statute
books, witness the profound and’ far-reaching
sagacity of your predecessors on this floor, then
estimate the giant might and creative energies
of our population, and the mystery is solved.
Georgia's statesman saw and recognized the
great political truth that it was one legitimate
end aud object of legislation to foster, develop
and call into requisition all the vast resources
of the State, physical aud moral 1 but this po
litical philosophy is left for modern statesman
ship to illustrate and adorn. A celebrated an
cient General once threatened, in the blind
impotency of rage, to hurl an up-heaved moan
tain from its adamantine base so that his deso
latiag army of millions might inundate the
classic plains of liberty-loving Greece with
blood aud destruction. Georgia’s more philan
thropic statesman said, in tones characteristic
of true wisdom and humanity, wc will cut a!
passage through the migh’y barrier on our ■
western border, and let the vast products and i
exhaustless treasures of the great valley of the '
Mississippi, disgorge themselves into the expan
sive lap of her own loved State. They spake, and j
Striking the sterile rock, not with the divine i
rod of Moses, not with the fabled wand of an ;
cient magicians, but with the powerful talisman i
of well directed enterprise, aud the enriching I
stream of golden commerce gushed forth at |
their bidding. What a striking contrast be- j
tween the merciless folly aud infatuation of the !
blood-stained rulers of the past, aud the en :
lightened, ameliorating statesmanship of the;
preoentl Who can contemplate the inealcula-1
ble results of this stupendous stretch es states-1
manship—the consummation of this Herculean j
and Stair-enriching enterprise without not only j
thanking God that he is a modern —an Ameri-1
can, yea. n Georgian I What, representative [
on this floor can survey our magnificent system .
of Railroad ami internal improvements stretch
ing from the seaboard to the far-off, misty
mountains, without wishing to see additional
erms thrown iff from the great central trunk
into all the prominent, sections of the State,
giving an impetus to industry and business,
that wii; egusc the great coinhitfei;;] hey.rt of
Georgia to pulsate with new-born vigor and
energy* I, nt least, r. Speaker, desire as you
may infer from the Bill under consideration, to
add another link to this extended and still ex
tending chain,—a chain, sir, which is even now
binding together the suuny south, and prolific
south-west, with the strong ligaments of Iron
Sir, I have the honor to represent on this
floor, a constituency who have received but
few of the business or commercial facilities lav
ished on other portions of the State, by the
erection of those great roads towards the con
struction of qrhicn, they contributed their full
proportion ; a constituency whose represen
tatives have, session after session, voted larger
sums of money, to create and facilitate the
River and Railroad transportation of middle
and lower Georgia ; a constituency, sir, whose
representatives have neither asked nor received
the reciprocal appropriations to which they
were justly entitled, aud which their commer
cial wants absolutely demanded. Nor am I
here to-day, a mendicant supplicating State
aid ; but here os the representative of a portion
of the free men of Georgia, to ask, aye, demand,
in their name, that they be permitted to con
struct on their own soil) by their own unaided
resources, a railroad in conformity with the
promises of the bill bn your tabic, nor can I
permit myself to believe that these, the honored
representatives of freemen, who knowing, will
dare defend the sovereign rights of the citizen,
will refuse to grant mine, this poor, though, to
them, important boon.
Insignificant as this project may have here
tofore seemed, I assure you ns guardians of
Georgia's weal, that it itiyolyes questions and
principles of grave moment, for your calm con
sideration and deliberate action. *
The section of State through which this road
is designed to pass, is a picturesque and fertile
region, abounding in fine productive lands—
magnificent water powers, capable of propell
ing the most powerful machinery, and becom
ing the seat and heart of extensive manufac
turing enterprise ; and entombed in the bowel*
of its green hills aud rnggdt mountains, slum
ber untold millioiis us undeveloped mineral
wealth, all of which must ever remain cut off
and excluded from the great market of Georgia
aud the world, until tho mountain barriers bv
which wc are sarrouuded, have been penetrated,
and the same facilities of transportation extended
to them that have developed and enriched other
sections of our Sltste When this shall have
been done, and the smoke gushing from the fla
ming uostriis of the potent Iron Horse be seen
flaying round the summit of the Alleghany.!
an d the thunders of his wind-like speed heard
dashing across the beautiful valleys of our moan-1
tai” SJrt home shall have fostered and calleil into '
requisition, our agricultural, manufacturing aud ;
mineral resources; and shall have in fared
healthful energy and vigor i»to all and every
deportment of industry and life : then will I
Georgia be made to feel, through her every;
commercial nerve, the importance of this hith
erto neglected portion of our State—the non- 1
summation of this enterprise.
Scoff not at the stress I pla*e on this project,
or the importance I attach to this portion of
our common State. For, although co rice |
fields were iu ocean-like grandeur on our low
lands, or snowy cotton wifi teas our uplands, vet
hath Deity been more equal aud beneficent ’ ia
the distribution of his favors thau tho s°perfl
cial observer may at first suppese.
The region of State penetrated by this road
boasts a soil redundant with almost spontane
ous producti\-eness; has the capacity, if devel- (
oped, of furnishing Georgia, and the great
markets of the South, boundless supplier of
ice. frutts. vegetables and breadstud's, annually,
and water powers, not only sufficient to manu
facture tire entire cotton crop of the South, but
to drive the entire machinery of the world.
Whether we examine our agricultural, mine -
ral or manufacturing resources, the conviction
is forced home u> the exultant heart that
Georgia is not oulv -Empire Stacu.'fcut thatehn
possesses all the elements and capacity of rep
arate and distinct national existence. From her
agricultural and manufacturing resources may
bo derived food and clothing for the fa wishing
and destitute children of the world—from the
mineral resources may be manufactured every
article of ornament and utility, from the sim
plest implement of husbandry and mechanism,
to the ruby ring that sparkles on the snowy
finger, or the brilliant diamond that flashes
from the heaving bosom of peerless beauty.
Then why, Georgia Legialators, tell tne
why, are Northern capitalists suffered to grow
princely rich by manufacturing the staple pro
ductions of the south ? why permitted Io fur
nish us w ith the very garments we wear, the
fruits and vegetab'es tliat grace the tables of
this, her capital? why our own in unions ar
tizans and patriotic producers are barely subsis
ting at home for want of lucrative employment
and well directed ..patronage? Why do the
parents of the peerless daughters of the South
speud their millions annually at the various
fashionable watering-places of the North—
South—contemning North—while, amid our
own ever-green mountains, beneath the sky as I
blue as Italia's, they may revel almost without i
price, in scenery more wild and diversified—'
landscape more picturesque and variegated—
inhale au atmosphere as pure and salubrious
as the breath of Heaven—and quaff water,
pure and lucid as christal, more health-giving
and restoring than that which gushes from Sar
atoga’s boasted fount ? The reason of all this is
as obvious as humiliating to our state pride.
At present there exists no rapid and easy tran
sit to this bland, healthful summer retreat—
no facilities for the transportation of material,
to this natural, and, I will add, future seat of
Southern Manufactories.
Must this lamentable state of things continue
to exist ?—shall the Blue Ridge ever constitute
an icy wall between upper and lower Georgia?—
If so, be the honor on other heads than those of
my constituents, who uow, wiih a magnanim
ity characteristic with their own chivalrous and
indomitable nature, ask the p ivilege of hewing
down with their own strong, unaided hands, the
great wall that loom* up be: ween us, thus iden
tifying themselves more fully’ with, and pouring
their now buried, inert and pent-up treasure into
the lap of Middle and Lower Georgia. Is there
one here who has the temerity to dispute this
their natural and guaranteed right, or reject this,
their proffered treasure ? Yes, and tiie ac
knowledgement brings the indignant blush of
shame to my cheek. There is one in this temple
erected to Justicz, Equality and Freedom, who
would draw invidious distinctions and place'the
brand of Cain on a portion of the common chil
dren of a common parent. A righteous Heaven,
mark the oppressor! doom him, to the cutting
lash of an indignant public opinion—outraged
natural rights but spare! in mercy,: spare, his
constituents from the misery aud degradation he
would inflict on mine.
1 have thus glanced briefly at some of the
advantages to be derived from the construction
of this road, aud will now, with t lie indulgence
of lhe House, proceed to examine some of the
alleged, appaling effects incident to its erection:
First—lt is objected, that this contemplated
road is designed to connect with the Tennessee
and South Carolina Railroads. This is untrue,
as you will perceive by reference to the connex
ion spcc.fied in the Bill. But suppose it did con
nect with the Tennessee and South Carolina
Road, would this justify you in refusing to my
constituents the rights and privileges extended ;
to all other sections es the State? Dois not the
Western & Atlantic Railroad connect with the
Tennessee Road ? Does not the Georgia Railroad
connect with the South Carolina Road? The
LaGrange Road witii Alabama ? Does not the
Cen'ral Road land your produce on the great
highv ay of N ations ? Have we not now a Bill
on our table, asking State aid to build a Road
from Brunswick to Florida? Aud last, but not
least in iniquity, did not the very eOTisfsten/and
considerate gentleman from Gilmer, (Mr Pick
et,) introduce a Bil], asking State aid to erect a
Road making the same deprecated connexion
with Tennessee? “O 1 consistency, thou art in
deed a jewel.” ’
But, sir, is not the value of all these roads en
hanced a hundred fold by these connexions ?
Then why should Northern Georgia be made
an exception totiie general rule? If this doctrisc
is to be inaugurated and engrafted on Georgia
policy, go lop off your Rail Roads—make their
termini in your own State—block up your
navigable Rivers—lusli back the mighty Atlan
tic from your shore—cut off all foreign and inter
state communication, and let Georgia's vast
surplus products rot on Georgia soil. -7 7iis
would be enlightened statesmanship—this, polit
ical economy sagely exemplified. But stop not
here—go demolish the magnificent structure
of government reared by your patriot sires-blot
out the sun cf freedom —stifle the clarion
trump of liberty—lest your neighboring nations,
inspired and aroused by your example, should
shake off the lethargic slumbers and shackles of
ages of thraldom, and aspire, aye, imperiously
aspire, to a participation in your happiness and
prosperity. This may be the statesmanship ?of
antiquated schools, but it emanates not from t ..e
statesman's head, it springs not from she patri
ot’s heart.
Secondly, It is chrged that this supposed
connection will divert freight and travel, and
thus ruin the State Road. Now, the very re
verse is my intention, and will be the effect of
the erection of this road. In North Carolina,
thought slumberless thought, and action, have
been fully aroused on the subject of Rail Roads
and international improvement—like Georgia
she, too, can boast a great Central trunk of
Rail Roads, which she is yearly extending
Westward. Charters have already been gran
ted, routes surveyed, aud roads partially under
contract to Ashville, on her AV estern border—
she, too, ia alive io the importance of the vast
trade and travel to the West, straining her every
nerve to its utmost tension to secure it, and thus
make her road the great thoroughfare of the na
tion, and her magnificent harbor at Beaufort
the emporium of the South.
In the prosecution of this scheme, her next
Legislature will grant a charter from Ashvilk
to Duck Town, in Tennessee. This link filled
up, this connection secured, aad she will hav
curtailed tho distance from the South-West to
the North-East from two to three hundred miles.
Look at a Map of the two States, and you will
find this statement fully corroborated. Would
not this decreased distance, and the consequent
diminution in the cost of freight and travel, di
vert a large proportio of business from Geor
gia Roads? How is this calamity to be aver
ted ? I answer, by the erection of the North-
Eastern Road and the one contemplated by this
Bill. The former will place you in direct com
munication with Cincinnati and the great
North-West—t ie latter will be a great feeder
to the former from the South-West, and thus
argely augment the business of our roads and
and the commerce of your s. a~port towns.—
1 his is your remedy, your only alternative. Then
instead of toe sworn guardians of Georgia's in
terest waging v;ar on thoj? who would volunta
rily shoulder this weightv enterprize, would it
uot better befit their position to be clamoring
at the coffers of the State for aid to thwart the
catastrophe suspended over our commercial in
terest ?
But the gentleman from Gilmer scoffs at the
idea cf building a Road over the lofty and rugged
Mountains of AVestern North Carolina, and. I
suppose, I ought to succumb to the gentle
men s superior knowledge, he having the honor
once to represent them. He, however, differs
on this subject with the distinguished civil En
gineer of the AVestern Turnpike Road, (Mr
Fox.) wiio was instructed in that surrev to as
certain the practicability of building'a Rail
Road from Salsbury West I was present
when he reported, anil if my memory is not
greatly at fault, he pronounced it a practicable
Ra hroad route.
But suppose, for arguments stake, the gentle
man be correct, th it difficulties and obstruction
do exist, calculated to deter North Carolina;
from extending her Railroad rapidly Westward,
doea this not constitute an additional reason
why Georgia should open her less obstractoi
and na ional outlet*, and thus securo the com
merce of Western North Carolina. instead of
suffering her tosecure that of Northern Georgia
by either the contemplated Railroad or rhe no
uow being couslrueitxi from Clayton to Knox
ville. Tennessee ?
Sir, I lay it down as a fundamental truth—'
an incontrovertibt? proposition—that where]
navigable rivers do not exist, or afford the re-:
quisite facilities for transporta ion, they, the ‘
sovereign people, have a natural and an unques
tionable right to create them ; aud that it is I
tho imperative duty of the Stat ', to foster every
enterpriz" which has a tendency to develop her
resources, and increase the aggregate wealth
and revenue of her citizens, ft was the recog
nition and observance of this great, principle by
the Northern States, that drew the vast pro
ducts of the North-West to tho North-Eastern
cities. It was their system of Railroads spread- ’
ing out, fan-like, in the productive North-West,
that enabled hereto monopolize that, mammoth
tra e. mid make the city of New York the un
disputed Emporium of this vast continent—
and. ns a consequence, the non-observance of
this principle, by us has left unfostered,
undeveloped, the agricultural and manufactu
ring interests and commercial resources of the
South—exhausted our substance to enrich Nor
thern manufactures—aud is now preying, like
a might}- vampire, on our seaport towns and
cities. It is t..is enriching monopoly, together
with our taeit acknowledgement of their supe
riorly over us. that has made them proud, arro
gant. factious, would-be independent; and it ii
this seeming independence that has estranged
and alienated their affection from the Union ;
aud I would say, as a Georgia legislator, as j
this influence continues to paralyze and make
the heart of this great Union beat feebly, and
still more feebly, bind the Southern territory
together with the strong ligaments of iron—
her people by identify of interest, and couviv
iality of sentiment This can only be effected
by spreailiug out your Railroads in all the
prominent regions of the State, by fostering the
m urn factories that spring up evory where along
their iron pathway, by developing all your nat
ural resources, and by affording the facilitic
tor the acquisition of wealth and education to
all classes of your citizens. This done, and eur,
whole populat ion stands as a unit, and the South,
upon winch God has stamped the indellible sig t
get us natural and commercial independence'
will then take her appropriate and lofty posi
tion iu a galaxy of State*, and transcendantly
: among them will flash Georgia's culminating
i star.
I now proceed to notice the third and last
j objection to the bill:
The distinguished and lynx-eyed gentleman
I from the State of Gilmer says, iu substance, that
I wc wish, by the agency of 'this road, to divert
our trade to Rabun and South Carolina, and
that, therefore, this charter must not be grant
ed—which means, in unsophisticated English,
that Georgia—the kind and fostering mother
of us all—must stoop from her lofty position—
must doff the proud appellation and resplendent
habiliments of Empire State—must den the
royal robes of despotic King George the third,
I and manacle th j strong arms, and chill the warm
hearts, of her devoted sons; and why ? because,
forsooth, '.ve, like our gallant ancestors, desire
to find th" l best and most lucrative markets of
the South, of the world, for our surplus pre
ducts.
King George said to his American colonies,
■ thou shalt not buy, sell nor’trade, with France
or Spain. I ain thy master, England is thy
mother ; and your commodities shall have uo
other receptacle but England." King Gilmer
would say, to Union and Fannin, you wish to
trade aud traffic with Rabun and South Caro
lina, but I am the guardian of Georgia, the
State Road particular, and her depots shall
be your depots, her markets your only markets.
Is there not a striking analogy between the des
potism <>f King George of execrated memory,
and the unmitigated tyranny of the principle
announced by the gentleman from Gilmer? a
principle which, I had buried
too deep beneath the blood and carnage of our
glorious revolution ever to be exhumed, resusci
tated, aud reproduced in a Georgia Legislature
—a principle, sir. even tho Ijinglv assumption
of which stirred the deepest depths’ of the great
American heart, ato roused her patriot sons to
arms—a principle, the refutation of which cos t
America tho lives of her noblest sons, an ocean
of patriot gore—a principle, the overthrow of
which gave freedom birth, aud America a posi
tion and a name—a principle, the re-assumption
of which would suateh the brightest gem from
Georgia’s glorious coionet, and stamp her the
veriest machine of despotism and oppression.
Sir, whilst I assert and maintain the absolute
right of iny constituents to trade where they
can buy lowest and sell highest, and to create,
at their own expense, such facilities for the
transportation of their products as will be most
conducive to their interest and prosperity. I
deny the allegation, that the erection of this
road would have a tendency to divert the trade
and commerce of Georgia. On the contrary, I
think I have shown that it has beccmc indis
pensably necessary to preserve and augment it.
Mr. Pickett—-Wil. the gentleman from Uni
on permit me to ask him a question ?
Mr. Smith—Certainly. Propound a dozen,
if you desire.
Mr. Pickett—Then will you permit me to
amend your bill, by saying you shan't connect
with the “Rabun Gap Road"?
Mr. Smith— shan’t? shan’t? no, sir—that is a
word long since expunged from the freeman's
Vocabulary 1 Thiukest thou my constituent*
are base-boru slaves, to bow to the behest, or
nod to a tryant ? No, sir—sooner would I see
this bill consumed by the lightning of Heaven,
and the Road engplphed by an earthquake,
than recognize your right to say shan’t to those
who have honored me with their suffrage 1
Does the gentleman not only wish to place
himself on record against the onward march of
impr. vement, but also against foreign com
merce? If so, I envy him not the distinction.
If foreign commerce be prejudicial to the in
terest of State or Nation, then were the abori
gines of this vast continent, where navigable
rivers were unrippled by the Indians’canoe, su
premely blest—then was the invention of steam,
through the agency of which our wide spread
commerce is whitening every ocean and nav
igable stream on the globe, the curse
ia which State or Nation has ever fallen heir.
If commercial ignorance and seclusion be
bliss, then, indeed, were it folly to be commer
cial ly great or wise; but if, on the contrary
it be beneficial, us all sane me* must admit,
and Northern Georgia can enrich herself, and
greatly increase the revenues of the State, by
supplying South Carolina from her vast store
house of surplus products, whence the right or
policy to thwart this laudable project? If Ra
bun Gap be the natural channel of commerce,
what mortal power can revoke or counteract
the decree?
AVhat ! can you lull the winged winds to
sleep? Or rest the rolling world? Chain the
heaving deep?” The one is as feasible as the
other, and he who lias the temerity to attempt
it, will find more congenial companionship
among the hallucinated victims of the Lunatic
Asyluw, than in Izrgislative Hall. I have ever
been taught that the proudest boast aud boo*
; of the American, be he ou the nnrni ng sands of
: Africa, the icebergs of Greenland, or on the
[ mountain billows of the tempest tossed deep,
consisted i» the consciousness with which he
, thundered in the teeth of an aggressive foe. I
am an American, her laws extend to, and her
stars and stripes will protect, defend or avenge
me—shall it, then, be said, because the Blue
Ridge looms up between try constituents, and
this, our common Capitol,’ that they do not
I •'Assess, and may not rightfully exercise, all the
rights and privileges guarrantecd temfdle and
lower Georgians? Undiscriminating God of
myfathtrs! patriots. Statesmen of Georgia,
orhid! *
Why this unjust aud invidious di«crimiua
tion against my constituent* ? Has Executive
State or National, ever made a requisition on
ns. and wc responded not ? By the bloodv re
cord of exico's well-fought "battle-field—by
tbc red glare of the burning and desolate homes
of your own Florida frontier—l answer, no!
The gi ntleman appeals to members, by thoir
love of their own sea port towns, to defeat this
bill. I appeal not to sea-coast Georgia, by ’
their exposed position—to middle Georgia, as 1
the recipient* of State aid—but I invoke von.
by year magnanimity, your love of justice'and
equality, your detestation for oppression and
tyranny, to aid me in the passage of this bill,
aud toe expulsion of tyranny and proscription
from this House
[Reported for tiro Constitutionalist.]
Debate on the Kansua Bill.
HOUSE.
Milledgeville, Feb. 11,1856.
The bill was introduced by Mr. Cuook, of
Chattooga, aud its object is to aid in its settle
ment with a slavery population, by an appro
priation of 850.000 from the Treasury of Geor
gia.
A bill to promote the settlement of the terri
tories of the United States.
It appropriates 850,000 in aid of Kansas
emigration, to be raised by a special tax on
slaves, to be expended at the rate of SSO to
each grant.
Mr. CnooE moved a suspension of the rules
this morning, iu order to consider this bill, aud
opened the discussion with a few explanatory
remarks.
Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, moved to strike out
the feature requiring the imposition of a special
tux on slaves, and defended his motion by some
observations explanatory of the deleterious ef
fect this feature would exercise in arousing
jealousies between white and slave labor, and
the incipiency of a species of Kansas excite
ment in Georgia; and he was. also, opposed to
class legislation.
Mr. Crook energetically repudiated any w’ish
to engender such jealousi.-s, or to legislate for
classes. His chief reason for the insertion of
the words “on slaves,” was that, as they were
the great object and cause of the act, they might
be the ones to act on the defensives, though he
would not desire to let the burden of taxation
rest on them, and have them bear the respousi-
I bility. Another reason for his so doing, was
i to stop the palaver of northern Abolitionists;
as by assessing slave property, they could not
' say to the southern white laborers) the tax of
; slave labor falls on you. The motion to strike
out was carried.
Mr. Ibwin, of Wilkes, considering that his
was a gratuitous donation, thought a majority
of two-thirds was necessary to ca.ry it. He
characterized the whole matter as improper and
unsound, for recognising the troth and wisdom
of nonintervention, it would lie inconsistent to
meddle with home affairs of a distant State or
Territory.
Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, proposed a substi
tute, authorizing the investment of $1,000,000
in K ansae lands, the money to be raised by the
sale of State bonds, and a Commissioner to be
appointed to purchase the lands. Lost.
Mr. Crook again strenuously supported the
bill, pleading the great necessity of some action
on this really important matter. The pro
per time had arrived for the acqusition of
Kansas to the ranks of slaveholdiug States;
the tempting fruit was lying before our eyes,
ready for our grasp, and wc must lie laboring
under a strong hallucination to refuse the splen
' did prize. The speech abounded in fine patri
’ otic sentiment, and glowing appeals to South
; ern interests and Southern principles.
Mr. Jonbs, of Muscogee, differed from the
gentleman in his estimation of the character of
this bill. He did not consider it in the light of
a donation—a gift. If this was to aid iu the
perpetuation of slavery, it was no donation.—
lie did not consider it necessary to prove that
our interest and the perpetuation of slavery
i were convertible terms, or that the birth of new
Abolition States militated against Southern
weal. He denied the existence of such a prin
ciple a* non-interventiou. Ixigal charters have
been granted to Emigrant Aid Societies, aud
thus indirectly countenanced intervention. He
was in favor of making an open and bold man
ifestation of our intentions, by legislating in
our own Assemblies. These measures are self
protective, and we have undisputed right to
adopt any means for our future safety. He
had been told that we had endorsed the non-in
tervention principle. Ile admitted it, but asked
non-intervention ou the part of whom? Why,
Congress, of course. Congress does not, nor
■ever did, possess the power of interference in
the settlement of territories, and the establish
ment of their forms of government; and why is
this? Congress is our creature, and conse
quently can exorcise no power not expressly
accorded to it by us. From us it received its
vitality and strength, and by us was it restrict
ed of the power of interference. But with a
free independent sovereign State, intervention
is au inherent right, whether by money, by the
press, by legislation or other just means,‘in or
der to prepetuate existing institutions, and all
the Free-soil, Abolition States, possess the same
right. They have the same right to organize
“Emigrant Aid Societies” that wc have, and
we have the ight to repeal force with force.—
The existence of slavery, and the existence of
the Union, are closely connected; when one
falls the other follows it. Domestic slavery, as
it exists in the South, is a conservative and pre
servative clement. Look at the Free-soil States.
With what rapidity are they becoming incor
porated with anarchical aud despotic elements?
Their Society is a hot bed for the germination
of all kinds of extravagant insane “isms."—
Their educated men are fanatics, aud their ig
norant, are fanatics’ tools. Our Southern count
ry is unpolluted by tho wild disorderly scenes
that are enacted at the North. African Slave
ry is necessary to the preservation of Repub
lican principles. Sir, I am a propaganpist,
and would not hesitate to plant the “Black
Flag,” os it has been sneeringly te.med, in the
centre of Freesoil-dom. Past history proves
the continued existence of slavery from time
immemorial. If white men cannot have black
slaves, they will have white ones. The South
has her blacks, the North her whites. Let the
world pass judgement upon the condition of the
two. They are not to be compared. While
the South enjoys the blessings of peace and
tranquility, the North trembles with the throes
of tumultuons passion., and is threatened with
ruin. And if the gloomy prospept as disunion
is realized, which must take place, unless some
miraculous, unforeseen circumstance shall arise
equal to the dread emergency, the Black "Flag
will wave over New York 'city, and will be
welcomed as a substitute for anarchy and des
potism. If, Sir, our wisdom advises, and our
interest demands an effort iu self-defence, who
cau better take the lead than Georgia—rich,
prosperous, powerful, standing foremost among
the Southern States in her advocacy of a cor
rect policy for the whole Union—let her lead
the van.
Mr. Ward, of Butts—Sir, I do not approve
of this plan, and oppose it, because I am a friend
to Kansas. A wiser and more politic plan will
be to organize Emigrant Socitics in every
county. A fellow countryman of mine, some
time ago, who has been to Kansas, addressed
the people of Butts, and be recently returned
with seventy true men. No difficulty was ex,
perienced in getting funds, or men. This, Sir
is the proper plan to work out your purposes.
Trust m the noble sons of the South, and their
warmest wishes, greatest efforts will not be
wanting. Established Aid Societies, and ap
peal to the Southern feelings of true Georgians
and a sthe danger increases that necessitates
this action,so will increase the effort. Your
men. too will lie true men, upon whom you
can depend. This, Sir. is the true plan, if yon
would succeed.
Mr. Thornton of Muscogee : Sir, uiy efforts
for Kansas will compare with the efforts of any
member on his floor. lam a member of an
Aid Society, and my whole influence has been
used in the accomplishment of its object.—
But, sir. I cannot fully endorce the sentiments
of my colleague, that such societies are moral
ly right. I deny the right of Massachusetts to
send her paupers and incendiaries to Kansas.—
If she haa a right, it is the right of a mule to
kick one over. I consider these sccieties as
wrong in principle, and not the legitimate
children of Hepulicau principles; but it ii
necessary to light the devil with fire. Massa
chusetts commenced the battle, and we must
fight to conquer. Besides, sir, there is a wide
difference between Stat and iud vidua! enterprise.
Suppose Massachusetts should invest her surp-,
lus millions in the colinization of a Territory, I
to be admitted as a non-slaveholding State, in- ;
to the Union, in the existing state of affairs, I'
would willingly arm myself to hid in the redress!
of such an outrage. But let Georgia pas-,
this bill, and I ask if we could with consistens,
cy, even protest, much less fight, against such ,
an act. We set the precedent, tuey but follow
in our track. This rule, then, must work both
ways, ff Massachusetts cannot, consonantly
with right, enforced her institutions on the
Territories Georgia is eiaufealy bofod. The
Territories, are our rnutunl property, arc nei
ther the sole property of the one or the other. I
The grand leading principle in the Georgia]
Platform of 1850, is non-intervention at the)
—intervention at. the hazard of disruption, i
Such a contingency of the necessity of the j
platform to keep Georgia from “laying on vi-■
olent hads” was never dreamed of. Shall wo ;
then as Georgians, tho constructors of this
glorious fabric, sound enough to bear upon its
broad, deep surface, the while Union, and
upon which fifteen sovereign Slates already
stand, be the first to strike the death blow?
1 trust pot, sir.Lct Georgia pass the bill, proud
her position will be lost—her prestige gone.
She would feel deep reprach were she to yield
her formost position; but how much deeper could
be her shame, were she to violate her honor, by
repudiating this platform. Sir, I trust forth
honor of the State, this bill will not pass.
Mr. Crook : Mr. Speaker, the idea of ex
ecuting your project by private effort, is some
what chemerical. The original settlers of
Kansas were pro-slavery men, and now a
governmet has been established there, or attemp
ted to be established, which they despise and
condemn. Massachusetts has commenced the
war of intervention by flooding Kansas with
her creature*. Aye, sir, already has the reck
less spirit of Abolitionism been turned upon
the sacred pillars of the Georgia Platform.
They tremble ’neath the sacriligious touch, yet
those who rest their security on this Platform
arc unconcious of the trembling; no warning is
given of approaching danger. I consider,
sir. that the time has come when action is nec
essary, when resistance is a defensive measure.
Let Georgia pass this bill, and lead the way,
and fourteen sister States will support her in
onward course—in a short time nearly a million
dollars will be raised for the defence of our
dearest rights and our homes.
Mr. Harris, of Fulton : Mr. Speaker, while
I sanction the noble sentiments of the gentleman
just proceeding me, I do not agree with his
judgement. No one can advocate Southern
rights, as warmly and boldly as he has done
without excitiug a thrilling response in my bo
som. I honor bis intention, but disapprove
his policy . Sir. the object of this bill is to
make the State of Georgia a great “Coloniza
tion Society,” intent upon forcing our political
i nstitutious upon a Territory, the c .mmon pro
parly of the who'e Union. I advocate the es
tablishment of private, monied and physical en
terprises, for the perpetuation of our Southern
Institutions; bnt the principles laid down in
this bill I consider, as radically non-conscrva
tive, and pernicious. 1 admit there is a storm
racing about us, bur let us be calm and self
possessed, and have perfect control of our ship.
We want no buncombe speeches on clap-trap
harangues. Let us bring this measure to the
test of sound dispassionate statesmanship.
M hat is the object of the bill? “to promote the
settlement of' the territories of the United
States.” This is unprecedenrid in the history
of our State. Georgia, in her sovereign ca
pacity, is to embark in the general colinization
scheme. Allowing that this is lawful, and
just, and proper, is it prudent and politic, to
send forth the bone and sinew, the muscles of
the country, the bulwarks of oir liberty, the
the pillars of safety and security to our wives
aud mothers, the vitality and life of Georgia,
to permanently locate in a distant land ? Is
it good policy to depopulate the country? An
other argument urged by the supporters of
this bill is, that tho poor and destitute of Geor
gia arc sent where they can make fortuies.—
Why do wc wish to ship off our poor? Let
the legislature of our State show the consider
ation aud care for her needy. Give them sym
pathy at home. They are as capable of devo
tion to the interests of the State as any, and
will stand by you iu dauger. Sir, my position
it one which may be looked upon with suspic
ion, but eonciousness of right nerves me to its
support. In the settlement of new territories,
slave labor depreciates free labor; and the larger
the number of laborers, the less will be the
wages. Applying these truths to Kansas, we
see that every man there who own i no slaves,
has two reasons for opposition to their introduc
tion; and more forcibly will they be felt by the
destitute we send there. Our object in send
ing them there being, to prepare the way to
introduce slaves. I here disclaim all imputa
tions on the poor man, for l am the poor man’s
friend.
But, Mr. Speaker, what is Georgia called
upon to do, in this bill? To enter, sir, into a
contest with Massachusetts, who is sending
forth her paupers and beggars to Kansas, in a
body. Can we mantain the contest? AVould
it not he stooping, for us to do so? Massachu
setts is pouring out and relieving herself of
her corruption. Georgia is parting with her
very life-blood.' Gentlemen rave alluded to
threatening dangers that are about to rise, thick
and heavy from the dark future. I feel the
truth of their gloomy forebodings; the Union
is in danger. Is this the time for depopulating
our land? No sir. If our people need susteu
ance, wrench, tear off the Treasury doors, and
let the tide flow out. Give them labor in works
of internal improvement. I never shall advo
cate any measure that contemplates the depop
ulation of Georgia. If our destitute wish to
try their fortunes on the rich, fertile soil of
Kansas, I am willing to aid them by private
donation; but this bill, a bill hiring them to
leave the homes of their childhoods, and the
graves of their parents, I shall oppose. If you
p sz this, you open the way for Massrchusettz
to adopt a similar policy.
Sir, it does not become me to approach t hat
temple where lie enshrined the ashes of Cal
houn, yet 1 can gaze at the monument that
commemorates his greatness. The South is
beginning to discern his worth. He laid down
the great principle, that concurrent majorities
obviate and counterbalance uumcrical majori
ties. He was treated with derision, and he
would have done, by an equitable adjustment
of powers, what you would do by violation of
existing agreements. By consulting the pro
ceedings of our Congress, to a recent period,
you will find that the American Union totters
to its fall. AVho is there that, like Sampson,
would precipitate to the dust the noble struct
ure ? Our policy should be eminently self
strengthening, by the encouragement of every
thing capable of improvment, by schemes of
education, internal improvement, &c. A few
days ago I urged this course, but to no purpose.
Now you tear down the ramparts of your State
by sending off your population. Sir, the times
are gloomy. Empires, Kingdoms and Princi
paii ties arc falling in rapid succession.
“How little do we know that, which wc are!
How less what we shall be. The Eternal surge
Os time and tide rolls on, and bears afar
Our bubbles ; as the old burst, new emerge
Lashed from the foam of uges—
While the graves of empire heave,
But as a passing wave.”
Let us be calm, and wise as a “serpent, but
gentle as a dove.”
Mr. Smith, of Union—l confess Mr. Speaker,
I have been disappointed in my expectation, of
not hearing one anti Kansas speech, on this floor.
The gentleman from Fulton, si r, is opposed to
emigration, as our country will be depop
ulated. If this is true now, it was 'years ago'
Where would Texas be if it were not for em
igration ? The doctrine of anti-emigration was
not in vogue then. Our fathers beheld the
rich, smiling, waving lands which stretch out
to the Pacific ocean, and they went hither,
and made them thsir own. lam in favor of
t this bill, of securing Kansas to ourselves. It is
a pearl of great price, and it is only necessary for
us to stretch fotth our hands to obtain it. 1
am surprised at the avowal of Mr. Harris’s
sentiments, that slave labor is antagonistic to
free labor. Is not this the argument of the
Northern Abolitionists? If this assertion is
true, then, in order to advance the interests of
her citizens, Georgia should abolish slavery.
Mr. Harris—Didn't you understand Mr.
White, the Kansas lecturer, to say that many
emigrants from Tennessee and some from Gor
don county, had turned against slavery after
going there ?
Mr. Smith—l hlid hear it, and with deep
mortification. But the gentleman does not mean
this as an argument; that eighty out of every
eighty-nine emigrants will prove traitorous to
our cause. If so, 1 deny that such is the truth.
Such u charge would be a slander upon the
honesty and truthfulness of the South. But to
retup to tire argument of slave labor versus free
labor. Is' it so in England ? In England laborers
earn from sl6 to $lB per month ; and in New
York the wages arc less than they are in the
South, for the mme work.
Mr. Haei’is—The gentleman misunderstands
my position. 1 am applying the principles to
new territories. Slave labor is only profitable
were it is continuously employed.
Mr. Smith—ls the gentleman means to inti
mate that slave labor is not profitable in Kan
sas, he is mistaken. Hemp hands get more than
the cotton hands of the Soutu. I hope, Sir, that
this false idea of slave labor, as opposed to free
labor, will not induce us to give up that mag
nificent territory. But, Sir, it has been asserted
this bill proposes a crusade. 1 deny it. It sim
ply proposes to meet force with force. lam in
favor of the bill, and if my county should re
fuse t > bear her part in the expense, 1 will be-ar
it for her, In conclusion, I would say, let us
sustain the gallant State of Missouri. She is
battling for the South and Southern institutions.
Men can be obtained to send to Cuba, to Texas,
and when a sister State is bravely contending
for our rights, wc should breast the storm with
her, even if we do it alone.
The bill was put and lost—ayes 43,nay563.
A.
I . S. House of Representative*.
STANDING committees.
Committee of Elections—Messrs. Washburn,
of Maine, Stephens, Watson, Spinner, Oliver,
of Missouri, Hickman, Colfax, Smith, of Ala
bama, and Bingham.
Committee of Ways and Means—Messrs.
Giddings, Letcher. Bishop, Jones, of Pennsyl
vania, Dunn, of Indiana,'Knowlton,, Taylor,
Gilbert, and Marshall, of Illinois.
Committee on Commerce—Messrs. Wash
burne. of Illinois, Wade, Millson, McQueen,
Tyson, Kennett, Pelton, Coming, and Eustis.
Committee on Public Lands—Messrs. Ben
net, of Now York, Harlan, Cobb,of Alabama.
Lindley, Cullen, Walbridge, Brenton, Maxwell,
and Thorington.
—Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads
Messrs. Mace, Norton, Flagler, Barclay, Day,
Powell, Walker, Wood, and Herbert.
Committee on the District of Columbia
Messrs. Meacham, Dodd, Goode, Cumback,
Dick, Harris, of Maryland, Bennet, of Miss.,
Trafton and Bell.
Committee on the J udiciary—Mtssrs. Sim
mons, H. Marshall, of Kentucky, Barbour,
Caskie, Galloway, Harris, of Alabama, Leake,
Wakeman and Tappan.
Committee on Revolutionary Claims-Messrs.
Ritchie, Murray, Smith, of Virginia, English,
Fuller, ol Maine, Allen, Clawson, Cragin, and
Kmrie.
Committee on Public Expenditures—Messrs.
Dean, Covodc, Kelly, Mott, Pearce, Vail, El
lie tt, Waldron and Branch.
Joint Committee o.; Printing— Messrs. Nich
ols, Oragin and Flagler.
Committeeon Private Laud Claims—Messrs.
Porter, Horton, of Ohio, Thorington, Etheridge,
Bowie, Sandidge, Herbert, Robison, and Hor
ton, of New York.
Committee on Manufactures—Messrs. Clark,
of Connecticut, Knight, Crawford, Bliss, Dur
fee, Edwards, Dowdell, Campbell, of Kentucky,
and Ricaud.
Committee on Agriculture—Messrs. Hallo
way, Ready, Grow, Bell, Campbell, of Ohio,
Morgan, Sabin, Cullen mid McMullen.
Committee on Indian A flairs—Messrs. Prin
gle, Orr, Billinghurst, Greenwood, Leiter, Hall,
of Massachusetts, Todd, Caruthers and Her
bert.
Committee on Territories—Messrs. Grow,
Giddings, Purviancc, Richardson, Houston,
Granger, Zollicoffer, Morrill and Perry.
Committee on Revolutionary Pensions—
Messrs. Broom, Albright, Edmundson, Miller,
of N. \ ork, Miller, ol Indiana, Craige, Knapp,
"Woodruff, and Hall, of lowa.
Committeeon Invalid Pensions—Messrs. An
drew Oliver, of New York, Pike, Florence,
Savage, ’Welsh, Talbott, Jackson, Lumpkin and
Robbins.
Committee on Roads and Canals—Messrs.
Knox, Hnghston, Ruffin, Scott, Peck, Moore,
Barksdale, Bradshaw and Rust.
Committeeon Military Affairs—Messrs. Quit
man, Allison, Sapp, Faulkner, ’Williams, Stan
ton, Denver, Buffington, and Washburne, of
Wisconsin.
Committee on the Militia—Messrs. Kunkel,
AVhitucy, Harrison, Hoffman, Foster, Parker,
AVatkins, AVright, of J/iss„ and Hall, of Mass.
Committee on Naval Affairs—Messrs. Ben
son, Stranahan, Bocock, Haven, AVinslow, Se
ward, Davis, of Mass., Boyce and Milward.
Commit tee on Foreign Affairs—Messrs. Pen
nington, Bayly, Cliugman Aiken, Fuller of
Pennsylvania, Matteson.Sherman, Burlingame,
and Thurston.
Committee on Patents—Messrs. Morgan,
Chaffee, Smith of Tennesssc, Pain and Eddy.
Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds
—Messrs. Ball. Todd, Puryear Kcitt, and Rob ■
erts.
Committee on Revisal and Unfinished Busi
ness.—Messrs. Sabin, Knowlton, Warner, Clark
of New York, and Shorter.
Committee on Accounts—Messrs. Thurston,
Codwalder, Nichols, Buffington, and Carlile.
Committee on Mileage.—Messrs. Sneed,
Brooks, Kelsey. Evans, and Woodworth.
Joint Committee on the Library jfessrs.
Aiken, Tysou, and Pettit.
Committee on Enrolled Bills—Messrs Pike
and Davidson.
Committee on Expenditures of the State
Department.—Messrs, Brooks, Smith of Tenn
essee, Parker, King, and Damrell.
Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury
Department,—Messrs. Waldron, AVells Alex
ander K Marshall of Kentucky, Kidwell, and
Clawson.
Committee on Expenditures in the War Do
partment.—Messrs. Cragin, Valk, Jewett, Ri.
vers, and Covodc.
Committee on Engraving.—Messrs. Kelsey,
Damrell, and Wright of Tenn’
Committee on Expenditures in the Navy De
partment.—Messrs, Harris of 111., Wheeler,
Washburne of AVisconsin, Underwood, and
AVright of Tenn.
Committee on Expenditure in the post-office
Depatrment.—Messrs. Pettit, Cox, Williams,
Burnett, and Reade.
Committee on Expenditures on Public Buil
dings.—Messrs. McMullen, McCarty, Stewart,
Swope, and Trippe.
ARRIVAL OF THE
oa.kta.ua.
[telegraphed expressly for the daily kx-
AMINKR.]
ADVANCE IN COTTON.
RE ACE ALMOST CERTAIN.
New York, Feb. 18.
The steamer Canada has arrived. She brings
advices of the advanc* of Cotton 1-8 d. Sales
8;>,000 bales. Market closed steady and quiet.
Pence is regarded us almost certain.
L VTEST NEWS in EXPRESS.
From the Fejee Islands.
New York, Feb. 10.
Intelligence has been received by the St. Lou
is that the Sloop-of-Wur John Adams had
burnt five of the largest towns in the Fejee Is
lands, in consequence of the inhabitants having
plundered several American ships. A treaty
of peace was afterwards signed.
Letter from Gen. Houston.
New York, Feb. 15.
The Post contains a letter from Gen. Hous
ton, addressed to President Pierce, in which the
writer declares that no consideration would in
duce him to remain, iu official jxwition, at
Washington.