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ATLANTA WEEKLY EXAMINER.
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JOHN H. STEELE, Editor.
VOLUME 11.
THE WEEKLY EXAMINER
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THURSDAY, JUNE 5, 1856.
Speech of the Hon. Howell Cobb.
Our readers will find in our paper of to day,
a speech of thia distinguished representative in
Congress from our State—commencing on the
first page—on the “ Election Bill for the City
of Washington.” The measure, although a
local, is nevertheless one of great pnblic impor
tance, to which Mr. Cobb’s speech Imparts an
interest not felt by those who are not immedi
ately interested in its provisions; the law which
governs the polls at the Capital of our Union ;
and the abuses of the ballot box which have
prevailed there.
We take this occasion, too, to call the atten
tion of our readers to the following article,
which we copy from the Macon Journal &
Messenger,” in which allusion is made to Mr
Cobb, and to tho “ Elements of popularity ”
that exist in him.
Mr. Cobb—Elements of Popularity.
“It is amusing that whilst Mr. Cobb has for
years, scouted the idea of riding behind anybody
in the Presidential ’race, his availability even
as candidate for Vice President is questioned.
The well informed New York correspondent of
the Charleston Courier in a letter of the 20th
inst. save:
“Politics absorb almost everything else.—
The cauldron begins to seethe and bubble and
boil. Not only the various parties, but con
tending factions of the same party are toiling
and working against each other with the des -
Deration of despair. Who will be the n»ra
inee of the 'Democratic and Black Repub
lican Conventions, no one seems able or willing
to predict. As far as this city is concerned.
Buchanan is the man of the Democratic party
while it makes no difference who the Black
Republicans put up, as he is sure to be black
balled when it comes to voting.
« Mr. Fillmore, too, is extremely popular. If
tbtre were a ghost of a chance of his success
THE CHEAPEST POLITICAL AND NEWSPAPER IN THE SOUTH—A WEEKLY FIRESIDE COMPANION FOR ONLY ONE DOLLAR A YEAR, IN ADVANCE.
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the great mass of no party men would support
him. With us, the choice is between the nom
inee of the American and Democratic Conven
tions—anything to kill the Black Republicans.
If Mr. Pierce or Mr. Douglass is nominated,
and the party sticks to them, there are fears
that the Black republicans will go in. . Hunt
er, of Virginia, with some good Northern man
snch as Greene C. Bronson, would sweep the
country.
Here, as everywhere else, there is a strong
feeling in favor of your distinguished citizen,
Gov. Aiken. Were he placed on the same
ticket with Mr. Buchanan, nothing could pre
vail against them. There are few Southern
men against whom so little, and in whose favor
so much, is said by the Northern newspapers,
as Gov. Aiken. Cobb, of Georgia, has not the
same elements of popularity.”
Now this is too bad. After Mr. Cobb has
performed so many missions to Tammany, and
extended his labors of love to New Hampshire
that his efforts in the great cause of “civil and
and ’religious liberty” should be so poorly ap
preciated ! “Elements of popularity 1” That’s
the sensation. Alas, alas, for the country.”
The article to which the “ Journal & Mes
senger” refers, and which it copies for the
purpose of giving Governor Cobb a ''lefthand
cd lick,” made its appearance a few days ago in
the Charleston Courier, and was written with
the evident intention of showing up Mr. Fill
more’s extreme popularity, and of flattering
Gov. Aiken, a gentleman, “every inch of him,”
but who, when 'compared to Gov. Cobb, as a
statesman, or legislator, or as exercising influ
ence through the force of his intellect, is, all
candid men will admit, who know them both,
just “no where." The article, too, we will
venture the assertion, is written by u political
enemy of both these gentlemen, but who, aware
of Gov. Aiken’s personal, and well deserved
popularity in Charleston, could not compliment
one democrat, without qualifying it by cun
ningly depreciating another, and that other
must, of course, be, not an obscure but a distin
guished individual. In this light, there are but
few observant readers of “ penny liner ” New
York, or Washington City Correspondents,
who do not view all such effusions, and we are
sure that but for a “ hard hearted ” prejudice
against Gov. Cobb, that the Editors of the
“ Journal and Messenger ” would not have so
glorified over the estimate placed upon the
elements of popularity ” in one of Georgia's
most distinguished sons, by the Charleston
Conrier’a New York Correspondent. They
went off, however, upon that “sensation," and
“ Alas, alas, for the country,” we fear they
too often do so for the welfare of the South.
Elements of popularity! What are they ?
Suavity of manners, genteel deportment, some
times u fawning and sycophancy, or demagogue
ism, that the man of talent, of true merit, the
patriot, or statesman, despises 1 No, no, such
are not Gov. Cobb’s elements of popularity,
and God forbid they ever should be. The
“ elements” of his popularity are of an order
not apt to draw forth eulogies from New York
Correspondents, who, in Millard Fillmore,
see extreme “ popularity,” and in Gov
ernor Cobb not so much as in Governor
Aiken. Georgia’s distinguished favorite has
earned for himself, a popularity at home,
and attained a celebrity abroad, from the
display of elements iu his character thot com
mand respect where it is worth commanding,
even though his high position and influence
may thwart or foil political opponents: In
this latter category we must place the Journal
& Messenger, and trust that its Editors wiP
hereafter be willing to concede something to
Gov. Cobb, on the score of merit and his em
inent services to the State and the South. If
not, it may be thought, by aven tome of their
readers, that there is no little of personal malice
mixed up with their rejoicings at disparage
ment of Gov. Cobb, come from what quarter
it may.
CONGRESSIONAL
of Hon. Howell Cobb,
OF GEORGIA.
On the election bill for the city ofWashington;
delivered in the House of Representatives
May 15, 1656.
Mr. COBB. I_desire to reply to the remarks
which have beeu made on the other s'de of the
question, and I also'intend to propose an amend
ment myself. Therefore, I am not willing to
pursue a course which will preclude me from
that opportunity.
The gentleman from Maryland. Mr. Speak
er, who has just taken kis seat, became more
ardent, mere eloquent, and more enthusiastic
at that point of his remarks where he indulged
in a charge of coalition against his friends on
this side of the House with the republicans on
the other side.
The gentleman seemed to lay much stress
upon the idea that to carry this bill through
there had been a coaliaon between the repub
lican and the democratic parties. The history
of this session of Congress, made up on your
record, will exhibit to the country whether the
coalition with the republicans has been more
frequently made and more successfully carried,
out by the party of my friend from Maryland
or by the democratic party. There was uot a
full coalition at the time that you, sir, was con
ducted to that chair, but it was not the fault
of my friend from Maryland. [Laughter.] He
says now that on this question «e have formed
a coalition. Will he look at the record and
see how the vote stands on the test questions
that have been before the House ? If he does,
he will find himself, there recorded with a much
larger number of the'republican party than - Ik
will find recorded with this side of the Hoose.
But in addition to all that, sir, my friend from
Kentucky [Mr. H. Marshall] was not so hor
rified at the idea of coalition with the repub
lican party on yesterday, for lie made a direct
appeal to them to come to the rescue, and to
stand by them. Not only is the coalition ex
isting between you and the majority of the re
publican party, but it is actually existing at
your earnest request, and all who do not unite
and co-operate with you have themselves, and
not you, to blame for that. You are innocent.
My friend from Ky. on yesterday appealed to
them. He said:
“Gentleman on the otherside will understand
that I am not surprised at the course they are
pursuing. I have always understood their
views ; but I bad supposed that the views of
this side of the House where more conservative
of the rights of the native citizen, and more
nearly coincided with the views of the great
mass of the American people upon the questions
connected with suffrage.”
My friend from Ky. thought yesterday that
his party and the republican party were nearer
together than were the republican party and
the democratic party. I thought he was right
yesterday ; I am of the same opinion to day;
and I give him the full benefit of all that he can
make out of it. But the gentleman from Mary
land is not only responsible for the appeals
made by his party associate ; he himself con
cluded his argument to day by addressing him
self most earnestly to the anti-Nebraska senti
ment of that side of the House in order to in
duce a sympathy with him on this question,
and to get them to unite with him in warring
on this bill. lake,’then, your own appeal, the
appeal of your friend, your own record, the rec
ord of your friends made during this session of
Congress, and they all point to that more im
portant coalition which is to defeat the demo
cratic candidate for the presidency, and, if you
have the power, and if your influence be felt, to
instal into the presidential chair a black repub
lican.
But, sir, I am not disposed to leave the true
merits of this question, and to follow the gen
tleman from Maryland off on these side issues.
He has made points on this bill, and I propose
to meet them. Sir, the best reply that I can
offer to what has been said by my friend from
Maryland would be to call the attention of the
House for one moment to the provisions of this
bill. What are they ? Four objects are pro
posed to be accomplished by it. One is to
prevent the commissioners of elections from
committing frauds in the election. Another is
to enable the minority of the board of aidermen
and common council to have a voice at the polls
by having a representative of their own friends
there, although he will be in a minority. The
third is to provide for additional precincts in
order that all the citizens may have an opportu
nity of voting without such scenes of riot, con
fusion, and, it niay be, bloodshed, as have oc
curred in other cities. The fourth is to give
ample time for voting—between seven oclock
in the morning and seven o’clock in the af
ternoon. These are the four provisions of the
bill which have been denounced as such an out
rage on American sentiment and American
principle.
Which one of these provisions outrages the
American sentiment of the country ? Is it that
which requires your commissioners of election
to act honestly ? for, with all that my friend
from Maryland has said, no honest commissioner
will subj“ct himself to the penalties of the law.
Every dishonest one ought to be subjected to
them. I apprehend, then, that no one will
place his opposition to the bill upon that pro
vision. I wi.l discuss more fully the details of
the argument in regard to that provision. Is
there an objection to allowing the minority a
member of the board of commisioners of elec
tion, as provided for in this bill? Do gentle
men desire that the majority shall have the en
tire control of the ballot box, connected with
the fact that they are unwilling to subject
those who have the control of the votes to the
penalties which this law proposes to impose for
dishonest and fraudulent conduct ?
Put the two provisions together, and a man
less charitable than myself might place a very
unfavorable construction upon the opposition
of gentlemen to these provisions of the bill—
the construction that you are determined, first,
that the minority shall have no commissioner
there to aid in superintending the election; and
that you are determined, secondly, that a com
missioner who perpetrates fraud upon any citi
sen, or upon all the citizens, shall not be pun
ished therefore. The ether remaining provis
ions of the bill the gentleman from Maryland
says he does not object to.
Now, I ask wbat is there in all this to incur
the hostility and opposition that have been
manifested on this floor against the passage of
this bill ? Gentlemen say that this question
of suffrage is not properly regulated in this city.
I agree with them ; it is not properly regulated.
And, sir, when we had a bill before this House
for the purpose of correcting that evil, it met
a fate with which every one here is familiar.—
The reason of the question which was then
made to it was because we were seeking to cor
rect those ineqnalitiesin regard to the right of
suffrage. That bill had to be abandoned by its
friends; we had to leave for another time the
correction of those things of which we com
plain in regard to the right of suffrage, in order
that we might at least strive under the present
law to secure the benefits of an honest elec
tion.
Now, sir, what we desired was to pass this
bill, and allow this people, under the existing
laws, to have a fair and honest bona fide ex
pression of the public sentiment through the
legally authorized voters at the election that is
soon to transpire. Does any man believe that
the passage of this bill will prevent that result?
Has any man offered an argument to show that
the passage of this bill will produce any other
than a fair expression of public opinion ? If
not, then why not give this people the benefit
of these provisions, and allow them to have
this law carried into effect in time to [permit
them to derive the benefit of it at the coming
election?
But my friend from Ki nt icky, not content
with there provisions, u'though be and his
foiends defeated -the bill I upon that ground,
when it was proposed to settle this very ques
tion of suffrage;-comes in now with an amend
ment, for the purpose of amending the law on
the'subject of suffrage. To that amendment,
sir, lam utterly opposed. I desire that it may
be read, iu order that I may present to the
House my reasons for opposing; and I believe
that, if understood by this House, it. will be
voted down. I shall, in this connexion, offer
to the gentleman from Kentucky a substitute
for his amendment; and I will give my rea
sons for it after it has been read.
Mr. Marshall’s amendment was reported as
follows:
Provided, That any alien being naturalized
between December and the day of election, in
any year shall be entitled to vote at the next
succeeding election, only on the same condi
tions as are required, by existing laws, of na
tive-born citizens who may arrive at the age of
twenty-one years between December and the
day of election, in the same year.
Mr. Cobb. Now sir, upon its face that
amendment appears all right, and its injustice
is only seen and known when you come to look
at it in connexion with the law as it now stands
—the construction put upon which was so
much c mplained of by the gentleman from
Maryland, [Mr. Davis.]
Under the existing laws, no one has a right
to vote, unless he be a citizen, has arrived at
the age of twenty-one years, and, in addition to
that, has paid his school tax. No one is re
quired to pay his school tax, unless his name is
placed upon the register prior to the 31st of
December. And when that register is made up
on the 31st of December, the question is then
ascertained who shall vote at the next election.
A young wan arriving at the age of twenty-one
years after the 31st of December is not put
upon the register, because be was not subject
to the school tax; therefore his name, while he
was yet a minor, was not placed upon the reg
ister, and he is not eligible to vote at the next
election, because of his failure, owing to his mi
nority, to pay his sehool tax.
It has been construed by the courts, and your
city council have acted upon the same con
struction, that an unnaturalized citizen is a cit
izen within the meaning of this law, so that be
is registered and required to pay the school
tax. That is the reason why the naturalized
citizen, who is naturalized between the 31st of
December and the day of election, is entitled to
vote, while the native-born citizen, who at the
same time arrives at the age of twenty-one, is
not; because, by law, they have made that
right to depend upon registry and the payment
of school tax. I trust lam understood by the
House.
Now, what does the gentleman from Ken
tucky propose to do by his amendment ? He
proposes to exclude the naturalized citizen who
iias been naturalized since the 31st of Decem
ber, and before the election, from the right to
vote, because the native-born citizen who ar
rives at the age of twenty-one years is also ex
cluded ; but with this discrimination, that the
native is not made to pay tax, while the natu
ralized citizen is registered and made to pay a
school tax. Thct is hisamendment. It is that
you shall say to the naturalized citizen, “You
shall pay a tax, but you shall not vote;” while
they say to the native-born citizen, “You
shall not vote, and we will not require you to
pay any tax.”
Mr. Keitt. I ask the gentleman from
Georgia whether the amendment of the gentle
man from Kentucky does not impose the same
conditions upon the native as upon the natural
ized citizea?
Mr. Cobb. I know that the phraseology of
the amendment is calculated to produce that
impression ; but the gentleman from Kentucky
will not deny that I am placing the proper con
struction on his amendment.
Mr. Marshall. I understand the operation
of my amendment to be as plain as language
can express it— that the same conditions shall
apply to both. As to the distinction which the
gentleman from Georgia names—that you will
require the alien to pay a tax and be register
ed—let me say that I do not understand that
you make a registration of the alien at all,
and therefore be could not be required to pay a
tax.
Mr. Cnbb. If he does not pay a tax and is
not upon the register he cannot vote ; under
the existing law he is excluded, jnst as a native
born citizen is excluded when he arrives at the
age of twenty-one years between the 31st De
cember and the day of election. The distinc
tion which I have drawn is the truth. I will
test the sincerity of gentlemen on the other
side of the House in reference to this matter
by now asking my friend from Kentucky, in
stead of urging his amendment which excludes
aliens, to extend the right of suffrage both to
the naturalized citizen who was naturalized
after the 31st of December, and to the native
born citizen who arrives at the age of twenty
one years after the 31st of December. I say
that I am not in favor of excluding the native
born citizen ; and as the gentleman from Ken
tucky has control of this matter, having the
motion to commit in his control, and also his
amendment, I ask him to modify his amend
ment so as to provide that the foreign-born
citizen who is naturalized between the 31st of
December and the day of election shall be ad
mitted to registry and allowed to vote; and,
also, that the native-born citizen who arrives at
the age of twenty-one years between the periods
of time shall also be allowed to vote.
Mr. Marshall. Will the gentleman indulge
me? I read from the charter:
“ The said corporation shall have power to
lay and collect a school tax on every free white
male citizen."
Mr. Cobb. Has my friend so soon forgotten
the argument made by the gentleman from
Maryland ? Has the House forgotten the ar
gument based on the opinion given by the ju
dicial officers of this District, and the opinions
given by the attorneys to the board of aider
men and common councilmen, and on which
they have acted—that they have construed the
word “citizen” uot to be a citizen of the United
States, but a citizen of the city of Washington ?
I know that tl*3 thing can be covered over
darkly, and we may have some difficulty in ar
riving at the truth.' I know that this bill may
be defeated by putting in an unjust amendment
like this, and'gentlemea arrayed against it be
cause it is founded upon an erroneous construc
tion of the law. I will pnt an end to the ques
tion. I again appeal to the gentleman from
Kentucky to alter his amendment, so as to
pernut the citizen wbo is naturalized between
31st of December and the day of election, and
the native-born citizen who arrives at the age
of twenty-one between the same periods of
time, to vote; and I will support his amend
ment. What is the objection to it ?
Mr. Marshal!.. The gentleman makes a di
rect appeal to me. I say to him that my mo
tion to commit this bill to the Committee of
the Whole on the state of the Union will af
ford me the opportunity to present to the com
mittce an amendment which will put the suf
frage on what I conceive to be the proper ba
sis. I will present that amendment if the
House will go into committee and give me a
chance.
Mr. Cobb. I beg that the House, if they in
tend to do justice, will mark well this conver
sational argument between the gentleman from
Kentucky and myself. Mark you. he has his
amendment pending here. If the motion to
commit be voted down, no one will have an
opportunity to move to amend his amendment.
I stands ready for a vote. He has it in his
power to put that amendment right. I again
appeal to him to place the amendment on the
principle which I have presented to the House.
lie complains that we desire to discriminate
against thonative born citizen. I repudiate it
in my own behalf, and in behalf of those with
whom I am politically associated ; and before
this House and the country I repeat the test to
the gentleman from Kentucky .’ I challenge
him to meet me on the ground of equality be
tween the naturalized citizen and the native
born. Does lie stiff refuse ? Is there no re
lenting of that stern American sentiment
against the naturalized citizen ? Will he ex
clude the native born, because, by admitting
him to the right to vote, the same right is giv
en to the naturalized citizen ? I put it to the
candor and frankness of this House to say
whether or not the gentleman from Kentucky
stands justified before the country in still fur
ther urging that amendment, the language of
which has already created a false impression on
ano less intelligent gentleman than my friend
from South Carolina, ] Mr. Keitt.] Now ifyou
want it free of all doubt, of all difficulty, so
that everybody will understand it, and that ev
ery man of this House who is controlled by
right feeling and a proper spirit may vote for
it, make the amendment as I have proposed.—
I again appeal to my friend from Kentucky.
[Laughter.] My amendment would be that
every native-born citizen arriving at the age
of twenty-one after the 31st of December,
shall have the right to have his name register
ed, and that he shall be subject to the burdens
and entitle! to the privileges, of others who
have been registered. I would go further ; I
would even allow those young men who have
arrived at the age of twenty-one between De
cember and the day of election to vote without
the payment of a tax. I would go even furth
er, and extend that privilege to all voters.
I trust that the gentleman will bear in mind
the provisions of this amendment and its effect,
and not forget the refusal of my friend to make
it clearly intelligible when they come to vote
on this matter ; and I appeal to the friends of
the bill to vote down the amendment unless
it be made right, as well as the mo.ion to com«
mit.
One word in reference to the construction of
this law. They object to th’s law because my
friend from Maryland says that we have the
judicial officers, the marshal, the jarors—that
we have control of the whole machinery of
the judicial department of this District, and
that this is the ground work for persecuting
commissioners who honestly and faitbfully dis
charge their duties. lam not familiar with
the details ol criminal law in this District,
bat I apprehend that here, as well as in every
other portion of our country, ample provision’s
are made to insure to all persons accused of
crime a fair and impartial trial. I want to
know on what evidence it is connected with the
past history of the judicial courts—the crimi
nal court of this District—whether under a
democratic or any otlier administration of the
government, the gentleman from Maryland
charges that your judge, your tnaishal, your
jurors are so corrupt that they can be made
willing tools to carry out the infamous proceed
ings of politicians, and punish honest men who
are free from the charge of any crime whatever?
When has it been done?
If this House are prepared to say, on the
gentleman's statement, that your judge, your
marshal, and your jurors, under the system
orovided by law for the execution of the crim
nal laws of this District; are so corrupt that
you cannot trust in their bands the trial of there
commissioners of election, the responsibility
rests on every member to sec to it that other
citizens for other offences are rescued from this
corrupt and infamous judiciary of the District
of Columbia. Can my friend from Maryland
sit still and have his anxiety and his enthusiasm
aroused for no other men but these commiss
ioners of election ? Will all the other citizens
of the District continue to be subjected to
this corrupt marshal, this dishonest judge, these
infamous jurors? and is there no voice raised
on the floor of this House to ask of Congress
a remedy for these evils in the future, and that
justice may done in the criminal court of this
District? It is a miserable scare-crow raised
up by the gutleman from Maryland for the pur
pose of hiding his retreat from the argument
My friend from Maryland does not believe that
that state of corruption exists here. If he
does, the sooner he asks for an investigation
leading to an impeachment of these officers, the
better. They deserve it.
Mr. Davis, of Maryland. Removal from of
fice is a shorter remedy.
Mr. Cobb. How do you propose to do
that?
Mr, Davis. On tie 4th of March next.
Mr. Cabb. W hen your party gets into pow
er?
Mr. Davis. Precisely so ; by that means.
Mr. Cobb. Death will remove them all
long before that time. [Laughter.]
Mr. Davis. Does the honorable gentleman
suppose that the midnight assassins will take
them off before that time?
Mr. Cobb. Ido not know of the movements
of there midnight assassins. You complain
of them in Baltimore. My friend from Ken
tacky complains of some in Louisville. I know
nothing about it.
Mr. Davis. We dealt with them summarily
in both places.
Mr. Cobb. I expect you di i, before as well
after the election. That was what created the
difficul y. If you had not been dealing with
them there would have been no trouble.
Mr. Speaker. I have considered the provis
ions of this bill. I believe it was my friend,
from Alabama [Mr. Walker] who desired to
insert the word “wilfully” after the word
“knowing.” Ido not object to that ; but 1
say that the argument upon that branch of the
subject is intended only to create difficulty and
trouble in the passage of this bill, the gentle
mau from Maryland told you that if you put
in those words he would not vote for it. That
would uot be sufficient for his purpose. With
out going into a technical argument upon the
legal significance of the word, “knowi.igly,” I
put the question to every inciqber of this
House, and by his answer to his con cience let
him control his vote, if you pass a law for the
punishment of a Commissioner, for -knowing'
ly” refusing to allow a man to vote, and there
by violating a provision of this law, is there a
man here who believes that there can be found
a judge or jury who will convict such a com
missioner when he comes with clian hands and
exhibits an honest purpose to discharge his
duty as such commissioner ? Is there a judge
who sits upon the bench, or a jury that sits iu
the box, who, for any political or party pur
pose, would allow the conviction of an honest
man who has attempted honestly and faithfully
to discharge his duty ? There is n>t a man
here who believes that any such conviction ever
will take place, because tiie law would nbt au
thorize or justify it, and we are bound to be
lieve that the Courts will enforce the law.—
And, as is suggested by my friend from South
Carolina, if they were disposed to conviction of
these parties, could th =y do it under the lan
guage used iu this bill without there was man
ifested a clear intent on the part of the accused
te violate the law?
But, in addition to all that, the friends of
this bill occupy a strange position. At pres
ent they are excluded, or no. heard, in the ap
pointment of commissioners. This law pro
vides the mode in which they shall have a hear
ing. Their own commissioners are subjected
to the penalties of this bill, as well as the com
misioners appointed by the oppnsite parties ;
and is it not strange that men who are seeking
for the first time to obtain a right which, un
der the administration of thin city government,
they couid not obtain, should now ask to have
pains and penalties attached that will operate up
thcmselves and their own friends, unless they
believed that these pains and penalties were
necessary for the purpose of protecting the
ballot-boxes ?
I shall not, Mr. Speaker, reply to the re
marks of the gentleman from Maryland in ref
erence to the administration urging this meas
ure forward. For myself, lam perfectly will
ing you should hold them responsible for it. I
have in these few remarks placed myself upon
the record in defence of the provisions of this
bill. I put that defe. ce upon the principles o;
justice uud equality. The arguments I have
offered upon the subject of suffrace rest upon
the principle of perfect equality between natu
ralized or native born citizens ; und, so far as
the bill goes in reference to the punishment of
men committing a fraud upon the ballot-boxes,
I desire to know who here stand opposed to it ?
Let the record be made, We tender the issue
if gentlemen see proper to meet it. There rests
the isss te; and let the country decide between
us who is right and who is wrong. 1 ora wilU
ing to abide the judgment of the people through
out the land upon the principles involved in this
bill.
Senators Sumner and Butler.
The following is that portion of Senator
Sumner’s speech relating to Senator Butler
which provoked the attack upon him by Mr.
Brooks, who is a relative of our respected Sen
ator :
“But before entering upon the argument, 1
must say something of a general character,
particularly in tesponse to what has fallen from
Senators who raised themselves to eminence on
this floor in championship of human wrongs ;
I mean the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr
Butler,) and the Senator from Illinois. (Mr.
Douglas,) wbo, though unlike as Don Quixote
and Sancho Fanza, yet, like this couple, sally
forth together in the same cause. The Senator
from South Carolina has read many books o
chivalry, and believes liimsdf a chivalrous
knight, with sentiments of honor and courage.
Os cotirse he has chosen a mistress to whom he
has made bis vows, and who, though ugly to
others, is always lovely to hinr; though pollu
ted iu the sight of the world, is chaste in his
sight—l mean the harlot, slavery. For her,
his tongue is always proluse in words. Let bei
be itupi’aclied.in character, or any proposition
madJNfrHiut her oat from the execution of her
wantonness, and no extravagance of manner or
hardihood of ass rtion is then too great for this
Senator. The frenzy of Don Quixote, in be
half of his wench Dulcinea del Toboeo, is all
surpassed. The asserted rights of Slavery,
which shock equality of all kinds, are cloaked
by a fantastic claim—equality. If the Slave
States cannot enjoy what, in mockery of the
great fathers of the Republic, be misnames
equality under the Constitution—iu other words,
the full power in the National Territories to
compel fellow men to unpaid toil, to separate
husband and wife, and to sell little children at
the auction block, then, sir, the chivalric Sena
tor will conduct the State of South Carolina
out of the Union! Heroic Knight! Exalted
Senator 1 A second Moses come for a second
Exodus. •
But not contented with this poor menace
which we have been twice told was ‘•measured,”
the Senator, in the unrestrained chivalry of his
nature, has undertaken to apply opprobrious
words to those who differ from him on this floor.
He calls them “sectional and fanatical and
opposition to the usurpation in Kansas, he de
nounces as “an uncalculating fanaticism ” To
be sure, these charms lack all grace of origi
nality, and all sentiment of truth ; but the ad
venturous Senator does not hesitate. lie is
the uncompromising, unblushing representative
on this U’jor of a flagrant sectionalism, which
now domineers over the Republic, and yet with
a ludicrous ignorance of bis own position—un
able to see himself as others see him—or with
T. BURKE, PROPRIETO
NUMBER 43.
I au effrontery which even bis white head oughl
not to protect froti rebuke, he applies to those
here who resist his sectionalism the very epithel
which designates himself. ’I he men who strive
to bring back the Government to its origina
] policy, when Freedom and not Slavery was
, national, he arraigns a3 sectional. 'lbis wil
i not do. It involves too great a perv. rsion ol
I terms. I tell that Senator, that it is to him
. self, and to the “organization” of which he is
i the ‘'committed advocate,” that this cpiihet
belongs. I now fasten it upon them, ror
. myselt I care little Tor names, hot since tin
> question has been raised here. 1 affirm that the
Republican party of the Union is in no just
, sense stctional, but, more than any other party.
national; and that it now goes forth to dislodge
. from the high places of the Government the
tyrannical sectionalism of which the Senator
, from South Carolina is one of tlie maddest
• zealots.
To the charge of fanaticism 1 also reply. Str,
fanaticism is found in an enthusiasm or exng
j geration of opinions particularly on religious
subjects; but there may be a fanaticism for
evil as well as for good. Now, I will not deny
J that there arc parsons among us loving liberty
too well for their personal good, in a selfish
generation. Such there may be, and, for the
sake of their example, would that there were
more! In calling them “fanatics” you cast
contumely upon the whole army of martyrs,
from the earliest day down to this hour, upon
the great tribunes of human rights, by whom
life, liberty and happiness on earth, have been
secured ; upon the long line of devoted patriots,
who throughout history, have truly loved their
country ; and, upon all, who, in noble aspira
tions for the general good and in forgetfulness
of self have stood out before their age, anil
gathered into their generous bosoms the shafts
of tyranny and wrong, in order to make a path
way for Truth.
You discredit Luther, when alone he
nailed his articles to the door of the church
at Wittenberg, and then, to the imperial de
mand, that he should retract, firmly replied :
“Here I stand ; I cannot do otherwise, so help
me God!” You discredit Hampden, when
alone he refused to pay the few shillings of
ship-money, and shook the throne of Charles I;
you discredit M ilton, when, amidst the corrup
tions of a heartless court, be lived on, the lofty
friend of liberty, above Question or suspicion ;
you discredit Russell and Sidney, when, for the
sake of their country, they calmly turned from
family and friends, to tread t. e narrow steps of
the scaffold ; you discredit the early founders
of American institutions, who preferred the
hardships of a wilderness, surrounded by a
savage foe, to injustice on beds of ease; you
discredit your later fathers, who, few in num
bers and weak in resources, yet strong in their
cause, did not hesitate to brave tlie mighty
power of England, already encircling the globe
with her morning drum beats.
Yes, sir, of such are the fanatics of history,
according to the Sena or. But 1 tell that Sen
ator, that there arc characters bad y eminent,
of wh tse fanaticism there can be no question.
Such were the ancient Egyptians, who wor
shipped divinities in brutish forms ; the Druids,
who darkened the forests of oak, in which they
lived, by sacrifices of blood ; the Mexicans,
who surrendered countless victims to the pro
pitiation of their obs one idols ; the Spaniards,
who, under Alva, sought to force the inquisi
tion upon Holland, by a tyranny kindred to
that now employed to force slavery upon Kan
sas! and such were the Algerines, when in
solemn conclave, after listening to a speech not
unlike that of the Senator from South Caroli
na, they resolved to continue the slavery of
white Christians, and to extend it to the coun
trymen of Washington ! Aye, sir, extend it!
And in this same dreary catalogue faithful his
tory most recoid all who now, in an enlightened
age and in a land of boasted Freedom, stand
up, in perversion of the Constitution and in de
nial of immortal truth, to fasten a new shackle
upon their fellow man. If the Senator wishes
to see fanatics let him look around among his
own associates ; let him look at himself.
ARRIV ALOFTHESTEAM SHIP
BALTIC.
Four Days Later From Europe.
Nkw York, May 27.
The American steamer Baltic, Captain
Ccmstock, bos arrived with Liverpool dates to
Muy 14.
Cotton Market.
There bak been no change in the Cotton
market since the sailing of the Canada. Sales
on Monday, Tucsdhy and Wednesday, fifteen
thousand bales. . •
Manchester Trade.
Trade in the Manufacturing districts about
the-same as previously reported.
Political News.
Gen. Walker’s buttle at Rivas, as well as
Central American affairs generally, hud excited
bnt little attention in England.
Russia and Sweeden, at a conference at 01-
denberg, had agreed to the proposition of Den
mark, in regard to the Sound Dues, if other na
tions interested will acquiesce.
Affairs in relation to Italy are liberally dis
cussed.
Russia is commencing another campaign
against the Circassians.
A commercial treaty has been concluded be
tween the United States and Persia.
Russia demands an explanation of the terms
as well as the reasons for the secret treaty
betwteeu France, England and Austria, which
guaranties the independence of Turkey.
The Kandnl Case.
New Orleans, May 24.—The Marshal Hau
sou case, in the matter of the United States vs,
Mr. Kendall, the late postmaster in this city
was concluded this evening, the jury after del
berating for half an hour, having found a ver
dict of not guilty.